I too, want to express my pleasure at the release of Nelson Mandela. It is a momentous event and it is a milestone in the struggle against apartheid. After 27 years, as the longest serving political prisoner in the world, Nelson Mandela is free. He is a courageous man, a principled man, but it is not so much for the release of the man as a person that we are celebrating here today and debating this motion on South Africa. It is for what he stood, that he was a symbol of his people, of resistance against the apartheid state in South Africa. It is in that context that we can now see South Africa entering into the second phase. Now that the man has got this freedom, we have the second phase, namely, the freedom of a people for whom he was the symbol.
At this time, when we are celebrating his release, we must remember what has contributed so largely to his release. It is, of course, primarily the tremendous struggle that has gone on in South Africa by the black oppressed people there, for their rights as human beings to equality with their white colleagues but, secondly, the very strong line of support has been the international community. The international community, first, in the form of the United Nations which advocated sanctions against South Africa, then, specifically the EC, which collectively decided to impose sanctions on South Africa. Ireland played a specific role in this area and ordinary men and women also played a part, with the result that white South Africa was regarded as a leper among the world community of nations.
I would like to mention, particularly, the enormous impact and role of the Anti-Apartheid Movement through thick and thin, over many long years. As Senator Ryan mentioned, in the early days it was not a popular activity or a popular cause to be engaged in, with plenty of attention from the Special Branch in relation to meetings, and so on. I would like to mention also the role that was played by courageous, young trade unionists, the Dunne's Stores strikers, who took to heart the message that was passed at their trade union conference — the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers' Union. They stood up for the principles and the terms of that resolution. They spent 18 months on the picket line in 1985 and 1986. They were on the picket line standing in solidarity with the black people of South Africa.
At this time we must recognise that enormous contribution from a number of very young people who took that principled cause to heart. We must also remember — again in the context of the Dunne's Stores strikers because it arose directly out of that — that the then Minister for Labour, Deputy Ruairí Quinn, decided to extend sanctions to the importation of fruit from South Africa. That was a milestone in the Irish Government taking a stand, and being seen to take a stand, against the apartheid system in South Africa. I would like also to record the role of the trade union movement in general which has, over decades, consistently opposed the apartheid system in South Africa. Finally, the Churches have unanimously taken a stand against that unjust and unfair system. All of those have collectively contributed to the situation we have at present where we are entering on a new dawn of freedom in South Africa.
In that context we must be very careful that the momentum is not lost. That, to my mind, is the crux of the situation. What has happened is a ray and a beacon of freedom, but what has yet to happen is the freedom of the people. It is absolutely essential that sanctions be tied up totally with dismantling apartheid. Sanctions remain and should remain until that iniquitous system of apartheid is dismantled.
Nelson Mandela is a Freeman of this city. It has been an indication of the level of public opinion that we should have been the first capital city in the world to make him a Freeman and indeed, the only one — and that the Lord Mayor of this city has invited him to come and address us and to receive the Freeman scroll of the city and to sign the book in the Mansion House. We also, in this House, should invite Nelson Mandela to come and address us here. The same should take place in the second House of the Oireachtas. That would be a fine way of honouring the stature and authority of a man who has done and suffered so much for his people. When Nelson Mandela is here — and I have every belief that he will be here certainly before this year is out — we should also point out to him that there are Irish prisoners languishing in prisons across the water and that they, too, are innocent people who are in prison for their beliefs. We should invite him to cross the water to England and visit the Birmingham Six in jail. That would be a very appropriate thing to ask of him. It would be appropriate for him to use his influence to ensure that innocent Irishmen who have served 16 years in prison should be released as there is a total consensus of opinion that they are innocent men. I have already written to Nelson Mandela in Soweto asking him on the occasion when he visits this country that he would do that. I asked that he would visit Britain, visit the men in prison and raise his voice on their behalf for their release.
In South Africa there are a number of issues immediately facing the ANC and Nelson Mandela, who is a joint leader. I would consider the first matter to be one of internal unity within the black community. While Nelson Mandela and the ANC have achieved tremendous stature in South Africa as leaders of the black community, there are other aspects and other areas where there is a degree of dissention. This has been particularly true because it has been brought about by the South African policy of creating homelands for certain sections of the black population. A certain degree of strife has been occurring. We have seen violence in the townships — certain internal violence, black against black. Indeed, the level of deaths and maimings that have taken place has been quite considerable. There is need for internal unity of all sections of the black community to be established before negotiations take place, as I am sure they will with President De Klerk. In that I would like to mention particularly Chief Buthelezi who is one of the major figures, the leader of Inkatha and the Pan-African Congress. It is in those particular areas of leadership that the ANC should immediately seek reconciliation so that the black movement would be a united one in the final negotiations for freedom.
In relation to sanctions these are the critical matters. I would like to applaud the position that has been taken by the Irish Government, particularly in its role as President of the EC and, indeed, by the other States in the EC, with the exception of Britain, in relation to this matter. What is essential is that the dismantling of apartheid should be tied to sanctions. When progress is made in that area, that is when we will, or should, consider the relaxation of sanctions, and on no other condition. We must remember that at present the black people have a number of pieces of legislation specifically directed to discriminate against them. The Land Act restricts their ownership of land to 15 per cent of the area. The Group Area Act likewise ensures that black people are confined to specific areas and that white people have the best housing, the majority of the land and quality housing. The population Registration Act registers the population into separate categories based specifically on racial lines — white, coloured, Asians and Africans. We have seen — and we see in our newspapers today — a move towards relaxation of the Separate Amenities Act, which provided for segregation on the grounds of colour in public places such as swimming pools and hospitals. We saw a very welcome photograph in today's Irish Times of a black man and a white man in a public place playing a game of chess. It is important that until such unfair legislation is removed sanctions be maintained.
I would suggest that we should, as Senator Ryan referred to, think of strengthening the sanctions in one or two specific areas. I would refer specifically to the area of coal, where we have coal imports of the order of £45 million coming into this country annually from South Africa. Two weeks ago in this House the Labour Party, in Private Members' time, debated a proposal for the closure of the Arigna collieries before any geological survey had been done to find out what the resources were. It is an absolute scandal to think of closing down a coal mine in Ireland and at the same time continuing with the importation of coal from abroad. We should be thinking less and less of using coal as a fuel. It would be very much in our interests to discontinue the importation of bituminous coal from South Africa.
I have one final point and that is in relation to the present relaxation of sanctions by the British Government. I abhor the decision by the British Government to step out of line with the collective decision of the European Community on this matter and to lift the ban on investment in South Africa. I have no doubt that that is directly related to their own material interests in terms of trade, the degree to which they trade and the extent of their trade with South Africa. Secondly, I believe it is directly related to the fact that a considerable number of South African white people have British passports. Approximately 1.5 million people there have British passports. We saw what happened in relation to Hong Kong, and the problem that existed there when the Hong Kong people wished to get visas. The British Government would be concerned about a deluge of South African citizens coming into Britain. Both the trading interest of Britain and its lack of concern for those who have British citizenship should not be allowed stand against the collective agreement of the EC countries to retain sanctions. Sanctions should be retained in all their fullness.