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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Mar 1996

Vol. 146 No. 18

Adjournment Matters. - Relations with Taiwan.

My motion is timely in that the recent events in Taiwan and the South China Sea have put the region on the world map. The motivation behind this motion centres on those events. I take this opportunity to welcome the move towards democracy in Taiwan. The re-election of President Lee is the first democratic election of a Chinese head of state in over 5,000 years and it is a significant event. It is a tribute to the 21 million Taiwanese people that they have embraced democratic ideals in such an enthusiastic manner, not only by the exemplary way in which they carried out their election campaign but also in the high turnout, which was around 75 per cent of the population.

However, the matters I want to deal with here germinated from an invitation that was extended by the Republic of China, or Taiwan, to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, of which I am a member, inviting a number of delegates from the committee to attend and monitor the elections in Taiwan. Subsequent to that invitation the Department of Foreign Affairs, through the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, sent a letter to the chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs in which he admonished the committee for accepting the invitation. He pointed out that Ireland does not recognise Taiwan and sending such a representative parliamentary delegation to the Republic of China would infer acceptance by this country of its status as a separate entity, the inference being that it would somehow upset their nearer and more powerful neighbour, the People's Republic of China. Naturally, the committee rejected this view.

I must confess I found it quite astonishing and somewhat unprecedented and I raised the matter at the committee. I had it clarified that the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs would act on its own initiative and accept or reject such invitations on their merits. I am pleased to say representatives attended the elections in Taiwan. Sadly, I and a number of my colleagues were unable to do so due to the by-elections in Donegal and Dublin West, in which I know the Minister would have some interest.

I want to attempt, during this difficult time, to concentrate the minds of the Government and the wider public on the issues which need to be addressed in relations between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland by the wider international community, of which Ireland is an active and influential member. It goes without saying that the war games carried out by the Chinese leading up to the election were little more than intimidation. The reason seemed to be an internal power struggle in China itself with the passing of the old dynasty and the ascension to power of a new and younger power elite. Sadly, that new power elite seem to be militarily inclined. However, I would be grateful for clarification from the Chinese that their intentions are peaceful.

Taiwan is pursuing reunification. It should be put on record that it is clear from all of its public utterances and editorial comment and all the interpretations the international community has placed on the various remarks made by President Lee Teng Hui, that Taiwan is not seeking independence from the Chinese mainland. It is pursuing peaceful reunification across the Straits. Time and again the President is quoted publicly as having said that. I have a briefing here from June 1995 where the President points to Taiwan's policy on well over a dozen occasions.

In a statement on 22 August 1995 he said:

Pragmatic diplomacy is designed to give the Republic of China necessary living space in the international arena before national unification. This policy hurts no one, nor will we accept any coercion or pressure.

On 9 September 1995 the President said:

We have always insisted that China should be unified, but China must be unified under the system of democracy, freedom and prosperity.

On 17 January 1996 the President said that the mainland authorities cling to the one nation, two systems formula in its policy towards Hong Kong, which is totally unacceptable.

The Republic of China is totally different from Hong Kong. It is because of what has been happening in Hong Kong, and what will undoubtedly happen in Macao by 1999, that Taiwan and many of its friends internationally are concerned about what China seems to be doing. It is in that context that I wanted the Minister to clarify Ireland's policy towards the region in general, and Taiwan in particular, keeping in mind that officially we do not recognise the Republic of China.

I do not believe it is enough for us to repeat parrot-like, whenever the issue of Taiwan comes before us, that we do not recognise them and that we should not therefore be too concerned about what happens, or alternatively that we are more concerned about progress and development on the Chinese mainland than about what happens Taiwan, which has proven itself to be a bastion of democracy in the south east China area. An editorial on 13 February 1996 in The Irish Times states that Taiwan is in a limbo of political identity that quite distinguishes it from otherwise similar states.

The US withdrew recognition of Taiwan in 1979. Its status has now been reduced to the point where it is quite incommensurate with its economic success. When one thinks about that economic success, it cannot be ignored or dismissed. Even for those who believe Taiwan somehow belongs to China, using or merely threatening rockets to settle an argument over relations between the two is, I am sure the Minister will agree, a gross breach of international rule.

Taiwan has the world's second largest foreign exchange reserves. It is the twelfth biggest trader and does almost as much trade with the United States as the mainland. Outsiders in north America and Europe, as well as those in east Asia, have a keen interest in Taiwan's future. The Americans, despite not recognising Taiwan, have passed the Taiwan Relations Act which obliges them to keep an eye on the fate of its former friend. I would like some response from the Minister in a similar context. Does Ireland have that sympathetic view towards Taiwan's status and position?

I find it ironic that although the Department of Foreign Affairs was admonishing members of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs for accepting an invitation to Taiwan, I understand that before the end of April the Irish Minister for Tourism and Trade will visit Taiwan on a trade mission, albeit in a private capacity but as part of a wider mission of trade to Korea and the south east Asia area. It seems a strange doublethink that we would on the one hand refuse to acknowledge the reality of Taiwan and yet continue to have not only trade links at a private level but at a high political level.

I raised this matter to clarify Ireland's position. Ireland is a member state of the European Union and has enormous international credibility in the context of attempting to settle internal disputes through our peace keeping efforts in the United Nations. The White Paper on Foreign Policy, which was published yesterday, states that Ireland's policy is to pursue the peaceful settlement of international disputes. I hope Ireland takes a leading role in the European Union and in direct discussions with both China and Taiwan, be it at semiprivate or semi-official level.

I believe the Taiwanese would see Ireland as having a pivotal role in its pursuit of pragmatic diplomacy, which is not necessarily to seek international recognition for itself as a separate entity but to have an acknowledgement of the fact that it is now the only elected democracy in that region. When one thinks of the struggle of this country to achieve international recognition after World War I, one must have a great deal of empathy with the struggle of the Taiwanese people, and especially their President, who has to pursue a finely balanced international policy that will not affect or offend his large neighbour, the Chinese mainland, and yet take account of international political realities such as lack of recognition or seats at the United Nations.

If this debate is reported outside this House, as I hope it will be, it is important to emphasise again that Taiwan has stated repeatedly that it is not seeking independence but rather an eventual peaceful reunification. One can interpret remarks in the last couple of days following the election of President Lee to mean that a timescale of some four years has been put on that if the Chinese on the mainland decide to embrace democratic traditions and democracy in the same way as their neighbours on the island of Taiwan.

I look forward to the Minister's clarification in the context of the proposal or resolution as it is worded. I hope we will return to this debate and keep it in the public eye now it has become an international issue.

When Ireland established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China in 1979 the Government recognised the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole Government of China, including Taiwan. Arising out of this one-China policy, Ireland does not have diplomatic or official relations with Taiwan. Economic, trade and cultural relations between Ireland and Taiwan are pursued within the private rather than the public sector.

On 8 March 1996, the day when the testing of missiles was commenced by the People's Republic of China in the Taiwan Straits, a declaration on behalf of the European Union, including Ireland, was issued within the context of the common foreign and security policy, by the current Italian EU Presidency in Rome and Brussels which regretted the firing by the People's Republic of China of missiles into test zones in the Taiwan Straits.

In addition, the declaration stated that the naval and military exercises which had also been announced could lead to further tension in the region and increase the possibility of any miscalculation eventually leading to confrontation.

Further, the European Union recalled the repeated pledge made by the People's Republic of China that it would stick to its fundamental policy on the Taiwan issue, that is, the seeking of a peaceful solution, and called upon the People's Republic of China to refrain from activities which could have negative effects on the security of the entire east Asian region, and urged an early resumption of the cross-straits talks.

The naval and military exercises had all the appearances of being gratuitously provocative. Not only was there a danger of missiles misfiring due to high winds, human error or technological malfunction, but also there was the consequent disruption to regular sea and air traffic, not to mention the attempted adverse psychological intimidation of the people of Taiwan.

There is no justification whatsoever in attempting to resolve the Taiwan problem by other than peaceful means. As the Senator will be aware, the gravity of the situation was underlined by the fact that the American Administration dispatched two aircraft carrier groups to the region. This amounted to one of the largest American naval presences in the region since the ending of the Vietnam War in 1975. I am happy to note that the United States indicated yesterday that the crisis between China and Taiwan appeared to be over and that the American Defense Department said that the two US aircraft carriers would be withdrawn from the area within weeks.

One can only speculate as to the exact purpose of the firing of the test missiles and the naval and military manoeuvres which preceded the first direct presidential election in Taiwan on 23 March 1996. The result of that election was an overwhelming endorsement, by over 54 per cent of the vote, of the incumbent President Lee Teng Hui in the first application of direct universal suffrage for this position.

The Government urges the resumption of high-level talks, as a matter of urgency between the Straits Exchange Foundation of Taiwan and the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait of the People's Republic of China. These talks were suspended in June 1995 following the visit to the United States of America by Taiwanese President Lee Teng Hui.

I am happy to note that on 24 March 1996, vice-president elect, Lien Chang, announced that Taiwan should follow a policy of détente and that the Taiwanese administration has drawn up a tentative timetable calling for top level unofficial talks.

The Government would urge that utmost restraint be exercised in relation to the Taiwan issue as continuing tension in the Taiwan Straits could damage the stability and economic confidence of the region, including Hong Kong.

I thank the Minister of State for his clarification. In its direct dealings with the People's Republic of China, I hope Ireland will use its influence and credibility in the context of trade and political links to convey the Minister of State's message. I appreciate the help of Mr. Liang, second secretary, and Mr. Lee, first secretary, at the Taipei representative office who are in the Visitors' Gallery. They have been of considerable assistance to those of us who have an interest in that part of the world.

The Seanad adjourned at 8.35 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 28 March 1996.

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