Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 21 Mar 2012

Vol. 214 No. 7

Programme for Government: Motion

I move:

That Seanad Éireann:

criticises the Government for reversing its position on a number of election pledges and for failing to implement a significant number of commitments contained in the Programme for Government;

calls on the Government to:

immediately implement measures to help those struggling with mortgage arrears as promised in the Programme for Government;

follow through on election and Programme for Government promises on job creation, reducing the numbers unemployed and helping small businesses access to credit;

have a specific action plan to tackle youth unemployment;

tackle upward only rent reviews as committed to in the Programme for Government;

ensure that child benefit, state pensions, and other social welfare rates are protected from further cuts;

reverse its decision to increase third level fees each year over the next four years;

protect frontline services in education in particular cuts to the most disadvantaged and vulnerable students;

protect essential services in our health system where waiting lists are already increasing;

immediately set a date for the Children's Referendum as promised;

reverse its decision on the closure of the army barracks in Cavan, Clonmel, Mullingar and Castlebar; and

implement a complete ban on corporate donations as promised in the Programme for Government.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Brian Hayes, back to the Chamber. He is spending more time here than when he was a Senator.

The Taoiseach stated that he would produce a report card on his Ministers and the Government after one year in office. On foot of the fact that he decided not to do so and given that all Ministers were on message to the effect that a solid start had been made, it is appropriate on the Government's anniversary that we table a Private Members' motion on the Government's performance. As Fianna Fáil well knows and accepts from being in government from 2007 to 2011, the years of the economic crisis, it is a difficult time for the Government. We have tried to support it when doing so was right, but it is incumbent upon us as a responsible Opposition party to highlight areas in which the Government is not performing.

In the run-up to the general election, several cast iron promises were made by the current Government. I will start with the promise on the continuing mortgage crisis. The situation has not improved since the Government entered into office. Rather, it has worsened. Since the Keane report was given to the Government last September, there has been no action in real terms with the exception of the welcome increase in mortgage interest relief for people who bought houses between 2004 and 2008. The Government needs to understand this is a crisis. I ask anyone who does not believe that to read a well researched report by Charlie Weston in yesterday's Irish Independent on what is happening in our courts every day of the week. I do not believe the Government can wait for the personal insolvency Bill because, while we accept aspects of it will make a difference, it will not deal with the thousands of people who wake up every morning wondering if they will keep a roof over their heads. That is an area in which the Government has failed thus far.

During the week prior to the election people who should have known better promised that they would not pay another cent into our banks. Why were members of what is usually regarded as a responsible party, Fine Gael, allowed to make these promises? They knew that the previous Fianna Fáil-led Government implemented the correct measures in saving our banks, despite their harsh criticism of the bank guarantee and recapitalisation. I remind my Labour Party colleagues that prior to Christmas we insisted on a vote on the renewal of the bank guarantee. I was glad that Labour Party Members had the opportunity to walk through the lobby for that vote because it was the only thing that could be done at the time.

Where do we go from here? A solemn promise was made to students that third level fees would not be increased. The Minister for Education and Skills, Deputy Quinn, signed a pledge two days before the general election. I know the Minister is not a fool but the cynical decision to sign a pledge on third level fees in front of Trinity College had an understandable impact on how our students voted. That promise was subsequently reversed when fees were further increased.

Government Members have been beating their chests about rural and minority faith schools. Our smaller schools are under threat from the Government. Some of the most reasonable people I have met during my time in politics come from the Church of Ireland. For the Church of Ireland Archbishop of Dublin to express the belief that his community is threatened by this Government is a sad indictment of how it is treating minorities in this country. Some 65% of Church of Ireland and other minority faith schools, including the only Jewish school in the State, will be affected by these cuts. How does this reflect the promises made by the Minister, Deputy Quinn, when he came into government?

The schools building programme, which was announced with much fanfare two weeks ago, will invest €1.5 billion over five years. Anyone reading that headline would think this is great news because every new school is welcome. However, it was not acknowledged that the original plan would have invested €1.9 billion over four years. Effectively, the programme has been cut by €400 million, or €600 million if one takes account of the fact that it is over a longer period of time. I will not dwell on the details of the list but I am sure a number of my colleagues will be able to identify schools that have been announced for the fourth or fifth time. Other Governments were also good at doing that on occasion but I found it interesting that the list of schools with construction workers supposedly on-site included a school in my own area, Loretto in Balbriggan. The only people on site at that school are students and teachers. That project was announced in 2009 and the school building has already been built and opened.

The Government promised a new breed of politics involving openness and transparency. It was going to cap salaries. What has it done in regard to the advisers that every Minister employs?

I do not have an adviser.

I am not speaking about the Minister of State. I refer to senior Ministers. Many of us think he should be in the Cabinet but, unfortunately, he is not there this time around.

I agreed with Senator Whelan's remarks on the Order of Business on capping bankers' salaries. The individual who introduced caps on bankers' salaries was the late Brian Lenihan, God rest him. People said at the time that the cap was too high. What has the Government done about the special advisers to Ministers? The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform breached the salary cap he was responsible for policing. The special adviser to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine wanted to be patriotic by working for his country but he was out the door after six months to take a job that offered double his salary.

The Government has to lead by example. The public gave it a mandate and if this motion does anything, I hope it will help the Minister of State's colleagues realise they are in government. The time has passed when they can merely accuse others of failure. I hope this debate will allow us an opportunity to debate the failures of the previous Government but never in the history of the State was more money invested in capital infrastructure. The Government has halved that rate of investment. One only needs to look around every town, village and parish to see the benefits in terms of infrastructure, sports clubs, roads and light rail. There were mistakes but there were also many positive initiatives.

Why did we halve it?

I remind my eminent friend from Carlow-Kilkenny that every time a budget was proposed in the past ten or 12 years those who are now Ministers called for more.

My colleagues will deal with each of the points made in the motion. They will address the cynical promises made on the health service, the Defence Forces, the Garda and child benefit. The individuals who made these promises knew they were telling untruths. The public will have the opportunity to express an opinion on the truth or otherwise of their commitments. The Members opposite broke their promise that they would not cut child benefit or social welfare rates. They promised to protect education and the disadvantaged only to cut funding in these areas. They are selling the State assets they promised to retain in public ownership. They were going to bring forward a jobs budget that became an initiative which was paid for by robbing €450 million from those who saved for private pensions. Half of that money was put into job creation measures, yet unemployment increased from 13.7% to 14.2% between July 2011 and today.

We will continue to be a responsible Opposition and will support the Government when we believe it is going in the right direction. However, we will hold it to account when it goes wrong.

I second the motion. It is welcome to have this debate as we approach the first anniversary of the Government's election. One of the biggest broken promises of all was the promise to implement the findings of the Moriarty tribunal which was published a year ago today. However, nothing has happened. Fianna Fáil will not be found wanting in reacting to any other tribunal in comparison with the reaction of the Government on the Moriarty tribunal in the past year. We will harp on about that because the Government has done nothing. It has shamelessly avoided the issues and is associated with many of the persons named in it.

The biggest broken promise was the promise to be different — the promise that the Government would do something different and that a different approach would be taken because the previous Government was completely wrong. What has happened? As soon as the Government has become comfortable in the seats of power, it has done exactly the same as the previous Government.

There have been no changes of any substance whatsoever, except to disimprove people's lives.

There have been no changes in the approach to banking, although the system was opposed vigorously by the Government when in opposition. There have been no changes to budgetary strategy, but the Government now claims the credit for a budget it completely opposed previously. It was ironic to hear former Deputy Healy-Rae say on television the other night that he needed €1 million to support the Finance Bill which set the foundation for the return to stability for this country and for which the Government claimed credit all last year. The reason Deputy Healy-Rae's vote was required was because Fine Gael and the Labour Party ruthlessly opposed that Finance Bill in their own personal political interest and said they would vote against it again and again. However, they claimed credit for the measures contained in it all last year. The Minister at the time, Brian Lenihan, a man whose international reputation was beyond compare and beyond dispute, was forced to do a deal with an Independent, Deputy Healy-Rae, at the time for his vote because Fine Gael and the Labour Party would not act in the national interest

That was always Fianna Fáil politics.

There was more than one leading it, to be honest.

The Government's amendment speaks about returning the economic, financial and political stability in the country to rebuild our international reputation. This is a much repeated mantra. I accept there was instability in the previous Government. However, what have Ministers of the current Government done and how do they quantify that our reputation has been restored? What steps has the Government taken to restore it or how do they quantify how bad our reputation was? Ministers in our Government had huge international stature, much greater international stature than any Minister in the Government will ever have. That is a fact, as we saw last year.

The Government has done nothing on the mortgage crisis. Even I, as a Fianna Fáil Deputy going before the electorate, hoped there would be some kind of change after the election. I hoped for the sake of the country that the new Government would do something different. However, it has not. It has stayed on the same road, but in the meantime has cynically broken a record number of promises. I will be slightly parochial and mention promises specific to County Meath, such as pylons, the regional hospital, Navan rail line, Slane bypass, metro north and pyrite, on which nothing has been done one year into office. On a national level, there are broken promises on mortgages——

Does Senator Byrne not realise the coffers are empty after 14 years of Fianna Fáil in government?

Fine Gael and the Labour Party took on the Government and the election based on finances that were available to them beforehand through confidential briefings and on the IMF deal. They promised that they could make all these changes, although they could not be done. I am reminded of the stag hunting ban and the organisation Rural Ireland Says Enough. Deputy McEntee defined rural Ireland by reference to stag hunting.

What about small schools and septic tanks? It was ironic to read in the newspaper last week that one of the blacklisted areas for septic tanks was Deputy McEntee's home parish of Lobinstown. What is the Fine Gael Party going to do about the effect of this imposition? We have seen no change whatsoever in planning policy for rural housing from the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government and county councils continue to stick to the same policy. We have seen attack after attack on rural Ireland, while the Government's definition of rural Ireland was confined to stag hunting.

The Government has not introduced anything different, but it is about time it did. It is about time it started taking radical action. I hope, if I am ever on the Government side of either House, I will not be as conservative as the current Government side is. It is too conservative and does not think outside of the box. I challenge the Minister of State. Last April, he came here and told us that jobs would come from the jobs budget, but when I challenged him to give the figures on it, he did not give them. Unfortunately, unemployment has risen. Now, we are asked to trust the Government that on the sale of State assets, €1 billion will be spent on job creation. That is pure madness and would be a total waste of money unless the Minister of State can identify line by line what each euro will achieve in terms of jobs. The jobs budget did not work the last time. It was just money flushed down the toilet. We cannot let that happen again.

We want change and something different. Fianna Fáil is changing and is looking for something different also because we believe an alternative vision must be offered. We were in power for long enough and it is now the turn of the Government. However, the public expected more and expected something different.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That" and substitute the following:

"Seanad Éireann notes:

the Government's first priority in the past year was to progress the restoration of economic, financial and political stability, and to re-build the international reputation of the country;

that Government has published its Action Plan for Jobs and Pathways to Work to signal its determination to tackle the unemployment problem;

the Government's jobs initiative which has already provided 5,000 internship places;

the ongoing work of Government to improve the EU-IMF programme which has seen a reduction in programme loan interest rates and an agreement for the reinvestment of some proceeds from the sale of state assets for investment in the Irish economy and the ongoing focus on easing the onerous cost of supporting the banking sector;

the comments of the Taoiseach and Tánaiste concerning the need to do more to address the mortgage arrears situation and notes the establishment of a dedicated Cabinet committee on mortgage arrears to bring a new focus to the issue;

the Government is one year into a term of office;

the continued implementation of the programme for Government with a particular focus on job creation, reform and fairness."

I thank my colleagues in Fianna Fáil for presenting this motion as it allows the House and Government to comment after the first 12 months of the new Government on the current economic and political situation in the country. There was a tradition fadó, fadó, for such debates to take place at the end of every term in both the Dáil and Seanad where this sort of issue could be discussed in a less politicised and less confrontational way. Perhaps we should revert to that tradition, because it is important to reflect, debate and present our views on the state of the nation.

I feel obliged to ask my colleagues to think back. I appreciate that a week is a long time in politics and 12 months is probably an eternity and that it is easy for people to forget. I ask Members to think back to the Ireland of November and December 2010. Think back to a time when the Government was imploding before our eyes, when we did not know who was Taoiseach on one day, did not know who was a Cabinet Minister the next day and did not know which party was in power or in opposition. The public was frightened and the few constituents we had who had money in financial institutions were ringing us to know what they should do with their money and to ask was it safe in the bank or post office. There was a state of terror among the people. That led to a general election and we all know the result of that. Now, 12 months later, we can look back from a Government perspective with what I would call sober satisfaction on a job well done.

The wording of the Government amendment is modest and its language is temperate. That must be our approach because we cannot expect overnight and instant solutions to problems which were five, six or seven years in the making. There is a different economic mood in the country today and there is a different political mood. If the people were asked by way of referendum today whether they wanted the current Government or the previous Government, the answer would be very clear. If the people were asked by way of referendum today whether they wanted Taoiseach Enda Kenny or Taoiseach Brian Cowen, the answer would be very clear. If the people were asked today whether they wanted Taoiseach Enda Kenny or Taoiseach Micheál Martin, the answer would be very clear. This is not an idle boast but something we would all see as realistic.

I recognise that much more must be done and that more progress must be made. However, we must also accept and recognise that in the first 12 months, we have achieved the slow turning around of the country's economic position, its political situation and its reputation at home and abroad. The Taoiseach and many Ministers were in the United States this week on important international duty. We saw the reception they got and noticed a visible degree of interest by American business people in investing in Ireland. Some weeks ago, the Chines Vice Premier visited Ireland and, again, we noted the level of Chinese interest in our country. Would that have been the case 12 or 14 months ago? No, it would not. Confidence is returning slowly, but surely. The rebuilding of the ruined economy will not happen overnight and progress will be slow. We must ask all to accept that the difficult measures which are being imposed — these are not imposed with glee — will work. We are beginning to see the signs of growth and a turnaround.

I would like to highlight a few of the Government's achievements. Look, for example, at the work being done by the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald, which will lead to the children's referendum some time in the next number of months. That will be ground breaking legislation and a ground breaking referendum as far as the children of Ireland and future generations are concerned. It will be an outstanding achievement of the Government. The Taoiseach in his wisdom decided to appoint, for the first time in the history of the State, a full Cabinet Minister for Children and Youth Affairs. It was a profound political statement which will result in a profound difference in the lives of children and future generations in this country. It was very laudable and is something of which we can be really proud.

In the coming months, very radical decisions on local government will be made. As a former member of a county council, I have always believed that our local authorities could be a huge driving force of not only local development but of economic development. However, it will require hugely new thinking and planning of local government and the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Hogan, will bring forward those proposals in May or June or thereabouts.

We are seeing the beginnings of genuine political reform. We have seen it in the Oireachtas with the way business is being done, including in the way the committees have been changed. Further tweaking is required but we have seen the beginnings of new politics in this country, which is very welcome.

Above all, it is the mood of the country which tells the tale. People are not jumping with joy and have not won the lottery but there is a belief that Ireland once again has a future. A solid achievement of the Taoiseach and his Cabinet colleagues has been to give back a sense of future to Ireland because all hope was gone. We were not just a basket case economy but people were fearful of the future and saw no hope for their children and their children's children. That hope has been regenerated. I acknowledge that much more must be done but we have made a solid and steady, but modest, start.

I invite my political colleagues on all sides of the House to work with us in this time of new politics because the last thing the people want to hear about is the future of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil or the Labour Party. As a political anorak, I watched much of the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis as I am interested in the goings on in all political parties. However, when I hear all parties look inwards in regard to their future, I ask the question, who cares? What people care about is the future of this country. We should set aside party politics for the next five years to ensure that by 2016, our country is no longer a province of the IMF but is once again a free, independent and democratic country living within its means and with its own budgetary policy.

I agree with Senator Darragh O'Brien and commend him for the measured and constructive criticism he levelled against the Government because that is the job of a robust and good Opposition. It is important that every Government is held to account. I would like to address the issues Senator Darragh O'Brien raised and make some points. It is in the best interest of the House that in doing so, I ignore the Senator from Meath's obsession with stag hunting. I do not know what it has to do with anything but it surfaces every day. He needs to have it looked at.

It is important on the first anniversary of the Government and of the formation of the Seanad to look at the situation. I do not believe for one second that the Labour Party or Fine Gael has a monopoly of good ideas or good policies. For instance, I commend Deputy Micheál Martin on something for which the country will be eternally grateful, namely, the smoking ban in the workplace. No one can take that away from him or from a previous Government. The dividend to public health and the public purse will be a strong and proud legacy for generations.

Like my colleague, Senator Bradford, I also took an earnest interest in the goings on at the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis and commend Deputy Micheál Martin's defence of small rural schools in his speech. It is a matter on which I agree with him and which I will continue to bring to the attention of the Minister for Education and Skills and the Government. It is also a matter I discussed with the incoming president of the GAA, Liam O'Neill, who is a Laois man and the principal of a small rural school with 35 pupils which is at the heart of the community. To be fair to Fianna Fáil, it has always been the vanguard of rural Ireland. I commend it for that and share a common purpose with it in that regard.

The question of small businesses was raised in Deputy Micheál Martin's speech at the Ard-Fheis. The small business person and the self-employed person deserve all our support and any assistance we can give them. While absenteeism remains a big problem and is a huge burden on the taxpayer — it is estimated at €550 million per annum — at a time when we can ill afford it, the small business sector is not the problem and the burden of absenteeism should not be left at its door.

Having made those points, I diverge in a substantive way from the Opposition motion which reads more like fiction than any sort of meaningful assessment of the Government's performance. In fact, Bertie Ahern would be proud of the creative aspects of the motion. I am sure it would qualify for tax exemption because it is so creative and fictional. Like the public at large, we all await with bated breath the imminent publication of the Mahon report because, in a sense, it will punctuate a chapter in Irish public life and Irish political history. It is important that the Government, as well as the last one, are held to account when the time comes. That will be part of that process. I look forward to the publication of the Mahon report and its findings. For my money, it is worth every penny it cost because one cannot put a price on accountability and a free and fair democracy.

The juxtaposition of people planning to emigrate queuing up at a jobs fair in Ballsbridge with the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis was a landmark moment which will resonate with Irish families for years to come. Like so many other Irish families, members of my family and my children have been forced to emigrate. We all know what it is like and no one can pull rank on that issue. I agree with Senator Reilly from Sinn Féin that it is not a lifestyle choice or something that one does for the experience. To be fair, we all know who coined that phrase first, namely, the former Tánaiste, Mary Couglan, who said people were going off on a gap year, for fun and the experience. I do not believe that is the case. Some 252,000 people have been forced to emigrate since 2008. As I turned to my good friend, the economist, Constantin Gurdgiev, for those figures, I do not believe anyone can say I am pulling them out of the sky. It is not a lifestyle choice; it is a far more serious matter. Many of those young people and families would prefer to stay in this country but they do not have the choice. I do not know one who lays the blame at the Government's door. We must be given a chance to address the issues.

The motion calls for the reopening of Army barracks. That is very interesting. Why do we not reopen all the Army barracks Deputy Willie O'Dea closed when he was Minister for Defence, including the one in Kildare town where buachalláns are growing and which is a campus for anti-social behaviour? It is a redundant eyesore in the middle of the town. If we are going to be constructive, let us be consistent.

I would like to see the Fruitfield plant, the Jacobs factory and the sugar factory in Carlow, which the former Minister, Mary Coughlan, sold out, reopened.

The new chairman of Bord Bia, whom the Minister, Deputy Coveney, appointed did that.

It is absurd that we are importing sugar from Germany into an agricultural country. Those are the kinds of jobs the Government is going after in its policy document, Harvest 2020.

That was the policy document of the former Minister, Deputy Brendan Smith.

We will restore those jobs.

In regard to the household charge and the endeavours of the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Hogan, who has taken strong and robust initiatives in the area of local government and the funding of same, one cannot speak out of both sides of one's mouth and with forked tongues as in the Sinn Féin amendment. The reality is that one cannot have strong local government and good local services such as playgrounds, parks, roads, lighting and fire stations, and then tell people not to pay the household charge. It is immoral and wrong.

Tell them not to pay.

I am grateful for the Leas-Chathaoirleach's accommodation.

I have three points and will try to be as quick and succinct as I can. First, I draw the attention of Members to the achievements of the previous Fianna Fáil Government. We delivered the peace process. Nobody can deny that. In addition, for many years there was very little unemployment. It is no harm reminding people about that.

I am fascinated by the pride the Taoiseach and the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, Deputy Richard Bruton, take in talking about foreign direct investment as if they had achieved it all by themselves, all of a sudden. The jobs that are being delivered for Ireland through foreign direct investment have been worked at and nurtured by IDA Ireland for many years. For 14 years Fianna Fáil sustained international credibility in Ireland with the result that foreign direct investment continued to come into the country. That cannot be denied. My colleague, the leader in the Seanad of my party, Senator Darragh O'Brien, drew attention to the whole infrastructure we have, the magnificent roads throughout the country and the Luas which is relentlessly packed, day in, day out.

I draw attention to the impact of the 2012 budget. Research done by the ESRI in analysing the budget under a sophisticated model states that it is clear that the greatest reduction in income will be for those people on the lowest income, with a fall of between 2% and 2.5% for the poorest 40% of households. The Government parties should be ashamed of themselves. If it had been up to me, I would have introduced increased taxation on income. This is a most regressive budget, with indirect cuts. I refer, for example, to cuts in welfare such as the reductions in child benefit payable to families with three or more children. I spoke on this point on the day the budget was introduced and was shocked that everybody was able to sit so quietly. There is also the restriction of the fuel allowance to 26 weeks. Now, in March, it is still quite cold, yet the Government is cutting the allowance for older people.

That allows for a long winter, by any circumstance.

In the Fianna Fáil policy document on older people——

We have one as well.

Stop defending the indefensible. This is a regressive budget.

(Interruptions).

Senator White to continue, without interruption.

Do Senators not accept the ESRI's analysis which expects a 2.5% drop in the income of poorer households? There are also the reductions in the amounts payable under the rent supplement scheme and the increases in VAT and carbon taxes. If Senators want to say all this did not happen they are welcome.

We all know, as does anybody who knows the most minimal amount of economics, that regressive taxes most affect the poorest people. Income tax is far better. I am glad the Minister of State, Deputy Hayes, is back in the Chamber.

He is in for it now.

My pet subject is the lack of liquidity in the economy for small businesses. I pleaded this with the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, Deputy Richard Bruton. Why does the Minister not listen to the Governor of the Central Bank who said it was twice as difficult for Irish companies to get cash to create and develop more business? It is the small and medium businesses that are creating employment and which are, in fact, much more labour intensive than the multinationals which are capital intensive. Money is not available for these businesses. The Governor, Professor Honohan, stated that there are much tougher restrictions in this country, with more collateral required, higher interest rates, etc.

Earlier, just after the Minister of State had left the Chamber, I stated I did not understand why the Government was sticking its head in the ground. It is in denial. Does the Government understand business? It is not an academic exercise. Business people know there is no liquidity. Taxpayers put €63 billion into the banks we own but they are not passing the money on to the people who need it, in small and medium-sized businesses. I could continue on that point for a week but I will not as I am trying to do it in a nutshell.

I draw attention also to the current low rate of inflation. The reason is as nobody is spending any money, there is no demand in the retail area. There is a myth that it was the Government which improved competitiveness in this economy. Competitiveness was improved by private sector companies which cut their cloth to suit their measure and employees who were prepared to take a reduction in their wages. What is the Government doing? We are becoming uncompetitive again thanks to its charges — for waste and rent and the increased transport and energy costs. It is not hifaluting economics. The Government is adding to our uncompetitiveness. It must address this. I am mystified by the Government. I am mystified as to why the Minister of State's colleagues, who are all very nice people——

When you were in government——

If the Senator had been listening, I told her about our record.

Tá an t-am istigh.

I do not deny——

Look at the record.

This is a very important point. We had muted comments——

All these comments are delaying the Senator's conclusion.

We heard comments from the Central Bank and the Department of Finance made at the height of the Celtic tiger period saying, in very low voices, that we must be careful, blah-de-blah. They did not raise a red alert, however, nor did the then Opposition party, Fine Gael. The media did not raise a red alert about the dangers. However, Fianna Fáil was in charge and must take responsibility.

The Governor of the Central Bank knows the small and medium-sized companies which create employment are not getting cash. He must assert his authority within the institution of the Central Bank and order the banks to give money to these companies.

I am not sure why I was asked to contribute to this debate because all the Members have made up their minds on the motion, conclusively, which is always useful. I have a speech which I do not intend to read but which I hope will arrive one day in my biography as a very important contribution to this House.

One's time in politics is important, whether one is in government or opposition. We all have a job to do, on both sides of this House and in Dáil Éireann. We were all given a mandate. The people will make their minds up about us one way or the other. It will not be the Government touting its successes. Equally, it will not be the Opposition deriding the Government's programme. Ultimately, it is a matter for the people to decide.

One point made very forcefully by Senator Bradford was the importance of political stability. We have stability in the country now which was not there 12 months ago. This is not politics as usual. The two biggest parties in the State, Fine Gael and the Labour Party, have come together as a national government.

Biggest in the Oireachtas.

That is the only thing that matters because that is what the people have decided. The two biggest parties——

Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil together are their equal.

A Senator

What about all the councillors who voted?

The Minister of State to continue, without interruption.

In the last general election the people voted in substantial numbers. The biggest two political parties are now in government together. Some Senators might find that difficult to appreciate but it is a fact.

Let us see. The reason those parties came together was not for the interests of either the Fine Gael party or the Labour Party but for the interest of the country. We put together a national Government because of the crisis the country faces. This is a national Government and I sometimes get frustrated by my colleagues or Labour Party colleagues spinning that the Labour Party has achieved this or Fine Gael has achieved that. It is all irrelevant in circumstances where the country cannot fund itself and the difference between what we take in and what we spend is €15 billion annually. The key objective of the Government is to get the current budget deficit down and to get Ireland back to the market. When that happens, politics as normal will be re-established and the points of choice between the parties will be clear. The country does not have those choices at the moment and for any politician, Government or Opposition, to pretend otherwise is delusional.

Senator Thomas Byrne asked how to quantify an improvement in reputation. One way is to ask the question posed by a Labour Party Senator during the debate on the Finance Bill. The cost of Irish money in July last year, in terms of borrowing, was over 14% on the real market and the cost today is less than 7%. That is a good indication of the way in which the reputational damage done to the country has been restored somewhat as a result of the actions of the Government over the past number of months.

It is the same level as it was in February 2011.

It shows the scale of difficulty we faced in coming into office and the way in which we dealt with it. That is one example. If we are serious about the challenges faced by the country, the Government will need five years to deliver a programme to get the country to a better place. When one compares what Greece, a similar programme country, went through with what Ireland has gone through, the comparison ends there. It is a matter of considerable pride to the Government that since coming into office, we were told by all Members of the previous Government that we would not renegotiate the minimum wage. We were also told by all commentators that we would not renegotiate the minimum wage. I am very proud that one of the first decisions taken by the Government was to improve the situation whereby the previous Government shamelessly reduced the minimum wage. That is significant in circumstances where Greece has gone in the opposite direction. I am proud of the fact that, as highlighted in the debate on the Finance Bill, over 300,000 of the poorest of the poor workers in Ireland have been taken out of the universal social charge. Over 300,000 people on temporary, part-time and seasonal work have been given additional help as a result of measures introduced in the budget. That is something of which the Government can be proud. I am proud of savings we negotiated with the EU authorities on the bailout money, which will save between €9 billion and €10 billion over the course of the loans, which will make an enormous difference. More important, in the course of negotiations we did not have to concede on the issue of corporate taxation, which everyone predicted at the time.

I am proud of the fact that we were told if we sold State assets, the proceeds would have to be used in totality for paying back Government debt. That has not happened and we have been given an agreement that one third of the proceeds can go towards reinvestment, jobs and infrastructure in the economy. The whole point of this entire exercise was, step-by-step, to negotiate the programme Ireland was entered into by the previous Administration. The degree of flexibility is always difficult but we have managed to show significant tangible benefits to which Members can point.

As modestly as I can say it, the most significant thing that has happened is bank recapitalisation. The savings, as a result of decisions taken in March 2011, amount to over €5 billion from start to end. Last March, we were told 100% of Bank of Ireland would be State-owned by December of last year but it now stands at 15%. The best news about the Irish economy over the course of eight or nine months is that 85% of Bank of Ireland is in private ownership. A significant section of the bank was sold to US investors. The only way forward for the country is not just to get back to the markets and sell the State debt in order that we can turn it over in the years to come, but also that investors start to put real deposits into the Irish banking system. I accept the criticism about our capacity to lend to the real economy. The Government is working day in and day out to achieve that. We set up a special banking unit within the Department. The Central Bank has demanded clear timeline reports from the banks, particularly the pillar banks, and we are seeing some small signs of success. It will not happen overnight.

The biggest problem we faced in coming into office was that deposits were still leaving Irish banks and the trend was still in a downward direction. That trend is now going in the other direction and money is coming back into the Irish banking sector. The cost of debt is reducing and, as a consequence, we have the potential of getting back to the markets in a substantive way sometime in 2013. We have already shown that we have managed to move some debt due in 2014, to 2015. It was only a partial re-entry to the markets but it is a significant dipping of our toes into the debt market and it sent a message of stability.

In the election campaign, we said we would do something different with mortgage interest relief for the people who purchased houses between 2004 and 2008. We delivered that in circumstances where everyone said it would not happen. We have also managed to produce a budget where there were no reductions in baseline primary social welfare rates at a time when there is a budget deficit of €15 billion. We managed not to increase income tax. We have increased indirect taxation. The plan to which the previous Government signed up to included moving indirect taxation from 21% to 23% over two years. The suggestion that the previous Government would not have done this is untrue because the previous Government signed up to it in the memorandum of understanding with the troika in 2010.

In combination with other taxes.

We make no apology for keeping taxes on work as low as possible in circumstances where there is a deficit.

The Government is going to change on this point. I will remind the Minister of State of this.

It has been some achievement. In coming to office, we were told we would not have a jobs budget but we have had one that made significant progress in reducing employers' PRSI and VAT for the hospitality and tourism sectors. We have an ambitious action plan on jobs, which is trying to tie together the agencies in achieving the objectives of 100,000 jobs between now and 2015. Pathways to Work, which was announced by the Minister for Social Protection, includes an ambitious target of moving 75,000 people into strong activation measures in the labour market. The JobBridge programme, which was attacked by the left although not by Fianna Fáil, has worked and 5,000 internships have been given to people in the private or public sectors.

That is true, it is good.

This made a real difference to people in getting expertise and skill. Under the Springboard proposals, 6,000 placements have been made across the education sector. An enormous job of work continues over the course of the lifetime of the Government but it is a matter for the people to come to a judgment on the Government or an alternative. It is a matter for the people to see the state of the economy now by comparison with 12 months ago. If one asks most fair-minded people whether we are in a better position now than 12 months ago, they would be in agreement. That is because of the steady success of the Government, for which we look for support.

I compliment Ray MacSharry for the tough decisions taken in 1987, after Fine Gael had been in government with the Labour Party. These were the key decisions in turning around the Irish economy and getting our public finances to a better balanced position. Over three years, he did more than Fine Gael and the Labour Party did in the previous seven years and I concede that point. However, he had the support of Alan Dukes and the Fine Gael Party in doing what was in the country's interest. I ask the Opposition Members to follow in that vein.

We will stand up for the poor people in society. That is Fianna Fáil's mantra.

It is unfair to say, either way, whether people think the Government is doing a good job. We must wait until the next election.

We can take some pointers from opinion polls, which have been consistent and show a flowing away of some support from the Government, especially the Labour Party. There is a drop in support for the Government parties because of some of the policies which have been put in place. It must be said that some people are not happy with the current performance of the Government.

I have to smile when I hear Government representatives say we should set aside party politics because invariably it is always somebody who is in government. We can all rewind the clock and go back to the time when the Government parties were in opposition, and they were a robust Opposition. In fairness, they were vocal. The then Deputy Eamon Gilmore was on his feet every day of the week. The then Deputy Enda Kenny was vocal against what the Government was doing. That is what Opposition parties do. The notion that we can simply put aside party politics is not living in the real world. We must have a robust Opposition, and that is what we do in this House. We put down motions such as this one to hold the Government to account. That is what our amendment is about because it also deals with the failures of the previous Government as well as what we see are the failings of this Government.

Senator Whelan made a number of comments which I want to address. A number of Senators in this House have repeated the claim that Sinn Féin Oireachtas Members have advocated that people should not pay the household charge. I have stated our position on that umpteen times. We have not on any occasion advocated that people should not pay the charge. Not one of our members has done that because we made a collective decision, as a party, not to ask people not to pay.

They are not listening to the Senator because——

What we have said is that some of our public representatives have decided not to pay. It is not the job of any political party to tell the electorate what to do but it is clear that the electorate, the people of this country, have made up their minds that they will not pay the charge. We have not advocated that people should not pay it, and we will not call on people to pay the charge because it is a matter for them to make up their own minds. They are adults. When they turn 18 and they can vote they can make up their own minds on what they should and should not do.

It is about leadership.

I will not ask somebody to pay a flat, regressive €100 household charge but I am not saying they should not pay it.

But you are marching against it.

Members should speak through the Chair.

We are opposed to it politically. What we are doing is what any party should do. We are taking the arguments directly to the Government parties in the Dáil and in the Seanad.

People talk about leadership. Senator Whelan talked about the footpaths and the lighting in playgrounds having to be paid for yet he has the brass neck to sit in this House, along with members of his party, Fine Gael, and shortly sign off on a cheque for €3.1 billion. In January this year they signed off on a cheque for €1.2 billion. In November last year they signed off on a cheque for several hundred million euro.

I do not judge the Government on what I would want it to do. I judge the Government on what it said it would do. Why were the Government parties elected? They were elected on the basis of promises they made and on their pre-election manifestos. We should examine some of the clear pledges made by the parties. They said that not one cent more of taxpayers' money would go into the banks. They said that aggressive burden sharing would have to be imposed before——

That has happened.

That was in the Fine Gael manifesto. I am talking about the Labour Party and Fine Gael. Fine Gael in its manifesto said that burden sharing would have to be imposed and unilateral action would be taken, if necessary.

No. That is untrue.

That was in Fine Gael's election manifesto.

The Senator is wrong. He is deliberately misleading the House.

I am not deliberately misleading the House.

I will send the details to the Senator.

That was in Fine Gael's election manifesto. There was also a good deal of public commentary by Fine Gael's public representatives during the course of the election campaign. We then had "It's Frankfurt's way or Labour's way" and all that nonsense, and that the money would not go into the banks. As I said numerous times, Deputy Eamon Gilmore at the time made a name for himself as the tough man taking on the Government and the banks and now he is signing off on the Anglo promissory note. That is the reality. People see that and they feel let down when they remember all those promises made.

I can give two clear examples of pre-election promises that were made by Senator Whelan's party, one of which was that child benefit would not be touched in any way and that there would not be any increases in college fees but what did we see in its very first budget? Child benefit was touched, so to speak, and college fees will increase this year, next year and the year after that. That is the reality.

People are tired of hearing the Government defend the indefensible when it comes to the banks. We are calling for a different approach because we recognise that the deficit must be reduced. We put forward our pre-budget proposals in that regard. For example, we want a 1% income link wealth tax. We want to standardise all tax reliefs. We want a third rate of tax of 48% on all income over €100,000, and much more. I cannot go through all of our proposals but——

It does not add up.

What does not add up and what is not right socially, economically or morally is that we should be paying back private banking debt. That is what we are doing at a time when we are asking people to shoulder huge amounts of pain. Low to middle income families are being asked to pay every time. The Minister of State can sit in his chair, nod his head and do whatever he likes but the reality is that people on the ground see it differently.

I am not saying that the Government has not done any good. It has done some good. I am fully conscious of the fact that the two parties in government have taken over an enormous mess created by the previous Government, hence our amendment, but it should be big enough to be able to accept constructive criticism when it is pointed out what it promised to do. The fact that the red line issues which the Labour Party in particular signed up to could be simply broken in its first year in office is not good enough for many voters. The people of Ireland deserve better.

An issue I hope we can all agree on is that we cannot have austerity and cuts alone. Adjustments must be made in terms of reducing the deficit. It then comes down to what those adjustments should be, and we can differ on those, but one thing we need is an investment and growth strategy. There is still over €5 billion in the National Pensions Reserve Fund. That money should be used to build infrastructure including schools, roads and all the issues Senator Whelan mentioned.

How will the Senator pay for them?

If the Senator was listening he would have heard me say how they would be paid for. He was half asleep. I said there was money in the National Pensions Reserve Fund——

(Interruptions).

What my party said it would do——-

The Senator is over time. I call Senator Mullins.

We would do what the Senator's party said it would do when it was in opposition, namely, introduce a third rate of tax of 48% but it abandoned that when it went into office.

Senator Cullinane——

A Senator

Have some manners.

I welcome the Minister of State who gave a frank and honest assessment of the Government's performance and the start we have made. I do not believe people feel let down. The recent opinion polls published indicated that the support for both Fine Gael and Labour Party is holding strong because people voted for change and for a Government to come in and resolve the awful mess it inherited. I will not be a bit embarrassed if the Government has to back-track on some of the promises made during the course of an election campaign because we cannot afford to honour some of those commitments. If we must postpone some of them, so be it.

We should never again face a situation such as the one the Government has had to face. We had 14 years of serious mismanagement of the country.

Now Senator, 14 years.

I am getting worried that the Senator's memory is not as good as it should be because she is being very selective in what she remembers.

We all remember that the Government inherited a country on the brink of bankruptcy. The IMF had arrived in the country a few short weeks earlier. Senior Ministers in the previous Government were saying that the IMF was not coming here when its representatives were arriving at Dublin Airport. Over a period of two elections the previous Government bought the electorate by making unsustainable promises. It wasted valuable resources that, unfortunately, brought politics into disrepute. We had tribunals established and the legal profession benefiting to the tune of hundreds of millions of euro as a result of those tribunals. Senior Cabinet decisions appear to have been made in the Galway tent where the only people who were important to the previous Government were the cronies who were hanging around and who would literally walk on one. I attended the Galway races on a number of occasions and saw them operating.

Was the Senator in the tent?

I was not in the tent.

We were never in it.

We all heard about the boom getting boomier. We had no cohesion whatsoever in government and had divided factions. The best talent in government was left on the backbenches. Some former Deputies are now in the Seanad. One can contrast that with what has happened in the past 12 months. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste put in place a strong team of Ministers and Ministers of State. We have seen them perform in this House admirably.

What about Deputy Willie Penrose?

They have set about, in a very businesslike manner, repairing the image of the country. We can see and have heard in recent times about the huge interest in investing in Ireland. We need every bob we can get.

We had very little unemployment when Fianna Fáil was in government.

Senator Mullins to continue, without interruption.

When did the building bust happen? There are 435,000 people unemployed. We need investment and every Department in government functioning and working towards the jobs initiative that was recently rolled out by the Minister, Deputy Bruton. All 15 Departments need to work in a coherent fashion.

The Government has set about renegotiating the bailout programme and has succeeded in saving €10 billion so far by getting an interest rate reduction on the bailout funds. It made a good start and led by example from the front by cutting the salaries of the Taoiseach and Ministers and reducing the cost of ministerial transport and the benefits enjoyed by former taoisigh.

It is only a start, but confidence is beginning to return. We have seen significant job announcements in recent weeks and I hope the recent visits by many Ministers to countries throughout the world will bring about badly needed investment in the coming years. There is a huge job of work to be done. Fianna Fáil did some good things when it was in office but also did some terrible things.

I acknowledge the efforts of the peace process, on which one cannot put a price. It should contribute significantly to investment on this island. I will not knock everything Fianna Fáil did but, from an economic point of view, we were very badly mismanaged in recent years in particular.

Fine Gael did not articulate that we were in trouble.

The Government was rudderless, a situation I hope we will not see again.

We now have an extremely strong Government which, as somebody said, is almost a national Government. I hope, collectively, all Members of the Oireachtas will work towards the betterment of the country. We have a long way to go but we have made a good start. Tús maith, leath na hoibre. I commend the start the Government has made.

Like some on the other side of the House, I am impatient and want to see things happen more quickly. I want to see some decisions made on matters we all seem to be able to identify as needing to be addressed. We are frustrated that sometimes the decision making process takes too long. I urge the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, and all his Cabinet colleagues to keep the pressure on and maintain the good start that was made by the Government, led by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. I wish them continued success but they should not rest on their laurels.

As we saw recently, the gains and achievements after the first year in government are modest. I hope by the time we celebrate the second anniversary we will have made it significantly more progress and more people will be at work, and we will gradually get to a situation where many of the people who have emigrated over the past couple of years or so will start to return to the country.

I am glad to have the opportunity to make a few points on this issue. I have enjoyed the debate immensely so far. Debates are always filled with colour when we get into some of the political crossfire.

Members of these Houses are not yet ready to consider some of the facts calmly without getting high on certain aspects. It will probably be several years before an assessment of the global financial crisis is accurately done and we will be able to calmly say that X action happened and caused a reaction which brought us to where we are.

When I was on the government side of the House as a finance spokesperson I presided over the defence of budgets, and when I was hammered by the Opposition at the time I was never overly political. In finishing a speech on a tough budget, I quoted a closing statement nobody knew I was quoting until I announced it at the end of my speech. I was condemned by the Opposition at the time. Ironically, I referred to the closing paragraphs of the 1987 budget which the Minister of State, Deputy Hayes, praised so glowingly.

I commend the Government for a number of the things it has done in the past year. One, which is mentioned in the amendment to the motion, is the internship scheme which should be expanded and create a great number of jobs. I congratulate and commend the Government for the positive things it is doing in what, as Senator O'Brien, said are extremely difficult times. The options open to the Government are extremely difficult which is where responsibility comes in.

The Minister of State, Deputy Hayes, has said this is not politics as usual, which I accept. When I was on the other side of the House defending tough decisions I also said this was not politics as usual. Nobody would set out in normal circumstances to have to introduce policy A or B if it amounted to a cutback or giveaway issues in particular areas.

The sports capital programme was great over the years and every parish benefited. Senator O'Brien mentioned there were surpluses in previous budgets and money to give away but it was never enough. There was always more to be paid to gardaí, more teachers to be taken on, more schools to be built or more money for GAA parks and so on. The job of the Opposition at the time was to criticise budgets.

I am the first to acknowledge many of the mistakes of the past. At the recent Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis, which received some criticism from the Opposition, our leader, Deputy Micheál Martin, apologised for the fact that mistakes were made. It is very difficult for this season's team to replay matches. It is important that we acknowledge and learn from the mistakes made, and I have no difficulty doing that. When I was on the other side of the House I had no difficulty saying as much. It is not difficult to be political at this point on certain issues because it is justified.

When the programme for Government was being drawn up, we did not tell Fine Gael and the Labour Party to use the books for the surpluses of 2002. Anybody on the other side of the House during the two and a half years I was finance spokesperson, presiding over the cuts the Minister of State, Deputy Hayes, outlined, would know the situation we were in was crystal clear. The heckle was that the coffers are empty. The other side knew that as well as we did in the preparation for the last general election.

In a recent press release I described some of the promises made as, frankly, delinquent and an act of political thuggery. Nobody said we should use the books of the surpluses of 2003, 2004 and late 1990s to determine budgets and expenditure. Nobody said we had to guarantee Roscommon hospital but it happened. Nobody used the cancer patients of the north west as a political pawn in the context of winning votes. However, it is precisely what the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister for Education and Skills and local representatives were doing. Senator O'Keeffe promised the construction of a centre of excellence in the north west. At the same time as the Minister for Health, Deputy Reilly, was telling people on air a few weeks ago that the door was not closed on the provision of cancer services in the north west, the head of the national cancer control programme was in an interview for a medical publication saying that would definitely not be happening.

I have with me a four page list of commitments made in the context of the programme for Government. Senators opposite were aware, if not through the books provided, then from what I was saying when on that side, in respect of which I was heckled by Senators, that the coffers were empty. I dealt with the context of this earlier. For members of the Government and Members opposite to have used the people, from an education, health and wide variety of other perspectives just to gain votes when they knew the coffers were empty, was an act of delinquency and political thuggery.

No one told the current Government to base its programme for Government on the fiscal situation of 2002. It chose to do that and to tell porky pies to the electorate in the interest of winning votes. I will always praise the Government when it does good things but I will not let it go when it knowingly and openly misleads the public.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, to the House. This motion appears to me to be an attempt at political cleansing by Fianna Fáil. It is attempting to wipe clean the slate in terms of the ills it brought on this country, which were handed over to the current Government. Fianna Fáil is asking us to forget what happened during the 14 years when it was in government, in particular the past four or five years, and telling us to get on with sorting out the mess. The Government has every intention of doing that. As stated by other speakers, it has done a fine job in the first 12 months of its term in office.

Fianna Fáil is, in tabling this motion, attempting to cleanse its political soul. I suggest it should take a long dip in the River Liffey. It will take a long time to cleanse the sins on the soul of this country as a result of its activities.

What about Clonmel barracks?

The Government has brought forward an action plan for jobs, the Pathways to Work initiative and an internship scheme. There has been massive direct investment in this country during the past couple of months despite that the Government has been only in office for one year. The Government intends to reform local government and to divide the national legislature from local practitioners, an issue much talked about by Fianna Fáil for almost 25 years but about which it did nothing.

The Minister for Education and Skills, Deputy Quinn, has been criticised about the lack of new schools. The many communities which are to get new schools are grateful for them, including Carrick-on-Suir, the pleas of which in regard to the provision of a new VEC school were ignored by Fianna Fáil for 20 years. Students in the current VEC school are spread across three buildings in the town. They are glad that the Labour Party and Fine Gael are in government and that they are going to provide this new school.

What about the barracks in Clonmel?

My colleague, Senator Cullinane from Waterford, who unfortunately is not here, made great play of the Labour Party losing support. He obviously only took note of the poll which showed Sinn Féin at 25%. The Labour Party is holding strong at 16%, which is where it stood in the run up to the election. We must be doing something right. Senator Cullinane stated that Sinn Féin is not telling people to resist paying the household charge. The Senator took part in a march in my town three weeks ago, at which time he spoke against payment of the household charge. The Senator is now asking us to believe that Sinn Féin is not against payment of the household charge.

Sinn Féin members are speaking out of both sides of their mouths.

Sinn Féin wants to be a 32-county party. It is asking the ordinary people of Ireland to believe that while its supports implementation of the household charge of approximately €1,400 for a standard three bedroom house in the Six Counties it is against the introduction of this charge in the South. Most people can decipher for themselves what is and is not true. Sinn Féin has set out in its amendment to this motion its political manifesto for the next election. As usual, while much of what it proposes is laudable none of it has been costed. Much of what is contained in the amendment is headline seeking. Sinn Féin needs to embrace politics across the 32. It policies must stand across all 32 counties rather some in the North and others in the South.

Senator White's contribution, which referred to Fianna Fáil bringing forth and implementing policies for the elderly in to the future, was interesting. What did Fianna Fáil do on behalf of the elderly during its 14 years in office? Having spent only 12 months in opposition, it now appears to have solutions to all problems. It is amazing what opposition can do for people. It crystalises their thoughts and brings great vision for the future of the country.

Senator Wilson has heckled me once or twice during my contribution. I am not proud of everything the Government has done, including the closure of Clonmel barracks next week. I will be at the barracks next Monday, 26 March, when it closes. I served in Clonmel barracks, which takes great pride of place in south Tipperary. Senator Wilson knows well that the barracks is being closed for economic reasons. We have discussed this matter on many occasions.

What savings will be made?

We have been through all of this.

The Senator must conclude.

The Government, which has been in office now for only 12 months, is steering the ship in the right direction. It has reinstated our reputation at international level and is bringing foreign investment into the country, thus creating jobs. More important, it is giving the people faith and vision in the country. I commend the Government amendment to the House.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, to the House. Nothing focuses the mind like having served on both sides of the House and what one had to say at any given time. I will not concentrate on what Government Members said when on this side of the House, rather I will concentrate on what I said when on the opposite side. Each Member of the House makes an effort to be reasoned, in particular when in the national good. This was evident in a number of the contributions made already today. While the cut and thrust of politics is necessary to energise us, we are all in learning mode, in particular when it comes to the economy. When the recession hit, it hit so quickly it stunned everyone. In the initial stages there was huge denial, not alone on the part of public figures but by people, about what was happening. Gradually we are coming to an area of reality and from that reality I hope we will come forward with pragmatic policies out of which, particularly from those which work and are visible, will come confidence.

Looking at the television and seeing the Taoiseach in the United States if one is Irish one must feel good about it. One wonders how a small country such as Ireland enjoys such a reputation. The reason I make these points is because sometimes when we count our assets we think only of euro whereas the other assets we have are the very ones which may increase confidence and investment and give people a sense there is much to be done at present and that everybody must put their shoulder to the wheel.

In my case I paid the household charge last week. As I stated in the House already, I could not help but think about those who cannot pay it. I had a cheque-book and I thought of those who do not. I thought of those who cannot find €10 and yet have dignity. I also thought about genuine people who lost so much in buying shares which became worthless. I am not speaking about the big people; I am talking about those who received a redundancy package at a certain age who wanted to top up their pensions. Most of them are bearing this quietly. There is definitely anger, but this anger is gradually changing to questioning, which is precisely what we are doing today. We are looking at the policies we have and whether they are succeeding.

The household charge issue has been badly handled. I will not argue for or against it, that debate is for another day, but it has been badly handled. There is much confusion which there need not be. There was a methodology with regard to those who could not afford the €100 but this message is not going out. As a result we are refuelling an anger that need never have been refuelled at a time when things were going the right way. If I were to make any appeal on this issue it would be, in the interests of the country, for the Minister not to make threats. A few days remain before the end of March and it does not work like that with the Irish, being who they are and with their tenacity of character and history. Ban something or make a threat and one will find the Irish will go the other way. I will not lecture a good Minister but he would be wise to back off a little from the type of threat he is making.

I do not know how many people will be involved but let us say it will be 50%. If penalties are added on to the €100 does anybody believe even the penalties will be paid? We are trying to convince a huge body of people that the country is getting back on its feet, which I believe it is and we have a new sense of confidence. I remember the time of the tax on shoes with Jim Kemmy, God be good to him. It was a small issue but it brought down a Government. I do not want to revisit this.

We must get the environment right and provide positive leadership. What are the yardsticks for progress? The first is jobs as if one does not have a job one has a problem. The second is one's home if one cannot pay one's mortgage and one's roof is being threatened.

We had great announcements at the beginning of the year from the IDA which were probably exceptional for the first two months of the year. We have hidden assets, and I am not speaking about oil or gas. I am speaking about tourism. It might not seem as tangible as the wonderful exports we have, but anything that feeds into the tourism industry should become a priority because tourism spreads throughout the entire country.

The Government needs to get it right on the household tax, not because of the €100 but because of morale. It is also important to focus on the main issues of jobs and houses. While we may need to have the cut and thrust of debate and criticise policy, 70% of our commitment should be partnership and working together.

I wish to share time with Senator Jim D'Arcy.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

In dealing with this debate we need to examine one or two issues with regard to the economy. This morning I referred to the cost of health care and that we spent €13.4 billion on it last year and brought in €13.317 billion in income tax. We need to communicate what services cost because there is a total disconnect between what people feel they pay for and what they get. In real terms it costs €257 million per week to run our health service. This is a lot of money to run any service and it is extremely expensive to run the health service. The household charge will bring in €126 million so it will not pay for health care for one week. These are the figures.

We must look at what we have in health care. I could criticise Fianna Fáil for tabling this motion but it is a valuable opportunity to consider what is constructive in the country. Many aspects of our best health care service are the best in Europe and we are very critical of it. Our prenatal mortality rate is the lowest in Europe at 4.5 per 1,000 whereas France's rate is approximately 12 per 1,000. We provide many good health services but we do not give credit for this.

Despite the cutbacks, and we must create economies of scale and efficiencies, we have come from 1.2 million people having medical cards in 2002 to more than 1.7 million having medical cards on 1 March 2012 and this figure is rising. This sends a message in itself and it is why we need to be constructive about how we run the country. To get a medical card one needs to be below a certain income level. It is frightening to think 1.7 million people fall within the criteria for a medical card. It sends a clear message on the task we face in dealing with this economic crisis. The income levels of people have decreased and they qualify for a medical card. We need to understand that by the end of the year more than 2 million people may have a GP-only card or a medical card and this is what we must deal with. This is why we need to be constructive about forward planning for the next five years. The Government is doing a very good job of maintaining services while creating efficiencies.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. The Government is implementing 60% of its election pledges in its first year——

So 40% were lies.

——and I hope it has four more years to go to do the rest. Therefore, the first part of the argument is very weak indeed. With regard to education in particular, the commitment as part of the bailout was to reduce education spending over the five years by €750 million. The Minister has to address himself to that brief. Any Minister would have to do the same.

I am surprised that third level fees are mentioned in the motion before the House. Senators are aware that the original proposal came from the Labour Party. I say that as a Fine Gael man. If the Labour Party had not intervened some years ago, fees could be €6,000 by now. As it is, they are too high. I have two children at college. It is a bit rough that fees of €2,250 will have to be paid in each case. However, the equivalent sum is €6,000 in the North and €10,000 in England. I am anxious to ensure such levels are not reached here. We need to resource our universities because they have slipped out of the top 100. That money has to come from somewhere. A difficulty arises in that context. The modest increase in the registration fee is tough but reasonable in the current context.

I am sorry for speaking so briefly. In general terms, the provision of front-line services for disadvantaged people has been maintained. I refer, for example, to the services provided through DEIS schools, the general allocation model and resource and learning support teaching. I am sorry to say that the Fianna Fáil motion fails with regard to education.

I would like to share time with Senator Wilson.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

During the last Seanad, those of us who were on the Government side had to accept a daily lambasting. It was a question of total and non-stop opposition to our policies morning, noon and night. There is a strong temptation for us to indulge in the same thing. As de Valera said to Churchill one time, however, "that is not the reply I shall make tonight".

The Senator and his colleagues have being doing that all the time.

We are far more responsible than that.

Everybody starts by saying that, only to go on to do it anyway.

Senator O'Sullivan to continue, without interruption.

I have to say we are far more responsible in opposition than the previous Opposition was when we were in government. There is no doubt about it.

The Senator is living in dreamland.

We are starting from the premise that we want the Government to be successful. It is important for the country that it is successful. I want it to be successful.

The Senator should be careful what he wishes for.

If it is doing well, we will applaud it. I will admit to anybody that progress is being made in certain areas of government, particularly the agriculture industry. I have no major fault to find with the way the Government is approaching budgetary reform and trying to get us out of our economic difficulty. Having said that, its agriculture policy is based completely on the Food Harvest 2020 programme that was developed by the former Minister, Deputy Smith. Equally, its fiscal policies are very much based on the policies it lambasted when we tried to pursue them under the former Taoiseach, Brian Cowen.

I am amazed by how quickly the Government has become disconnected as arrogance has crept in. People said we were arrogant when we had been there for a long time. This Government has only been in office for a year, but the same thing is being said. Last week, it was unable to produce a Minister to enable this debate to take place. It was shameful. The fiasco at the Joint Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform took place in the same week. Despite its huge majority in both Houses, the Government was unable to secure a majority at that forum. The members of the Government need to get real. They should look into themselves as well. We will help them as much as we can.

One or two areas that are of interest to me have not been mentioned yet. When the Government was elected, it made a huge issue of electoral reform. It said it would reform the Dáil, abolish the Seanad and reorganise local government. We are still waiting for all of that. Dáil reform seems to be melting down to a reduction of six in the number of Deputies. Talk about labouring to produce a mouse.

Let sleeping dogs lie.

At this stage, even the Taoiseach realises he made a mistake when he advocated the abolition of the Seanad. I have no doubt that the proposal will be reversed, either by the Government or by the people. The Minister, Deputy Hogan, has been talking about local government reform for so long that we have a pain in the face from it. We are still waiting for his paper to be brought to the Cabinet.

The Minister has been dealing with many other pressing matters.

I am mentioning a few of the issues that bother me. I suggest that very few Members of the Oireachtas would say the reformed Oireachtas committee structure is an improvement. Most people would say it is an absolute disimprovement.

The huge committees that have been set up have substantial workloads and very little engagement from members. I am keen to talk about such issues.

The Senator is going very well, but he is eating into Senator Wilson's time.

I would like to speak about the dumbing down of education. The scandalous reduction in the salaries of teachers at the point of entry is reducing the status of teaching. As a former teacher, I suggest this measure is a blow to the pride of the profession.

If the Cathaoirleach will indulge me, I will conclude by mentioning a local issue. I have raised the Shannon LNG project on several occasions in this House. The project will create 500 jobs and guarantee energy security for years to come. It seems that the two Ministers involved cannot agree how much progress has been made. The Minister, Deputy Rabbitte, knows all about the red tape that is involved. If we were in government at the moment, the howling would be heard from here to Timbuctoo. I appeal to the Minister to do something about the project before it goes to some other country.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, to the House. A debate like this is a useful opportunity. It allows the Government to look at its record and mark itself. It gives us a chance to correct the Government's papers. Senator Jim D'Arcy said that the Government honoured 60% of its election promises in its first year. Does that mean the other 40% will be reneged on, or will they be honoured? We had not set the untruths at that higher percentage. We will see how the next year goes.

Senator O'Neill's colleague from the Carlow-Kilkenny constituency, the Minister, Deputy Hogan, has been very active since the Government took office. With the exception of the Minister for Finance, he is probably the best-known Minister throughout the country. He is not well-known because he is handling things well; he is handling things very badly. The household charge has been a debacle. It is not going to work. The Government is expecting to get €100 from 1.6 million people. Less than one fifth of them have paid the charge to date. I am hearing on the ground that people are confused about how they can pay.

As a politician, I will pay the charge because that is the law of the land. As a Cavan man, I will wait until the day before the deadline before I do so. It is better for me to have €100 in my account than for it to be in the Minister's account. The administration of the charge has been handled very badly by the Minister and the Department. People who are anxious to pay the charge do not know how they can do so. The Minister has also reneged on the Fine Gael promise to provide grant aid for people who need to upgrade their septic tanks. Such a provision was not included in the legislation and has not been included in the guidelines.

When did he say that?

I would like the record to be corrected.

Senator Wilson to continue, without interruption.

Senator Landy alluded to the closure of Clonmel barracks, which is a disgrace. The Minister, Deputy Shatter, and his Government colleagues are closing the Defence Forces' facilities in Clonmel, Mullingar, Castlebar and Dún Uí Néill in Cavan town. They claim that savings will result from those closures. I am most familiar with Dún Uí Néill, which is the most modern barracks in Europe. It is a purpose-built facility that costs little more than €250,000 to run, including the fuel for the Army vehicles. When it closes next week, 140 personnel will transfer to Athlone, Dundalk and Dublin. It will cost the State some €30 million to provide additional accommodation for them. What does the Government propose to do with the barracks that are being closed? I have it on good authority that it intends to sell the excellent and modern purpose-built facility in Cavan town to another State agency. Where is the saving if that happens? Some €3 million will be lost to the economy of Cavan town. If one State agency sells a building to another, it will be a farcical exercise and no saving will be made. The cost to the State of providing accommodation for the troops that are being moved from the four barracks that are being closed will be €30 million. It is a disgrace and a shame. I wish I had more time to point out some other difficulties.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, back to the House. Senator O'Keeffe suggested that the Government is "arrogant" and "disconnected". I must say that was my reaction when I read——

It was Senator O'Sullivan.

The Senator is mixing me up with the other Ned.

Not at all. I beg the Senator's pardon. The first time I read the Fianna Fáil motion I felt disconnected.

I wish to address some of the education issues. In regard to the student registration fees at third level, it is worth noting that under the Fianna Fáil Administration the student registration fee increased by 950% between 1996 and 2011. The era of free fees ended under the last Government many years ago. In contrast, regrettably, the increase in the last budget amounted to 12%. It goes without saying that the last thing the Government wanted was to introduce change or take from education.

As a parent of three children in university next year I will feel the pinch, as will everybody. The Government has rightly concentrated on the top priority which was to protect the pupil teacher ratio, resource teachers and the SNA allocations.

The motion proposed by Fianna Fáil calls on the Government to protect front-line services in education in particular to the most disadvantaged. I remind Senators that the DEIS scheme was fully protected by the Labour Party in the budget.

It was not; that is a lie.

It was protected.

Like DEIS schools

If one looks at the €13 million enhanced capitation we have got €2 million worth of schoolbooks funding for DEIS schools and the €26 million investment in the home-school community liaison will be continued for 2012. The five existing scholarship schemes for higher education are being replaced with a single bursary style merit based scheme with awards set at €2,000 per student. The bursary will be an additional support to incentive and reward high achievement for students from DEIS schools. All DEIS second level schools will be given targeted support by a more favourable staffing ratio of 18.25:1. This is a 0.75% reduction compared to the 19:1 ratio in non-fee paying schools.

I refer to small schools and the constant bombardment from the Opposition. When Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were in government in 1992, Fianna Fáil published a Green Paper which sought to close all schools with fewer than four teachers. That seems to be forgotten.

Senator Moran to continue, without interruption.

The Senator's brother-in-law will stand up for her.

It is as if Fianna Fáil was not in government or that it is not facing up to its responsibilities when it was in government. I cannot sit here and take a lecture from Sinn Féin either. A classical example of that party trying to have it both ways, is that it opposed the changes to small schools south of the Border while north of the Border it is seeking to close the small schools. One has got to be honest about it and give credit where it is due for what the Government has achieved in its first year.

With the agreement of the House, I wish to share time with Senator Leyden.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It is important to point out that what we on this side are doing is affording an opportunity for both sides to mark their card. Rightly, the Government side should defend what it has done in the past year while we point out the flaws. The Government should be reminded that it is not so much about what it has been doing in the past 12 months that is critical but the long list of pre-election promises made to the electorate, which now feels let down. It was a bit like Roman emperors of yore arriving back from some far flung part of the Roman empire to the Eternal City to claim their birthright. That was how many of them felt when they came back last year. We all applauded the fact that there would be a fresh change. However, as politicians we also knew there was an underlying obligation on the part of the Government to ensure it tried to get back what was lost. That is a main focus of the Government but the people were asked to cast their vote for it on the basis of a whole range of statements made during the election campaign, most of which have not only not been adhered to. It appears likely the reason they were made was that the Labour Party would get a majority in order to have Deputy Eamon Gilmore as Taoiseach and on the part of Fine Gael to ensure it would have an overall majority and Deputy Enda Kenny would be Taoiseach. Both sides are guilty of over-egging the political pudding. In fact, the lads and lassies did not have to do it at all, except to turn up, such was the unpopularity of the last Government. It has made a bags of it and this has come back to haunt it.

We did not buy the election.

I have many quotes. In the middle of the election campaign on 11 February 2011, Deputy Eamon Gilmore said the agreement had to be renegotiated. I am sorry this will emphasise the Labour Party because I have some from Fine Gael also. On 11 February Deputy Eamon Gilmore said there was a pile of stealth taxes contained in the Fine Gael Party document —€21 per month for a family with two children and child benefit, an increase in car tax, water charges, and a 2% increase in VAT and a social welfare cut.

The Fine Gael press conference took place on 18 February. Fine Gael in its pre-Christmas budget submission set out the areas it would not cut back: the disabled, pensions, carers and the blind. On 19 February, RTE news stated that child benefit would not be cut and Deputy Eamon Gilmore and the Labour Party would not agree to have child benefit cut any further On 21 February, he said third level fees was a red line issue. In regard to child benefit cuts Deputy Eamon Gilmore said families had suffered enough as it was and had seen their pay packets plundered. On 22 February, under the heading, "Protecting Families", he said the budget that really mattered in the election was the family budget, the household budget. The economics that really mattered in the election were the home economics. The things that really matter to families is whether the next government will work for children and do the right thing for the next generation. Now the Government wonders why it is so unpopular. It is because it fooled the people and is so doing the people voted for the Government.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Joe Costello, to the House.

A Senator

The only problem is that he will come back for 12 months.

Senator Leyden to continue, without interruption.

I will deal with one issue. On 8 February 2011, the Taoiseach, Deputy Enda Kenny, was in Roscommon town and gave a commitment to maintain the service at Roscommon County Hospital. He said he did not come to the town lightly and that those in accident and emergency, knew Fine Gael would maintain the service. The Tánaiste gave a similar commitment. The Minister for Health, Deputy James Reilly, gave a strong commitment and said he would reopen the hospital if it was closed. That is all very fine but the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Brendan Howlin, has allocated €20 million to the accident and emergency unit in Wexford General Hospital, and he is supposed to be the Minister for cutbacks. It is okay to take the accident and emergency unit in Roscommon County Hospital because it has no Labour Party seat, nor will it have. The Fine Gael Party won two seats but it will not win them again. It will be lucky to get one seat on the occasion of the next election because the one it had is gone. The Deputy concerned jumped ship and had to do so because he gave so many commitments to Roscommon County Hospital following which he was elected. Fine Gael won two seats by false pretences in the constituency of Roscommon-Leitrim but it will not happen again. The people can be fooled once but not twice.

A Senator

That is what happens.

(Interruptions).

On 8 June 2011 the Minister, Deputy Howlin, said the people of Wexford wanted, demanded, and would get the highest standard of health care as he announced a €20 million investment in Wexford General Hospital. In this he implied to hell with Roscommon and everything else. He secured his seat and he did not care. That is what bought it for the people. They are being treated like second-class citizens and the Minister who is supposed to be in charge of reform, does not want to come to the House. At least the Minister of State, Deputy Joe Costello, has come to the House. The Minister, Deputy Howlin, was appointed by the late Garret FitzGerald as a Member of this House and he does not have the good manners to come to the House and try to justify his actions. The people found out.

The Senator's time has expired.

In regard to Sligo, Senator Susan O'Keeffe knows the promises she made and those she broke.

I wish to share my time with Senator Pat O'Neill.

Is that agreed? Agreed. The Senators have a minute and a half each.

Three minutes each.

There are three minutes altogether.

I might as well have remained seated.

There are three minutes in total.

The minute that has just elapsed should be discounted.

The Senator should not blush.

I am not blushing because I am looking across at Senators whose party was in government for 14 years. If Senator Averil Power had stood up and said what was said, it might have been acceptable because she is a new kid on the block and was not around when the last Government's decisions were being made.

Senator Keane is not a new kid on the block. She knows both sides.

She was a member of the Progressive Democrats.

I am looking at people who, over 14 years, placed this country in dire circumstances. One would think from listening to them——

She was a member of the Progressive Democrats.

(Interruptions).

Senator Keane to continue, without interruption.

The tail can wag the dog once or twice but not 100 times.

The Senator wagged the tail of the dog many times when she was sitting at Mary Harney's side. And the cat as well.

The Senator is swinging a dead cat here.

On a point of order, there is no difference between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

That is not a point of order.

Stop the clock. I have been interrupted——

There is one minute left for Senator O'Neill.

I have not concluded.

I cannot turn back the clock.

Senator White could say her party sorted out the peace process. Fine Gael is one year in government and the negotiation on the peace process was started in 1922. We are one year here and should be given a chance. That is a nonsense.

I have a lot to say and thank Senator Keane for sharing her time.

With regard to a couple of points raised by Senator Wilson, I want the record of the House to be corrected. He said the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Hogan, said there would be grants for septic tanks. I do not remember him saying that.

Senator Wilson has said he is from Cavan and will wait until the last minute to pay the household charge.

I am very proud of it.

The Senator referred to the four Army barracks we closed. Under Fianna Fáil, Ballincollig Barracks, County Cork, Fermoy Barracks, County Cork, Devoy Barracks, County Kildare, Magee Barracks, County Kildare, Castleblayney Barracks, County Monaghan, which is in the Senator's constituency, Clancy Barracks, Dublin, Monaghan Barracks, also in the Senator's constituency, Lifford Barracks, County Donegal, Longford Barracks, County Longford, and Rockhill House, Letterkenny, were closed. This amounts to ten closures, yet Fianna Fáil is criticising us for closing four.

The Senator is out of time.

The money was reinvested in the armed forces. There were too many barracks.

I call on Senator O'Brien to reply.

We narrowed the number down to what was needed——

It is hypocrisy. Fianna Fáil definitely lived in Rip Van Winkle land.

Kilkenny barracks was on the list for the chop and it was switched with that in Cavan.

Selective amnesia, as usual.

Kilkenny barracks was for the chop——

Senator O'Brien should be allowed to contribute without interruption.

While the debate became a little heated towards the end, Senator O'Neill said enough in the short time in which he spoke.

The irony was not lost on me that the Fine Gael group's summation was given by a former member of the Progressive Democrats. I will not take lectures from former members of the Progressive Democrats on economic management.

The tail cannot wag the dog all the time; the Senator should ask Bertie Ahern.

Senator O'Brien to continue, without interruption.

The Government had committed to producing a report card on ministerial performance and the performance of various Departments. The Taoiseach, good publicist that he is, made this firm commitment on "The Late Late Show". I acknowledge that some progress has undoubtedly been made by the Government and that there are difficult economic times. This year is not as difficult as the preceding three years. Bearing in mind that it may be difficult for some on the Government side to stomach some criticism after only a year in government, Fianna Fáil, as a responsible Opposition party, is trying validly to remind them of what they promised before the election and in the programme for Government. I doubt many Members would speak to the public as they have spoken to some colleagues in the House today.

The Government outlined what it would do. It spoke about education. I have considerable regard for a number of Senators present who speak on education. Determining the means by which we educate young children is most important. Anyone who looks back at the recent budget will say it has been a disaster in regard to education and bringing young people through these difficult times. That is a fact.

My colleagues in Fianna Fáil have outlined, through their various portfolios, where they see the Government going wrong. I told the Minister of State I am still seeking action on mortgages. What is the most serious consideration for people today?

That is what I wanted to speak on had I been allowed.

People will wake up tomorrow morning wondering whether a registered letter will come in the letter box and whether they will have a house in a month's time. Some 30,000 people are going through the courts at present in this regard. Let the Government side not forget that its Members in the Seanad voted down Senator MacSharry's Bill, the Family Home Bill 2011, which would have given——

His was an unconstitutional Bill.

——protection to homeowners badly in need of it, whether the Government side likes it. In this Chamber, we do our best at many times to work together in the national interest and there are times when we divide in this regard. However, the record shows the Government told the public it would protect education but did not do so. The Minister for Education and Skills announced a €1.5 billion building programme for schools over five years. That is supposed to be magnificent. There is actually a cut of €500 million.

We are getting rid of the prefabs that Fianna Fáil——

Senator O'Brien to continue, without interruption.

Today I am not going to talk about the new politics that new Fine Gael and the Labour Party were to introduce or the Government's statement that it would not appoint friends and cronies, including in judicial appointments, nor will I talk about the breaking of salary caps for their special advisers.

I agreed with Senator Whelan this morning that it is an outrage that the chief executive of Bank of Ireland is paid €850,000. Although Senators have talked about cutting salaries and reducing the salary of the Taoiseach to €200,000, a decision I fully applaud, Ministers, when they appoint their friends to help them out, breach the salary cap time and again. People are sick and tired of this.

I wish the Government well. As Senator O'Sullivan said, we want this country to improve. I believe that, as a group, we can work together to achieve that, but not without protecting the family home and ensuring there is liquidity for businesses, as desired by Senator White. Butchering the capital programme will not create jobs. Unemployment has increased the Government's much-vaunted jobs initiative. The budget was to be a jobs budget. Unemployment among the workers who are still here has increased from 13.7% last July to 14.3%. This is afact.

Ireland has many challenges to face. I advise the Government to set aside the politics of spin and PR. It should tell the people what it cannot do. It should not tell the people it has not cut basic social welfare rates. That does not wash with them. It should not tell people it has not touched income tax. While it may not have done so, it has introduced indirect taxation. It should consider the problems it is having because of the household charge. With regard to that charge, local taxes need to be paid. We will be paying the charge and we support it, but the manner——

There is always a "but".

——in which it has been managed by the Government has been poor.

The Government's report card overall should state "Must do better" and perhaps it should be awarded a D+.

Senator Keane was part of the previous Government.

Amendment put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 29; Níl, 12.

  • Bacik, Ivana.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Brennan, Terry.
  • Burke, Colm.
  • Clune, Deirdre.
  • Coghlan, Eamonn.
  • Coghlan, Paul.
  • Comiskey, Michael.
  • Conway, Martin.
  • Cummins, Maurice.
  • D’Arcy, Jim.
  • Gilroy, John.
  • Harte, Jimmy.
  • Hayden, Aideen.
  • Healy Eames, Fidelma.
  • Heffernan, James.
  • Higgins, Lorraine.
  • Keane, Cáit.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Landy, Denis.
  • Moloney, Marie.
  • Moran, Mary.
  • Mulcahy, Tony.
  • Mullins, Michael.
  • Noone, Catherine.
  • O’Keeffe, Susan.
  • O’Neill, Pat.
  • Sheahan, Tom.
  • Whelan, John.

Níl

  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Cullinane, David.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • MacSharry, Marc.
  • Mooney, Paschal.
  • Norris, David.
  • Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
  • O’Brien, Darragh.
  • O’Donovan, Denis.
  • O'Sullivan, Ned.
  • White, Mary M.
  • Wilson, Diarmuid.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Paul Coghlan and Susan O’Keeffe; Níl, Senators Ned O’Sullivan and Diarmuid Wilson.
Amendment declared carried.

Amendment No. 2 cannot be moved as amendment No. 1 has been agreed to.

Amendment No. 2 not moved.
Question put: "That the motion, as amended, be agreed to."
The Seanad divided: Tá, 29; Níl, 11.

  • Bacik, Ivana.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Brennan, Terry.
  • Burke, Colm.
  • Clune, Deirdre.
  • Coghlan, Eamonn.
  • Coghlan, Paul.
  • Comiskey, Michael.
  • Conway, Martin.
  • Cummins, Maurice.
  • D’Arcy, Jim.
  • Gilroy, John.
  • Harte, Jimmy.
  • Hayden, Aideen.
  • Healy Eames, Fidelma.
  • Heffernan, James.
  • Higgins, Lorraine.
  • Keane, Cáit.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Landy, Denis.
  • Moloney, Marie.
  • Moran, Mary.
  • Mulcahy, Tony.
  • Mullins, Michael.
  • Noone, Catherine.
  • O’Keeffe, Susan.
  • O’Neill, Pat.
  • Sheahan, Tom.
  • Whelan, John.

Níl

  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Cullinane, David.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Mooney, Paschal.
  • Norris, David.
  • Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
  • O’Brien, Darragh.
  • O’Donovan, Denis.
  • O'Sullivan, Ned.
  • White, Mary M.
  • Wilson, Diarmuid.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Paul Coghlan and Susan O’Keeffe; Níl, Senators Ned O’Sullivan and Diarmuid Wilson.
Question declared carried.
Top
Share