Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 20 May 1999

Vol. 159 No. 11

Censorship Laws: Statements.

I am glad to speak to the House on a topic which has been the subject of much public debate over the past few decades and which has generated deeply held feelings about the relationship between individual rights and the State's duty to balance the expression of those rights and the public interest. In few areas has this process been more evident or challenging than in censorship and the laws providing for such censorship.

Our legislative attempts to address this difficult area stretch from the early part of the century with the Censorship of Films Act, 1923, up to the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act enacted last year. These two extremities represent the greatest illustration of the changes which have taken place in society throughout the century.

Speaking in the debate on the Censorship of Films Act, Professor William Magennis, who was to become the first chairman of the Film Appeals Board, proposed that film censorship was essential because people, especially the rising generations, required to be protected from an environment which was not conducive to good morals and that they required to be saved from themselves. While the general tone and tenor of that statement may not have weathered too well over the decades, part of it rings sharply and accurately true concerning the issue of the protection of young people. In 1923, no one would have anticipated the challenges posed by the prevalence of child pornography and the ease of distribution represented by the Internet. Who would have foreseen the emergence of the home video and the proliferation of satellite channels which defy the physical boundaries of national jurisdictions?

These changes have not simply been technological. The past 20 years in particular, have seen fundamental changes in the social, cultural and religious values of Irish society and pose serious challenges to the appropriateness and effectiveness of current censorship legislation. I am aware that the growth of indecent and obscene material, coupled with phenomenal changes in media technology, has put great strains on those parts of the legislation which have their roots in other times. Changes in public attitudes and the area of censorship have served to compound these strains.

Before discussing my response to these issues, I would like to outline briefly the overall content and thrust of the present censorship laws. The legislation is quite detailed and I propose only to touch briefly on its main aspects. There are three main censor statutes, each relating to a particular medium. The Censorship of Publications Acts cover books and magazines, the Video Recordings Act covers videos and computer games and the Censorship of Films Acts govern films. The Child Trafficking and Pornography Act, 1998, addressed the issue of child pornography, an item not dealt with specifically in the older legislation.

The mechanism of censorship for the different media works in different ways. For publications, the first step in censorship is to get the publication banned. Once it is banned, it is then a criminal offence to sell, advertise or distribute any such publication. An important feature of the system is that the initiative for getting a particular book or periodical banned lies with the general public. Complaints may be made by any person to an independent Censorship of Publications Board whose decision can be appealed through an appeals board. A complaint must be accompanied by a copy of the book, or in the case of a periodical magazine, by three recent copies.

There has been no significant review of this legislation since the main Act of 1946. Accordingly, at present, this is not without flaws. I am aware, for example, that arising from modern publication and distribution methods for magazines, particularly those involving dubious conduct, there are logistical problems in using the system for getting such publications back. Problems also exist with the definition of obscenity and indecency. Despite some attempts to legislate in this area, interpretation difficulties have arisen as public attitudes and values changed over time.

The enforcement of the Act lies with the Garda, although the Customs and Excise service also has certain powers to search and seize indecent or obscene printed material, including pictures or magazines. There has been a significant number of seizures by the customs in recent years. From 1995 to date, almost 50,000 magazines have been confiscated.

The censorship of films is carried out by means of a system of certification by a film censor. No film may be shown in public without a certificate. Persons aggrieved by the censor's decision can go to an appeals board. The issue of defining obscenity and indecency also arises in this context and in practice, in the absence of a legal definition of the terms, the interpretation of the censor prevails.

The wording of the 1923 Act best reflects the points I have been making about the problems of definition in terms of the criteria for refusing a certificate. It refers to the film being " . . . indecent, obscene or blasphemous . . . " or because the exhibition of it would " . . . tend to inculcate principles contrary to public morality or would be otherwise subversive of public morality". This is a difficult interpretation task. As with the censorship of publication legislation, there has been no significant examination of the adequacy of the film censorship legislation to modern times. I am aware that a number of practical difficulties have emerged which will require some amendments to existing legislation. However, I believe that the film censor has used the existing legislation to good effect. He has in practice moved from a censorship environment to a content regulation approach, thus reflecting a more modern view geared to the protection of children rather than the protection of adults, an approach which, it might be argued, dominated the early years of censorship.

The emergence of home video technology has set new challenges for censorship legislation. The Video Recordings Act, 1989, has wide-ranging provisions which focus on the supply and importation of video recordings. The film censor has a pivotal role in the Act. Three levels of control are applied. First, the Act contains provisions for the licensing of wholesale and retail video outlets. Second, it provides that the film censor may, on grounds specified in the Act, prohibit the supply of video films which he considers unsuitable for viewing. Third, it provides for the classification of videos in terms of their suitability for viewing by different age groups. The censor's decision on prohibition and classification can be appealed to an independent appeals board. The licensing of wholesalers and retailers, including video renters, is an important part of the overall control under the Act. Licences can be forfeited by order of the courts for breaches of the Acts, such as renting prohibited videos.

I have been concerned for some time about the increasing levels of violence depicted in some video games. Under the provisions of the 1989 Act, video games are exempt from classification and certification by the film censor unless the game in question would be likely to cause persons to commit crimes, incite hatred against groups, deprave or corrupt by the inclusion of indecent or obscene material or depict acts of gross violence or cruelty. Until recently video games on release here did not pose such problems but this situation is changing. My Department has been in contact with the film censor and the major distributors of video games about this matter. Procedures to deal with video games submitted to the film censor are being worked out at present and I expect he will shortly be in a position to process any such games submitted for certification and classification.

There is also the issue of the proliferation of telephone sex lines and related services, many of a highly dubious content. The regulation of premium rate telephone services supplied by service providers based in this country is handled by Regtel, the body established for that purpose in 1995. Where such services originate outside the State – it is the case that many originate in far flung locations outside the European Union – the question of their regulation and control becomes extremely complex.

I made a brief reference in the beginning of my statement to child pornography. I remind the House that the possession of child pornography in any form is in itself now a criminal offence under the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act, 1998, which is designed to address the holding of such material on a wide variety of media, including the Internet.

Reference to the Internet brings me to a final general point which I wish to make regarding the issues involved in any review of censorship legislation. Major changes in technology have forced us to examine and re-assess almost every aspect of the administration of Government. This re-assessment and adjustment is now a universal requirement and extends from issues relating to electronic commerce to our potential for delivering State services through new and more efficient electronic-based systems. The need for adjustment is equally felt in the area of censorship. Whereas our approach to regulating the traditional media was based on the very physical existence of books, magazines, film reels and video cassettes, the new borderless world of multimedia technologies such as the Internet, together with the emergence of specialised and satellite-based entertainment channels, pose special challenges to older regulation systems. Already the relationship between the film censor's office and new emerging regulatory authorities, such as the Independent Radio and Television Commission, are the subject of discussions and negotiations between my Department and the Department of Arts, Heritage, Gaeltacht and the Islands.

We are in a time of enormous change to which we must respond. The traditional and easily policed outlets represented by cinemas and video shops are now giving way to the unpatrolled highways of the Internet and satellite dishes. This is shaping our attitudes to censorship. In the new millennium we may have to move from censorship to content assessment and guidance. Our efforts will increasingly focus on the protection of children rather than on media censoring for the adult population and from State intervention to increasing parental responsibility. This point has already been made in the report of the working group on the illegal and harmful use of the Internet which stressed the need for sensible and practical involvement by both parents and educators.

However, delicate balances must be struck in what is a sensitive and complex area. The issues must be carefully analysed. There are and always have been debates about what constitutes acceptable material with an erotic as opposed to a pornographic content and the boundary line shifts in this regard over time. It is against the background of everything I have said so far that I decided to carry out a review of the censorship area in line with my Department's strategy statement covering the period 1998-2000. This contains a commitment to review the legal and structural arrangements which apply to the censorship and public order aspects of books, films, videos and on-line services. This is taking place in the context of an organisational review of the Film Censor's office. The organisational review has now been completed and its recommendations are being implemented.

The report of the working group on the illegal and harmful use of the Internet contains a number of recommendations and my Department is finalising extended discussions with the Internet service provider industry on these recommendations. Work is well advanced on the preliminary examination of the framework for this review. While I do not wish to anticipate the recommendations, I am aware that a number of urgent, practical issues in some cases arising simply from the age of the existing legislation fall to be addressed in the short term. I expect that proposals for change in this area will be available for consideration by Government by the end of the year.

As we move into the new millennium there are huge challenges facing us in this important and sensitive area of censorship. As I have already indicated, these challenges must be faced. I believe that the current review is a significant step in that direction.

I welcome this debate, for which I have waited a year and a half, and I am glad to have the opportunity to make a statement on the current situation. I am very pleased that the legislation will be reviewed and updated, an acknowledgment of the inadequacies of the present censorship laws.

I will deal in general terms with the current position in European countries. They have emphasised child protection, the road the Minister has taken. We acknowledge this is the only approach as nobody can put his finger in the dyke to stop the flood of pornographic material. I have recently read a British Home Office report, Testing Obscenity, an international comparison of laws and controls relating to obscene material. The consumption of pornography and its relationship to individual rights is perhaps more complex. If one maintains the right to consume pornography one must also equally maintain the right not to do so. At its simplest level this might require the State to prevent obscene material being publicly displayed in inappropriate venues so that those not wishing to see it can go about their daily business with a guarantee of not having to do so. I am discussing this issue from that simple premise.

The display of salacious material in inappropriate situations is common. To prove my point I bought two magazines yesterday in a newsagent's about 500 yards from this House. I have left the magazines, the receipt and the name of the shop where I purchased them on the Minister's desk. The cover price is $1.17 but each magazine cost me £5.50. Greed is a factor. There was an amazing choice, about 30 or 40 different titles and these very degrading magazines were displayed on shelves not out of reach of a normal sized 11 or 12 year old. The content on the cover, which was quite salacious, could be read by anyone. Some, but not most, had cellophane covers.

I acknowledge the problems concerning our present censorship laws. I agree totally with the Minister that nobody in 1929, 1947 or 1967 when some addiitions were made could have foreseen that the matter would get out of control. We need to address the loophole the publishers use, as the law applies to publications with three consecutive issues. The publishers are very wise, as they never provide three consecutive issues. They may have an issue number, but not a date. I acknowledge that the Censorship Board must apply the rules and it would be unfair to some magazines if they were banned on the basis of one issue.

I am concerned at the inappropriate display for sale of these magazines. I am responding to question from constituents. I am not a prude and take a liberal attitude to social change but our prime duty is to protect young people. We are failing in this regard. Some very well known and respectable grocery chains are carrying quite explicit pornography, though not as widely displayed as in a newsagent's shop. Young people and familles should be protected from visual offence and some of what is on display is visually offensive. I have seen Hustler on a shelf beside a comic in a grocery shop.

I acknowledge that we were unprepared for this influx of pornography because it was not part of our culture, but now it is here and we have to control it. Other European countries have had more experience of dealing with this issue. If adults insist on their right to have pornography and parents insist on their right to protect their children, perhaps the answer is designated adult outlets and banning the sale and distribution of this material in any other retail outlets. I am not advocating their sale at any level but I acknowledge the difficulty in preventing their sale.

I am very concerned that American research has shown pornography is addictive for some people. I find this amazing. Having looked at one totally explicit pornographic magazine I wonder what else one could want to find out. The addictive nature of pornography for some consumers worries me. Unfortunately many research reports have shown a direct link between some consumers of pornography and sexual crimes. Are we to allow ourselves to be engulfed and assume it is too big to do anything about it? Alternatively will we try to do something to save the young? I do not think we can do anything better. There is a lot of money in the country and unfortunately many teenagers can afford to buy these very overpriced magazines. I have reared a family, they are all adults so this is not a problem for me. However, parents are concerned their children are spending their money on these publications.

The Minister will be pleased to hear I am addressing only two issues. I have addressed the magazines and I acknowledge the Minister's input and proposals. We need speedier action with regard to the seedy purveyors to the market who are making a fortune. To do that, we would probably need to enact obscene publications legislation – which we do not have – allowing the Garda to seize them. Why must we wait four months for a decision on something obnoxious? I would be interested if the Minister could come up with a way to deal with what I call the "newsagent's and grocer's shop phenomenon" where they sell explicit magazines. I again emphasise that I am not talking about Playboy or Penthouse. Playboy is like Our Boys compared to what I see in these shops. I again emphasise I have a liberal attitude. I do not have a problem with adult services for “adults” but I do not see why we have to take away youthful innocence through inaction when we can identify these outlets.

I appreciate that someone will tell me my second point is not within the Minister's brief. I dispute that because it is a constitutional matter. Article 40.6.1 states "utterance of . . . indecent matter is an offence". Indecent matter is uttered every day on sex chat lines. I have been trying to do something about this for two years. I have received responses from various agencies and Ministries, including a response to a request for an Adjournment debate. It could not be held, although not because the Cathaoirleach was unwilling to hold it. His reply stated:

I regret I have to rule the matter out of order as the Minister has no official responsibility to the Seanad as it is a matter for Telecom Éireann under Section 96 (d) of the Postal and Telecommunications Services Act, 1983.

I accepted this in good faith. I know that is how it is. I have contacted the regulator for telephone services and the regulator of premium services, I have written to the Minister and I have received a lot of paper but no action.

The Minister referred to the controls he has introduced. I acknowledge and applaud the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act. He mentioned controls regarding videos, films and magazines. What control can there be on salacious advertisements in national newspapers and free-sheets? I have accessed these lines. I do other things too but I feel strongly about young boys wasting £500 talking to a granny in Sierra Leone wearing a headset who is his introduction to aural sex. It is pathetic.

Independent Newspapers, the Sunday World and The Star had the gall to praise the efforts of the Garda in securing a conviction against a man in the west who was rightly convicted for selling hard core videos while at the same time carrying these advertisements at the back of the same newspaper. I will not bring a blush to the Minister's cheeks by describing the contents of the advertisements. Some of them have been toned down since then, but some are appalling. I accessed the line. My youngest child is 26 so I was not going to be shocked. I was offered the “perversion line” or the “depravity line” through an Irish newspaper. Readers could be 6 or 60 years of age. I spent £1.94 per minute to do this and what I was getting was a complete con. A young man could talk to a lady of indeterminate age, possible doing her knitting, with a headset on. It is funny in an awful way. Why do we allow these newspapers to continue to carry these advertisements? Surely we have control over a visual display of advertisements offering something seemingly in breach of the Constitution. It is definitely in breach of postal and telecommunications legislation under which it is crime to send an obscene message. The lines are buzzing with obscene messages and the phone numbers are in our national daily papers.

I appreciate the dividing lines between different Ministries. However the Minister addressed the Internet in his speech. My sole reason for speaking on this today is to acknowledge the parents who have contacted me and other elected representatives particularly about sex chat lines. I am very interested to hear the Minister's response. He can guide me through the maze of trying to get something done on an issue on which we all know something should be done. Nobody has ever approached me looking for more and better pornography and sex chat lines. I have heard the reverse and as an elected representative I am responding to the wishes of the people, the vast majority of whom do not want these things. We all seem powerless in the face of regulations. I am assured legally that all these are in breach of Article 40 of the Constitution so perhaps I am addressing the correct Minister.

It is time for us all to wake up to what is happening. The idea of a commission or review body will have to be improved. Emergency legislation has been enacted in the Houses of the Oireachtas before and I do not want corner shop rogues to get away with making a vast profit out of human weakness.

The Minister will be pleased to hear I will not talk about videos. I have tried to deal with a realistic amount in my allocated time and I will not refer to the Internet. I ask the Minister for action now. We need something specific on a level which we can address. I ask him to untie the hands of the Censorship Board regarding the free sale of explicit material. There are no provisions for search and seizure. We rely on the public to buy and supply the material. That is ridiculous. It is impossible to address the issue under the current rules. There is a need for search and seizure legislation to cover non-adult outlets. People using adult outlets know what they are doing. However, if they go into a shop with a child to buy a newspaper they should not be confronted with this material.

The Minister has the powers to deal with sex chat lines. It is for parents and educators to introduce children to sex education. We should not allow the innocence of children to be taken away by greedy speculators.

If there was no money involved there would be no pornography. Like drugs, it is ultimately about money. Our inaction is helping those involved to become richer from their evil trade. Freedom of choice means the freedom not to have to put up with this kind of thing. If we want to insist on freedom for adults their needs can be accommodated at adult outlets.

I draw this issue to the attention of the House and the Minster because of grave public disquiet about it. It may not hit the headlines, but if the Minister consulted with other elected representatives he would find that many people are worried. They are approaching councillors, Deputies and Senators in their clinics because they are appalled at what they encounter in their local shops. I have no doubt the Minister will be equally appalled if he looks at the magazines I have provided for survey.

There is widespread public disquiet at the blatant disregard shown to the parents of Ireland by some newsagents and shopkeepers, who think that making a fast buck justifies everything. I look forward to a committed and urgent response by the Minister to this matter.

If anyone can put a stop to this it is the Minister. He has never shirked his responsibilities in taking decisions and introducing legislation to prevent illegality and address those things which are not in the best interests of the people.

This problem has its origin in the emergence of the permissive society in the middle 1960s. Until then Irish society was very sheltered. While I did not believe what was happening behind closed doors, we are now reaping the fruits of permissive liberalisation. It is for the worst and, sadly, young people are being swept up by it.

I congratulate Senator Ridge on raising this matter. No group of people is hurt, degraded or abused more by all of this than women, yet very few women are speaking against it, despite all the talk of women's rights. I am surprised there has not been an outcry.

I started on the dance scene at 16 years of age and I have been around for some time. However, I saw pictures in one of these magazines that would make me vomit. I never thought I would see anything like them. They are scandalous and what is written on the magazine cover is even more scandalous. Such material may be acceptable in sex shops or sex areas such as Soho in London, but to make it available in sweetshops and grocery shops is unacceptable.

Sex is big business and the only people who can stop it are the mothers and women of Ireland, not the Government, the Minister or legislative measures. They are the people that suffer most from these portrayals. A motor car advertisement with a beautiful blonde woman spread across the bonnet of the car, showing as much as possible, will at the same time include a lady dressed beautifully in a business suit to sell the car or offer the finance. Men do not appear in this manner in advertisements. The women of Ireland should speak out about it because it degrades them. It is insulting and disgraceful.

In the old days comedians generated laughter without recourse to bad language. By contrast, the modern entertainers appear to be unable to entertain unless they use corner boy's language. Even journalists use it. If it was used when I attended school one would rightly be licking the palms of one's hands going home. It is sad that standards in society are falling to such a low common denominator. We seem to have done away with respect.

Nowadays it is fashionable to attend dances with patched jeans and the knees torn out of them. When I was growing up a decent farmer would not have gone to the bog in them. When I attended dances in my early days if one was not properly dressed bouncers of respectable dance halls would not allow admittance. I used to drive to Dublin and park my Ford Prefect outside the National Ballroom. I did not know if it was locked or not because locks at that time were not very effective, but it would always be there at the end of the evening.

With the loss of respect standards have fallen. We have now reached a stage where sweetshops are selling pornography. There is a debate on the meaning of pornography. I know what it means. Some of the filth I see must have a terrible influence on young people. Together with the abuse of alcohol and drugs it is no wonder there is so much teenage sex and teenage pregnancies. In the debate on Second Stage of the Health (Eastern Regional Health Authority) Bill, 1998, which the Minister for Health and Children attended, we deliberated on how we can better protect children and provide better child care. Yet, this pornography is causing the need for such care.

We need to get to the root of the problem. Perhaps there was too much discipline in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. However, we have now gone to the other extreme. It has reached a stage where if one enters a house the television may be on very loud and children will largely ignore their mother's requests to turn it down. Her response may be that it is no use talking to them. Parents must take responsibility for their children. When they tell shopkeepers that neither they nor their children will enter their shops until they remove this filth they will soon be listened to. People should tell shop owners that they can either have their custom or they can keep the magazines on the shelves. Such magazines are not even on the top shelf but are located where any 12 year old can get them and read them.

There is no point in the Minister introducing more legislation in this area because it will be violated. All that will happen is that the business will be driven into the black market or underground. That is all laws do with this type of problem. They move it from where it can be seen to where it cannot, but material can still be distributed. They might even make the problem worse. It is a sad and shocking situation which is bad for children and it is a difficult time for parents to raise children.

The sex phone lines which I sometimes see advertised in the papers are a money making racket. Sex is being sold to make money and calls are charged at a very high rate. It would nearly be better to legalise some of this business and control it than allow the current scandalous situation to persist. No matter what amount of legislation the Minister introduces, there will always be another brain which will look for loopholes and find them.

I agree with everything Senator Ridge said. There is a serious problem regarding access by young people to pornographic magazines. The manner in which women are degraded by this material is beyond belief. I appeal to them and the mothers of Ireland to examine what is available in shops and to refuse to shop there unless the material is removed. Until that action is taken, pornographic magazines will not be taken off shop shelves.

I thank Senators Ridge and Farrell for their constructive contributions to this important debate. This is a complex and difficult area which is becoming more difficult and complex to regulate as technology becomes more advanced. There is little doubt that parents and educationalists will have to assume a greater degree of responsibility for their children where the dissemination of pornography is concerned. It is clear that legislation is inadequate to respond to the pornography available today. That is why I have an ongoing review in the Department to consider how best we can change the legislation to reflect modern realities. However, irrespective of what changes I bring about, and I hope to bring forward proposals this year, it will not be possible for the legislation to be fully effective. That brings us back to the issue of parental responsibility and to the need for people generally to assume responsibility for their actions.

I am concerned about the availability of pornography to children and about children being used in pornography. That is why one of my first acts as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform was to have the Child Trafficking and Pornography Bill enacted. It is good and sound legislation. I recall publishing a Private Members' Bill in Opposition, the Sexual Offences (Jurisdiction) Bill, 1995. That legislation was accepted by the Government and provides that an individual who commits an offence of paedophilia abroad can be tried for it in this jurisdiction.

While I will change the legislation to see if I can plug the gaps, that alone will be insufficient. A greater threat than before is posed to young people resulting from advances in technology. Consequently it has become more difficult to regulate and control pornography. There will always be a demand for pornographic material. That is a reality we must accept. It is unacceptable, however, that children should be exposed to it in the manner they are, as was graphically illustrated by Senators Ridge and Farrell. I accept there is a need for the mechanism for banning publications such as magazines to be changed and that will form part of the review. It is an area in which I have the capacity to make some advances and I assure both Senators I will do that. I will ensure there will be a child focus to the ongoing review and that the interests of children will be paramount. I am deeply concerned about access by children to obscene material. It is something which should not happen in any civilised society because it can have damaging effects.

Regarding sex phone lines, I am not passing the buck or saying someone else should deal with it when I say that it is not a matter which comes within the remit of my Department. There is a small section of the Censorship of Publications Act 1923 which refers to obscene pictures. However, material would have to be proved to be obscene and I am informed that such a prosecution would be unlikely to succeed and that the Garda would not even try because they know that. The Department of Public Enterprise could take up the issue of sex lines if it feels it should do so. Except for the limited manner I outlined, it does not come within the remit of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

Regarding the three magazines to which Senator Ridge referred, I assure her the question of banning these types of magazines, which, as she correctly pointed out, often appear under different names at different times, will be examined carefully to see how the legislation can be changed to ensure such material is not openly on view to children.

I trust I have responded adequately to the concerns raised. An ongoing review is being conducted by my Department. The review is being pursued assiduously and I do not want to anticipate it. However, I am happy to listen to the views expressed by the Members of the Oireachtas and by society regarding censorship.

There are a number of downsides attached to the availability of pornography. For example, the type of people involved in the business, the way women are portrayed, as referred to by Senators Ridge and Farrell, and the lack of comprehensive conclusions about its general effect on society. One does not have to be informed to know that pornography is not beneficial to children.

I will make proposals when the review is completed and I will be happy to return here to have a constructive debate on them. If Senators wish to make any suggestions in the interim I will be pleased to listen to them and take them on board. I thank Senators for affording me an opportunity to contribute to this important and relevant debate.

I thank the Minister for his comments. I do not doubt his commitment to introduce enabling legislation on this subject.

With regard to my two year battle against telephone sex lines, will the Minister refer the matter to the Minister for Public Enterprise? If the Minister is conducting a review of matters that are dangerous to children, I can tell him that young children can easily gain access to telephone sex lines. Unfortunately, I do not seem to be making any progress with regard these lines. Perhaps an inter-ministerial memo will do the trick.

I will convey the serious concerns expressed by the Senator to the relevant Minister. I will also see if there is anything of a tangible nature that can be done. I have already outlined how difficult it is to deal with this problem because some of the lines are located outside the EU.

The Seanad adjourned at 2.05 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 26 May 1999.

Top
Share