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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 Jul 2023

Vol. 295 No. 9

Broadcasting (Restriction of Salaries) Bill 2023: Second Stage

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Bill we are discussing this evening is not a knee-jerk reaction to the controversy that has broken out in and about RTÉ in recent weeks. The payment of RTÉ celebrity top talent has been a controversial topic for many years for the obvious reason that RTÉ gets most of its money from ordinary people by way of the television licence and people have certain expectations of what public service broadcasting should be and what it ought to mean.

In 2019, I said, and was reported as saying, that salaries and remuneration at RTÉ as the public sector licence-funded broadcaster should be pegged to public sector pay scales. In the intervening period, I have worked with the Office of the Parliamentary Legal Adviser in an effort to identify the kind of legislation that could address some of the public's concerns and have worked with others ahead of preparing and presenting this Bill. There has been a widely held view for a long time that the public service ethos to which RTÉ is expected to subscribe and that we expect it to promote has not been well served by the station having an overly commercialised culture where a small group of people enjoy very lavish salaries while others within the organisation and most of the people RTÉ serves have had to do with very much less.

This is not a matter of begrudgery. RTÉ presents itself as a community-focused organisation - the representative of us. It both mediates and leads the national response to disasters, crises, celebrations and important events of every kind. Indeed, it actively curates the public mood on a range of issues and events - sometimes justifiably and necessarily while at others excessively and unacceptably. The trust that this role to which RTÉ aspires and indeed advertises to us implies and presupposes a relationship between RTÉ, the people and the State that is not merely contractual and transactional.

For the same reason, namely, RTÉ's pretension to be the trusted curator of our national discussion and the relationship this presupposes, there has been alarm at reports of excessively lavish hospitality at the station - even when such hospitality is associated with the commercial side of the operation purely. Some of the concerns here may turn out to be unreasonable or otherwise not well founded. The reviews announced yesterday by the Minister for Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media into governance, culture, contractor fees, HR and other matters will be better placed to assess RTÉ's commercial activity and some of the practices there.

In recent years, many will have felt that RTÉ has lost its way. This is reflected in the understandable decision of some people not to pay the television licence so controversial at times has been the losing of the way. People's anger does not just reflect disquiet about excessive salaries, a lack of transparency not to say a strategy of deceit, lavish hospitality and all the rest of it. The anger stems from a multitude of sources but around the country, there is very much a sense that RTÉ is D4 and that it excludes more than it includes sometimes, whether that is viewpoints in news or culture. I have had tussles - often referring to it as a State broadcaster rather than a public service broadcaster - and I have been critical of the way in which RTÉ and its personnel have sought to shape our thinking in a way that has gone far beyond their remit at times.

Now RTÉ has arrived at its Kairos moment - the right critical or opportune moment as the ancient Greeks expressed it. The current crisis is an opportunity and it is in this spirit that I put forward this Bill because it provides RTÉ with an opportunity to escape the clutches of commercialism and, indeed, a crass celebrity culture, which are the sources of many ills now being pored over. It is an opportunity to reassess and embrace a new spirit and ethos of selfless public service.

This Bill primarily seeks to cap top salaries in the organisation but it can presage a new dawn at the corporation. Yes, a cap on salaries may lead to a faster turnover of talent but that is no negative thing for a public service broadcaster serving young talent and rewarding it at a level that is appropriate for a small island nation and also accepting that the lure of brighter lights abroad may draw some people away. In a different time, we were all proud of the late Terry Wogan and his success at the BBC and nobody thought that RTÉ had missed a trick by letting him go. It is no bad thing either for RTÉ to be a training ground for staff at commercial stations - perhaps contributing to their standards also, although we should acknowledge the excellent beginnings that both local and commercial media have given to staff who in turn have ended working in RTÉ.

A cap will encourage people wishing to be part of public service to do just that - to serve the public through broadcasting. It will also help change how our RTÉ is seen by the nation. Service evokes admiration. We appreciate people who serve the public. There is a sense that they are surrendering something of themselves for the good of all and for that, we are grateful. On some levels, RTÉ does a very good job. The removal of overly commercialised salary payments will not undermine that and, indeed, may endear audiences more to top presenters.

My Bill will help restore that public service remit to RTÉ. It may lead to a new dawn for RTÉ's next century of public service and I hope, therefore, it will get a speedy passage. I note the Government's response is to table a timed amendment that will delay the passage of this legislation for a year. This is a mistake. The Government has let less well-prepared legislation pass in these Houses - certainly in the other House - on Second Stage. I agree the reviews commissioned by the Minister should inform legislation in this area but where my legislation strikes, it strikes clearly and coherently and any amendments it may need on Committee Stage could be informed by the outcomes of the reviews. This legislation needs to go through as soon as possible because even if the Bill was to pass tomorrow, it may take a couple of years for some people to see out existing contracts. My Bill naturally respects existing contracts until they have concluded so we should not have any further delay.

The key aspects of my Bill are first that it provides that no matter how constructed, whether by way of direct employment contract or a contract or more than one contract with an individual or company, no person working at a corporation - RTÉ or TG4 - would receive in excess of the salary and allowance of the Minister for the Environment, Climate and Communications, which is a sum of approximately €195,000. Some would say that is too generous while others would say it is not generous enough. I am very open to further discussion about that. My Bill also provides that it shall be necessary to take into account the difference between the benefits that go with being on a direct employment contract with public service benefits and being on an external contract.

The Bill focuses on the limitation of salaries but it also focuses on transparency requiring the publication of any salaries in excess of that received by a Deputy, which is some €107,000. The Bill deals with accountability in other ways. One of the areas in which RTÉ has sometimes strayed from its remit is in failing to properly honour the duties and codes of broadcasting, particularly around impartiality. There have been numerous findings on that over the years.

The Bill provides that it will be a condition of a contract for anybody involved in news, current affairs or other content to be fair and impartial and keep their personal and political views out of their content. It requires that where breaches are found by the existing compliance committee under the legislation, the station would determine and publish the kinds of sanctions it may impose, for example, a temporary loss of earnings, a suspension of contract or the requirement for and publication of a public apology. All of this is part of restoring public confidence under the heading of accountability.

It is not long since there was a report on the future of broadcasting. In my submission to the consultation in that regard, I called for respect for the diversity of public opinion on social and cultural issues. For example, as we grapple with housing and migration challenges, a public service broadcasting remit needs to ensure that the voices of communities that have not been consulted, that are facing the strains of day-to-day living and that have been forced to the margins as the State tries to cope, are heard just as much as those voices which rightly encourage to attitudes to solidarity. They are not mutually exclusive. A public service broadcaster does not shy away from difficult realities. Rather, it seems to be a forum for discussion, even anger sometimes, as well as for dialogue and, hopefully perhaps, resolution.

In all we are doing here, we need to distinguish between personalities and issues. People have a right to negotiate for the best terms and conditions for the job they do. There is nothing unusual or unnatural about that. In recent days, some of my own political class have forgotten the respect that is due to people even as hard questions need to be asked. Committees in Leinster House that are looking into various issues at present should consider letting their questions be known beforehand so as to enable those who are appearing to give proper responses, instead of trying to catch people out. There should not be grandstanding or pouncing on witnesses in public. Last week, I saw a man being pressured to reveal his salary. This might have made for good television, but it was deeply unfair to someone who is just doing his job. He would have been within his rights to take time out or choose not to answer, but he was bullied into doing so. This was not a good moment for the Oireachtas. Mistakes were made and penalties may be due, but public shaming and a general woke cancel culture is never a good way for politics to conduct itself. There always needs to be respect. For those who have been found to have done wrong in whatever way, there should be a way back through explanation, apology, sometimes a penalty but more importantly, reform.

I reiterate that this is a Kairos moment for RTÉ. It is an opportunity to burst the Dublin 4 bubble, to see clearly the distinction between commercial and public service activities and to grasp the difference between being a State broadcaster and a public service broadcaster that works for the whole public and helps to create and renew a sense of unity in our society.

The word "diversity" gets honourable mention in the terms of the reviews the Minister has established. I will say, because it is part of the problem here, that this cannot be the new intersectional diversity that continually seeks to divide us. Better that it be the diversity of Wolfe Tone that seeks to unite around a common Irish identity, one which we proudly seek to share with every new person arriving on our shores.

It is in the spirit of what will hopefully be a Kairos moment for RTÉ that I commend the Bill to the House.

I am supporting Senator Mullen’s Bill which, I am sure we all agree, could not come at a better time. As the ongoing revelations of multiple barter accounts, under-the-table pay deals and a pile-up of undeclared expenditure, a picture of RTÉ emerges as an institution which very quickly returned to its Celtic tiger ways - an unassailable monolith of an institution that was above scrutiny and beyond accountability. As always, there were the “ins” and the “outs”. The “ins” were the D4 cabal who sat perched atop the pyramid, called the shots and enjoyed the giving and receiving of what seems more and more like the old-school Irish “favours for the lads”. The “outs”, of course, are the normal workers, the administration staff, the auto technicians, the lighting engineers, the people who turned up and worked every day and took home a modest pay cheque at the end of the month, with no brown envelopes being routed through a talent agency contract to supplement it.

In all of this, and in the context of the damage that will be done by the actions of the ruling class, I really feel we should be mindful of these honest workers when making our contributions. This is why Senator Mullen's Bill does not call for wholesale disinvestment from RTÉ, but, rather, it puts forward the case for de-establishment, although one can understand the calls for such. The Bill carefully targets only the highest earners, namely, those receiving in excess of the salary of a Cabinet Minister, which, in 2023 is €195,000. Under this Bill, that amount would become the upper limit of what an RTÉ salary could be. In addition, under the Bill the public would enjoy greatly increased transparency at RTÉ, which would publish the names and salaries of all employees and contractors whose pay exceeds the salary of a Deputy, which, in 2023, is €107,000. If RTÉ is really to be the public broadcaster, then it is only right that the people who work there enjoy pay parity with those in the service of the public in Leinster House and Government Buildings, namely, our Deputies and Ministers.

Speaking of public servants, I am reminded of a ground-breaking “Prime Time” investigation two years ago into the claiming of expenses by councillors, the people who are the foundation of local government and who are on the front line when it comes to political engagement with the public. Anyone who has been a councillor or who works with councillors knows the blood, sweat and tears that go into that job for very little thanks. Two years ago, the double-dealing bigwigs at RTÉ thought these people needed to have a team of reporters stuck into their paper trails in order to make sure that everything was above board. As a result, the public was served up a ready-made TV dinner of outrage over €400 in fuel expenses or €130 for an overnight hotel stay. I wonder how much RTÉ spent on the freedom of information requests. How many people took part in that investigation? What were their salaries? RTÉ tells us the investigation took more than two years. At what cost to the taxpayer? All the while, the Celtic tiger was alive and roaring within RTÉ's own walls, with tens of thousands of euro in cash being splashed on golf outings, preshow dinners for the lads, exclusive London club memberships and 200 pairs of flip-flops. This is not even a matter of the pot and the kettle; it is another level of hypocrisy and utter lack of self-awareness. It is time for change when it comes to RTÉ.

Some people have floated the idea of splitting RTÉ into different regional bodies and independent studios, such as Galway and Sligo in the north west, Cork and Killarney in the south west and Wexford, Waterford and Kilkenny in the south east. Should we use this opportunity to break the Dublin 4 dominance over national thinking once and for all? It is worth investigating.

The Bill is the start we need. It is a good, short and clean Bill that gives the Government an opportunity to send a strong message to the public that it takes public spending seriously and that value for money and transparency are important to it. I commend the Bill to the House and ask that Senators vote in favour of it.

I welcome to the Gallery Senator Vincent P. Martin's cousin Kevin Martin from Chicago. I also welcome Mr. Martin's wife Maria, their daughter Lucy and their son Zac and his partner Margaret.

Government amendment No. 1:
To delete all words after “That” and substitute the following:
- “Seanad Éireann resolves that the Broadcasting (Restriction of Salaries) Bill 2023 be deemed to be read a second time this day twelve months, to allow for the completion of the independent examination of Raidió Teilifís Éireann and for any considerations arising from the examination to be taken into account in further scrutiny of the Bill.”

Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis seo labhairt le Seanad Éireann ar an mBille seo. I dtosach baire ba mhaith liorn aitheantas a thabhairt don méid oibre atá déanta ag an Seanadóir Mullen ar an mBille. I welcome the opportunity to speak to Seanad Éireann on this Bill. I wish to begin by acknowledging the work that Senator Mullen has done on it. Before addressing the substance of the Bill, I take the opportunity to reiterate what I said in the Lower House yesterday and address some of the further revelations we have heard today.

As I outlined earlier, I have spoken to the chair of the board of RTÉ today and received an outline of the board's position, particularly around the deeply unsatisfactory nature in which information is being provided by the executive. She informed me that the board has now written to the deputy director general and the incoming director general outlining that this is totally unacceptable and that it has eroded their trust and confidence in the executive. In this context, the board has requested that swift action be taken. As we have been hearing, the chair has been addressing these issues further at the Joint Committee on Tourism, Culture, Arts, Sport and Media. I absolutely understand that erosion of confidence. It is imperative that full clarity on these, and all issues, be forthcoming without any further delay.

I am bringing my meeting with the chair of the RTÉ board, the interim deputy director general and the incoming director general forward to tomorrow. Public service broadcasting is fundamentally based on trust, the trust between a broadcaster and its audience, the trust between a national institution and the people of the country and between a State body and the Oireachtas. For RTÉ, it is a trust that has been built over many decades. It is a trust that fundamentally rests on the organisation being open, transparent and accountable to the Government, to the Oireachtas and ultimately, to the public. The public rightly expect much higher standards of transparency and accountability from RTÉ and it is unacceptable that these have not been there. It is now essential that public trust in RTÉ is restored.

The further revelations that have come to light, including in the information that has been furnished to the joint Oireachtas committee over the past days, have illustrated just how pervasive and deep-seated the governance and other failings in RTÉ have been. It is essential that we confront the governance structure and organisational culture in RTÉ that has enabled these failings so we can prevent them from occurring in the future.

In the context of the issues raised by the Senator today and concerns that have been raised with me by the RTÉ trade union group, it is also essential that we address the issue of contractor pay and other human resources issues in RTÉ. That is why the Government yesterday approved an independent root and branch examination of RTÉ. It will be composed of two parallel elements, incorporating a review of governance and culture and a review of contractor fees, human resources and other matters. The reviews will be overseen by two expert advisory committees which will be assisted by professional services and will be supported by a team drawn from the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sports and Media. A process will be put in place to ensure the work of the two expert advisory committees will be carried out in parallel.

I announced yesterday that we would accelerate the procurement process in relation to the professional services that will assist with the reviews, with a view to making an appointment by the end of August. In light of further developments and the urgency of the two reviews, I have asked that this be accelerated even further. The review of culture and governance will be overseen and directed by an expert advisory committee led by Professor Niamh Brennan, who will be joined by Dr. Margaret Cullen and a third member who will be appointed in the coming days. The review of the contractor fees, HR and other matters will be overseen and directed by a committee chaired by Mr. Brendan McGinty and will include Ms Patricia King and a third member, who will be appointed in the coming days. I am grateful to the members of the expert advisory committees for offering their time, expertise and experience. I also intend to invoke my powers under section 109(7)(a) of the Broadcasting Act 2009 to appoint a forensic accountant service to examine the books or other records of account of RTÉ in respect of any financial year or other periods. The work of the forensic accountant will initially be focused on barter or any other accounts that were off balance sheet within RTÉ. It will also underpin the work of the expert advisory committees.

The further discussions at the joint Oireachtas committee this afternoon demonstrate the urgency of appointing the forensic accountant as soon as possible. We have accelerated the procurement process in relation to the appointment of a forensic accountant with a view now to making an appointment early next week. I am conscious that the joint Oireachtas committee and the Committee of Public Accounts will be continuing their deliberations regarding RTÉ and may be hearing more from the members of the RTÉ board and executive. In addition, as I set out earlier, the Chair of the RTÉ board confirmed earlier today that they will initiate a further Grant Thornton investigation of Toy Show -The Musical.

I am prepared, if necessary, to extend the terms of reference of the examination to take account of any further issues that come to light, whether in the course of the reviews, the work of the committees or from other sources.

The Bill proposed by the Senator addresses a number of issues that will form part of the matters that will be subject to the independent examination announced yesterday. Given the scale of the failings in RTÉ that have been uncovered, it is vital that the response is comprehensive and far reaching and underpinned by transparent and rigorous analysis. For that reason, it would be prudent to defer further consideration of the Bill until the findings and recommendations of the independent examination is considered by the Government and a comprehensive response has been considered and agreed by the Government. Accordingly, the Government agreed that a timed amendment of 12 months to this Bill is necessary.

Turning to the specifics of the Bill, it would prohibit both RTÉ and TG4 from entering into contracts with employees or contractors, which involve remuneration which exceeds the salary of a Government Minister. That is currently €195,000. I fully understand the reasoning behind this proposal in light of the revelations over the past period. The public rightly want accountability from senior executives in RTÉ over this scandal. They also want assurances that pay at all levels in RTÉ is appropriate and reflects that the services provided by RTÉ should have, as required by the Broadcasting Act 2009, the character of a public service.

Minister, I apologise for the interruption but there is a Dáil vote. Are you obliged to go to it or not?

I think I am okay.

As I said yesterday, a remuneration cap may well be considered within the scope of the review of contractor fees, HR and other matters. The terms of reference of this review are to examine oversight and mechanisms by which RTÉ engages presenters and contractors. This includes fees, the use of agents, the impact and costs borne by RTÉ and the governance of same. The review will also examine issues arising from the use of short term employment contracts at all levels. Furthermore it will examine employment terms and conditions, with particular emphasis on gender equality, diversity and inclusion and whether any of the existing recruitment and HR practices, in particular those outlined, have an impact on equality and opportunity. The review will make recommendations to me in relation to these matters.

The Bill also provides that RTÉ or TG4 shall, before 30 June each year, publish on a website the names of all individuals who received remuneration in the previous calendar year in RTÉ or TG4, greater than that received by a Dáil Deputy. I note that RTÉ has provided certain details of remuneration of the top 100 earners in the organisation to the joint Oireachtas committee in advance of the meeting today. I welcome that RTÉ has done so and I expect that such transparency will continue.

The proposal set out in the Bill to mandate the publication of names of individuals will require careful consideration in terms of any potential interactions with the Data Protection Act 2018 and the general data protection regulation. However, I would expect that the transparency in relation to pay and remuneration would be considered in the context of the independent examination we have commissioned. This will allow a full consideration of any data protection considerations.

There was one provision in the Bill that does raise concerns. The Bill provides that RTÉ and TG4 shall determine and publish any sanctions which they may apply to any individual considered to have breached the statutory duty to ensure objectivity, fairness and impartiality in news and current affairs programming. This duty is set forth in section 46(L)(1) of the Broadcasting Act 2009. It is important to clarify that it applies to broadcasters, meaning the public service broadcasters and broadcasters licensed by Coimisiún na Meán. The duty is not imposed on individuals who may be employed by broadcasters. Where a breach of duty occurs, it is the broadcaster rather than any individual, who may ultimately be held liable by Coimisiún na Meán, following an investigation. I am advised that it is not appropriate to provide in statute that our public service broadcasters may take legal action against individual journalists. I would be concerned that this would impose a chilling effect on news and current affairs coverage in our public service broadcasters. Furthermore, there may be potential risks in relation to compliance with employment law if, as proposed, RTÉ or TG4 was obliged to publish the outcome of any disciplinary action taken against an employee pertaining to a breach of statutory duty. Fundamentally, the regulatory framework for media and broadcasting in Ireland is intended to regulate broadcasters and not individuals.

I conclude by thanking Senator Mullen for his Bill and all the Senators who will contribute to the discussion. Public service broadcasting should be independent and have public interest as its core tenet. It can only do so if it is open, truthful, transparent and accountable to the public. We have launched an unprecedented, wide-ranging examination of governance, culture and practices in RTÉ.

We have launched an unprecedented, wide-ranging examination of governance, culture and practices in RTÉ. It will, as I said, cover a number of concerns raised by the Bill proposed today. At this point, it is important we give the expert advisory committees time to complete and present their findings. When they do, I commit to returning to this House to engage further.

I am advised by Senator Malcolm Byrne that we have another visitor, Councillor Nicholas Crossan of Donegal County Council. He is very welcome to the Gallery. I also welcome Chelsea Canal, a student at Villanova University, who is interning with Senator Malcolm Byrne and has a particular interest in media. She picked a good couple of weeks to be here and be involved in the discussion and debates on media.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. I thank the Minister and sympathise with her. She has a broad brief and various responsibilities. She and her officials have been dealing quite a lot with questions around RTÉ over recent weeks, as our Oireachtas media committee has. My colleagues, Senators Carrigy and Warfield, are regular attendees at the committee and we do not tend to get as much attention on some of the other bigger picture issues around broadcasting as we have been getting, to which I will refer in a moment. We need to address it.

I welcome the debate Senator Mullen raised in his Bill. It is important and it feeds into that broader question. I note that in his earlier remarks he said RTÉ is D4, but from listening to some of the executive, you would think RTÉ is Dee Forbes. That is the response they have. In fairness, with regard to questioning of witnesses and certainly among my colleagues here, I think we have been respectful. The role of our committees has been to try to get to the bottom of what has been going on and a clear failure of corporate governance. I welcome the announcements the Minister made. I know from previous experience that she listens to what is said at the Oireachtas committees.

There is a timed amendment on this and we need to look at what is going to happen in 12 months’ time. It crucial at the end of this that we have excellent public sector broadcasting in Ireland in 12 months’ time, however that will be provided. The RTÉ that will emerge will be a very different RTÉ from that which has gone up to now. There will have to be accountability but there will be much more transparency. I think we will be looking at a very different model. In our committee, we have considered - it is something we may need to look at - moving towards the publisher broadcasting model. This continual conflict, if you like, between the income the broadcaster is dependent on from the licence fee as opposed to the commercial income is in many ways partly at the root of the current difficulties. However, it underpins some of the challenges more generally facing the broadcaster and particularly broadcasting in a digital era. It is my view we need to move towards that publisher broadcaster model. Therefore, the essential elements of what might be called good public sector broadcasting, such as news, current affairs, critical sports events, documentaries and things that may not otherwise be made in the commercial space, will be funded. The more commercial activity, if you like, such as the entertainment and so on, may be commissioned from the independent sector. We will then have a clearer divide in how the broadcaster operates. Channel 4 is a model but there are others around the world that could be considered.

The acting director general, Mr. Adrian Lynch, confirmed to me today at the Oireachtas media committee that they will be moving very quickly towards a register of interests for presenters at RTÉ and executives in much the same way we as politicians have to declare all of our interests. The idea of a presenter doing a programme about the car industry while they are in receipt of some form of support from a car company is simply unacceptable. I am glad the new director general made it clear that will happen.

We need to address the question later on in the year in respect of where we are going on this because of a concern I have that will impact on the workers out there, which is the financial position of RTÉ. Many people are now refusing to pay their licence fee and they do not have confidence. We can debate the rights and wrongs of that but, clearly, income from that source will go down. In addition, on foot of what is going on at the moment, sources of advertising and commercial income will go down. I have no doubt RTÉ will be coming to the Government, presenting a difficult financial situation. I am not saying that I necessarily have all the answers on that but we will have to make a decision as a society as to the kinds of public sector broadcasting we want and how we will fund it. I had hoped we might be having a debate now on the report of the expert working group on the TV licence, which has fed into some informed debates in this Chamber and the Oireachtas committee, but unfortunately that will not happen.

It is critical that when there are certain negative voices out there – I know the Minister has been doing this – we talk about the importance of quality public sector broadcasting. It is a key tenet of democracy. We are fortunate in this country that we have not seen some of the extreme polarisation in media we have seen in other jurisdictions and many of the challenges we now see in the online space. It is important. Truth matters. It is important we have evidence-based and well-researched journalism and we have information provided to us that is supported by quality professionals who are working. I know in RTÉ there are up to 1,800 people, both direct employees and contractors, who are doing this.

This is a useful Bill. When we get over the current hump, we need to have a real debate that is critical to our democracy on the future of public sector broadcasting.

I will read a couple of comments from the Minister’s statement that are pertinent to the past two weeks we have had here. She stated:

Public service broadcasting should be independent and have public interest at its core ... [But we] can only do so ... if it is open, truthful, transparent and accountable to the public.

She also stated:

Public service broadcasting is fundamentally based on trust, the trust between the broadcaster and its audience, the trust between a national institution and the people of the country and between a State body and the Oireachtas.

The reality is that over the past two weeks, all of that has been broken and shattered. There is a mammoth task for the Minister, as she has responsibility for media, and us as Oireachtas Members to try to build back that trust, which we need in our public sector broadcasting. I support the timed amendment tabled by the Government and Senator Malcolm Byrne. The Minister has reacted in her role and Government has reacted by setting up the two expert committees that will do a root-and-branch trawl of the finances and wage structures within that organisation. It is only right we let that process follow through and then follow up.

I just came from the media committee, just before this Bill started. I put that question to the new chair of the board with regard to the wage structure within the organisation. Everything is on the table, I think, as far as she is concerned - the significant high wages at the talent level, which is up to €400,000, but also, I think, at executive level. On the list we got today of the top 100, a significant number of those were on the executive at more than €200,000 per person. In fact, the ten members of the executive board make €2.39 million-plus. That is quite significant also.

We need to look at the whole structure of the organisation. This is an issue we previously brought up at committee level with the chair of the board with regard to the significant number of managers within an organisation that has 1,800 employees. There are more than 100 managers for an organisation of that size. I do not know any company in the country that has that number of managers for that size of an organisation, all earning more than €100,000 apiece. The Private Members’ Bill from Senator Mullen is timely because we need to address this issue if we are going to get public confidence back into public sector broadcasting.

The committee has done a huge body of work in the last two and a half years on the Online Safety and Media Regulation Bill and also feeding into the Future of Media Commission. There were 49 recommendations put forward to support public sector broadcasting at regional level throughout the country. The report noted that 73% of people had trust in our public service broadcasting. We need to get back to that point because it has taken a serious dent today.

On the television licence, I have another role as a postmaster. I still have to cover certain days, holidays and so on. I was in the office over the weekend. There has been a massive backlash. People, knowing I am involved, have told me they have made the decision that they are not going to pay the licence fee. I have spoken to people who work in the banks and they are receiving cancellations of direct debits. We will have the hand out from RTÉ looking for funds in the near future because of the reduced income from the television licence fee. We need to look at the expert review group. It has been stalled. We need a media charge put in place that will not only fund RTÉ but public service media - print and radio - across the country at regional level. It is amazing to go down to the committee rooms and see the number of people and see the numbers from the mainstream media watching the proceedings of the media committee. They are just channelling the view of the people across the country. It is important we grasp this issue, deal with it very quickly and get public confidence back in public service broadcasting in the short term.

I welcome the Minister and I thank the Senator Mullen for bringing forward the Bill. It is mind-boggling stuff. There have been some very confusing narratives. There are issues of the barter account, of agents who wield great influence on our public service broadcaster and the tension in the model between the commercial and public service pillars is very much under the spotlight. It is funny. I have referred to Bob Quinn here before - going back decades - on children’s advertising and the stand that he took in that regard and that others have since taken over the years in RTÉ about that tension. Here we are again looking at the tension between the commercial and public service aspects.

I welcome the Minister’s investigations. We have seen many people who would like to use this moment as an opportunity to tear apart RTÉ. There have been reports about sell-offs. I do not think there is any merit in those reports but there is an argument that people in RTÉ should not be able to touch anything that moves until the Minister’s investigations are complete.

There are a couple of issues I have raised at various committees that I want to put on the record again today. This is an opportunity for us to draw a line in the sand on bogus self-employment. RTÉ has such a tarnished record on employment law, and bogus self-employment in particular. There is no justification for treating workers as companies. These are people who work under the control and direction of RTÉ. They work exclusively for RTÉ and meet all the criteria of employees but they are treated as companies. Bogus self-employment is the other side of the coin of being allowed to set up one’s own company. Celebrities or high earners are allowed to set themselves up as companies. While that is happening, RTÉ is treating ordinary workers as self employed. Those workers do not get the benefit of special deals. In her opening statement to the media committee earlier, Siún Ní Raghallaigh said she is deeply unhappy at the evident pattern of inconsistency and the lack of completeness in the provision of information to date by the executive. That is nothing new. As I said earlier, in April 2021, RTÉ misled the Committee of Public Accounts on five occasions at the same meeting during a discussion on bogus self-employment. Today it tells us there are 500 individuals involved in the investigation by the Department of Social Protection into bogus self-employment. Some 60% of examinations by the State have resulted in decisions to reclassify self-employed workers as employees. RTÉ must have a pretty large contingent liability provided for in money that might be owed to Revenue if there are 500 individuals involved in this investigation. That is one issue in respect of which a line needs to be drawn in the sand. I previously called for the top 100 salaries across the organisation to be published and not just those of on-air presenters. Today I called for details relating to the lower end of the salary scale to be published in order that we might get a sense of the culture and the differential that exists between the top earners in the organisation and the lower earners.

There are areas of the Bill about which I have concerns. We will not oppose the Bill. We do not believe the discussion should be postponed for 12 months, but there are areas that are impractical. While we support the reduction of salaries, and have called for this for a long time, there are areas in respect of which we have questions. Certainly, we need to rebalance RTÉ from personalities to public service. We know that a Private Members' Bill takes a very long time in terms of its passage through the Houses of Oireachtas. We want to continue this conversation and we will not oppose it today.

I thank the Minister for coming in. It has been a traumatic three weeks with regard to RTÉ and all the revelations that have emerged. I welcome the Bill put forward by Senator Mullen. It is obviously very timely. Pay caps in RTÉ is an issue that has been pursued by the NUJ and SIPTU for a long time. There is a particular need in this regard when we see the very large gap between the highest salaries and the average salary, which is around €45,000, in RTÉ. Many people are on fixed-term contracts. They are not on permanent contracts, notwithstanding the fact that they only work for RTÉ and have done so for some years.

I welcome the Bill. We would probably have gone further than Senator Mullen had we written the Bill, however. While we need to look at salary caps, we also need to look at the model of employment within RTÉ. It is incredible that a commercial semi-State body relies on contractors to provide core services. This is not about taking on somebody for a six-month or 12-month project. Many of the presenters have been there for many years yet the agent-contractor model has led to some of the problems and the fiasco in which RTÉ finds itself. I welcome the commissioning of the external review, especially the element that is to be led by Patricia King and Brendan McGinty and that will look at the employment practices in RTÉ.

There is a slight irony that we have had a number of reports over the years. There was the Eversheds Sutherland report into bogus self-employment and then there was the Resolve Ireland report on workplace culture in the organisation. As the Minister is no doubt aware, the NUJ had a tortuous experience in trying to extract that report from RTÉ and had to go to the Information Commissioner to get it. That part of the external review is very welcome.

My concern with the overall review is we need to ensure the financing model is looked at as being one of the main contributory factors behind the current RTÉ debacle. My concern about the terms of reference of the external reviews is that they are not sufficiently designed to incorporate a review of the financing model. I know there is the expert group on the reform of the television licence. As Senator Malcolm Byrne said, we had hoped to have the conversation about that now. RTÉ relies on getting 45% of its revenues from the commercial sector, which is at odds with many public broadcasters in other countries. I believe the EU average is between 18% and 20% for reliance on commercial revenues. That puts RTÉ very much as an outlier and out of step with other public service broadcasters. We have to ask the extent to which that model has led us to the current state.

I believe Senator Warfield may have raised this. We have seen frenzied speculation in recent days about job cuts coming down the line, about the closure of the Cork studio and about other changes coming. On the one hand, we cannot have the Government saying it is pausing the review of the licence fee reform and yet RTÉ will continue to have that financial crisis this year. Notwithstanding the sins of a few at the very top of the organisation, we need to ensure that those who go in day in and day out to provide a service of the highest journalistic standards within RTÉ are supported and are not left short. They are the people who are really suffering.

I acknowledged earlier that it has been a gruelling time for everyone within RTÉ, particularly the people who have had to come in for their third committee appearance today. The other side of it is that they are very well paid. Many people go in there day in day out in public service. They are not paid to the levels they should be paid, but they go in there because they are performing a public service. We cannot forget them and we must ensure that they are supported. There are still many issues outstanding. People have been privately telling us during the week about trying to access equipment and trying to access resources. I know there is an ongoing issue with trying to get a basic travel and subsistence system in place. However, from what we heard today we know that the top 100 people are getting allowances of between €24,000 and €42,000, which are very significant amounts of money. I appeal to the Minister to ensure that RTÉ staff, those whom we are all praising at the moment, are not left wanting in the delivery of their jobs and their services throughout this year.

I congratulate the Minister on the work she has done so far. She has stepped up to the plate and called in the experts. I am proud to know her as my local TD. Fair play to her; she has done the job. Now that she has started the process, she needs to keep it going. I congratulate both of my colleagues on introducing this Bill which is timely and probably the right thing to do. I accept that perhaps we should wait until we get some further details.

At the outset, I congratulate Seamus Dooley of the National Union of Journalists, as well as SIPTU, Connect Trade Union and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, which passed a motion yesterday in this area. It was not easy for Seamus Dooley to come out. Some of the high-profile people we know in RTÉ have stepped up to the plate, have come on camera and have let their feelings be known. That was not an easy thing for them to do because they were talking about a colleague who certainly did not act as a colleague. The colleague in question was quite happy to do a little deal in the background to see to it that he did not suffer the ravages of pay cuts.

In speaking about the presenter in question, it is important to state that he did no wrong. He had an agent who was able to go in and negotiate a deal, a dirty little deal, which kept him shielded from the worst of the pay cuts that other colleagues had suffered. That is where the problem is in RTÉ. People are acting as agents for contractors who are on massive money and they are called "talent". They are separate from the ordinary workers. My colleague Senator Sherlock has referred to the ordinary workers and the misuse of the Protection of Employees (Fixed-Term Work) Act, abusing workers in public service in this country, giving them miserable hours instead of proper jobs, denying them access to pension schemes and whatever else.

On the bogus self-employment issue, I hope there will be a root-and-branch examination of every single employment contract in RTÉ to see who was brought in under bogus self-employment. It is certainly not good enough. The other day the Taoiseach made the point that maybe the Garda should be involved in this investigation. It cannot be right to take €75,000 from a company, pass it on to a contractor and then give the company €75,000 worth of a credit note. There must be something fraudulent, something wrong, there. I sincerely hope the Minister is speaking to the Garda Síochána and asking if it needs to bring in the fraud squad to look at that.

The Minister has brought in a number of high-profile people to carry out reviews of RTÉ. I ask her to publish their qualifications. It may be something she would not want to do, but I think the public has a right to know who is going in there and what qualifications they have. We may know some of them and know their qualifications but others will not. I would like her to do that.

When we get into the cut and thrust of all of this, as was said by Deputy Doherty the other day, some of the senior people in RTÉ need to consider their positions. Whether they like it or not, throwing Dee Forbes under the bus is not simply the answer here. Other people were aware of what was going on. Other people signed cheques. They knew what was happening. They might have only known it anecdotally, but we have to get to the bottom of who knew what, when, where and how. I am not sure that we will get those answers in Oireachtas joint committees. While we get some answers at those committees, there tends to be a lack of follow-through on questions. If my time runs out and I am on a particular thread, it is rare for another member of the committee to pick up where I left off and continue on a particular line of questioning. We need a much deeper examination and I ask the Minister to consider that.

I commend Senator Mullen and his colleague on bringing this Bill before the House to enable us to have a real conversation among ourselves, not merely about the issues that have been grabbing the headlines, but the longer term issues. We need to consider carefully what public service broadcasting is about. Is it wall-to-wall politics and chat from 7 a.m. until 7 p.m.? Is that public service broadcasting? After that it seems to lapse - I am an old fogey - into blues and jazz for the rest of the evening with one final whimper around 10 o'clock with more current affairs. Is that the sum total of public service radio?

There are exceptions and I will not tar the whole thing with that fairly facile description. I find the documentaries that RTÉ puts together are of real value. I find that I do not want my car journey to end and want to sit in the car and listen to the very end of it. Much more of that kind of stuff could be done. I listen a lot to BBC Radio 4, the BBC public service broadcasting channel. It has fascinating programmes on a wide range of subjects which are not just arguments between Tories and Labour for five hours a day. We should have a serious conversation about what public service broadcasting actually means.

Is 2FM, for instance, public service broadcasting? Is it different, qualitatively, from 98FM or Q102? Does it require a subsidy, and does it have to be part of the State apparatus? I love Lyric FM in the car, because it enables me to escape from some of the constant blather on the radio-----

-----which I find difficult to absorb.

Everybody has feet of clay, to some extent, and no class of the community is above reproach. One thing that RTÉ might now consider is that when politicians go on RTÉ to be interviewed, they are treated as second-class citizens. If someone comes in from an NGO like the Rape Crisis Centre, he or she is thanked for coming along, and he or she gets an easy run. A politician gets a hammering and if he or she is doing well, they pull out something from the bottom drawer just to try and trip him or her up. There are some broadcasters, and I will not mention them by name, who seem to think that if they do not get a dig in at a politician, they have not done a good job. I do not think that is necessary and, curiously, one person who used to do a lot of political broadcasting is Eamon Dunphy. He never did that. He actually gave people ten minutes or a quarter of an hour. I did not leave his studio thinking that he went for my throat, he derided or jeered me or he doubted my bona fides as an undertone to the whole interview.

What has happened recently shows a kind of an "Upstairs, Downstairs" situation. Many of the people who work hard must be sorely disappointed by the reputational damage that has been done. Obviously, that is so. I strongly believe that, as a society, we should be willing to subsidise public service broadcasting provided that we get a clear focus on what it is. Is it Ray D'Arcy, or is it not Ray D'Arcy? Maybe I am being unfair to mention his name but is his kind of programme something that needs subsidy? Is 2FM something that needs subsidy? I wonder about that, and I think we have to sit down collectively and ask: what do we really think public service broadcasting is? What is the public element that needs and deserves subsidy?

I was writing in today's The Irish Times - the Minister probably saw it - about the question of the licence fee. The licence fee is indefensible in its present form. A tradesman who has a caravan in County Wexford is required to produce two licences to bring his mobile television down with him and his family for the annual holidays. That is €320 a year, if he has a television at home, and that requires him to earn €600 gross, roughly, whereas a wealthy person who has a mansion in Dublin 6, with a whole load of adult kids in the house and TVs in every room, pays €120. That is not a fair way of subsidising public service broadcasting. The time has come to do what the committee of which I was a member a number of years ago reported. that is, to get the Revenue Commissioners to collect this money, and to use the local property tax model as the way to get it out of every home, building, hotel and business right across the country. It is a bit ridiculous that hotels only have to have one licence, whereas they have to pay the copyright collection agencies a vastly different amount for the artists.

This is an opportunity for us all to reflect on wider issues regarding public service broadcasting. It is not simply a time when, coming into the silly season, we concentrate on scoring points against broadcasters, even if they have scored a fair few points against us in the past.

They have moved from scoring points to scoring own goals at this point. I thank the Minister for attending this debate and for agreeing that it is an important and timely debate. I also want to thank my colleagues Senators Keogan, Byrne, Carrigy, Warfield, Sherlock, Craughwell and McDowell for contributing. Thankfully, we do not use terminology like "top talent" here in the Seanad. We are all the same, and that is why we like each other so much.

I welcome the Minister's considered response to the Bill. However, now is the time to see this through, and this Bill should pass on Second Stage. There will be time, as we face on to Committee Stage, to take on board the work of the Minister's reviews. I congratulate her on her speedy action in bringing these reviews about, but my concern is that those reviews would only deliver on structure and finances, though I note her consideration of the issue of the salary cap in her contribution.

As I said earlier, this Bill is about limitation of salary, but it is also about transparency and accountability. I would ask the Minister to consider again the position where she said quite clearly that it was really a matter for the broadcaster to be accountable where there are breaches of the codes, but not for the individuals. That is part of the problem here. We have seen a culture develop where people saw themselves as people apart, and some of them still do. That is part of the problem, and part of the mentality that has led to excessive pay. It is no unusual thing for an employer to have sanctions where employees breach the terms of their contract. What my Bill proposes is that it would be a contractual requirement that people keeps their personal views out of their coverage, not just of news and current affairs, but content generally. That does not have a chilling effect, and I have been strong in recent times on the dangers of having a chilling effect on free expression. That just prevents people from using a privileged position to seek to influence the nation in the course of doing their job, when their job is not to seek to influence the nation, but to bring content people in a way that reflects all, represents, and brings forward all values in the community.

We need to be clear that it is part of the problem if individuals feel they can speak with impunity, because it is only their broadcaster that will be responsible if they, on their big salaries, abuse the public by imposing their views. That is why there is an accountability dimension of the issue that ought to be considered again, in conjunction with the salary cap and transparency issues I have mentioned. My Bill does not propose to name and shame individuals against whom sanctions might apply within the organisation, where the compliance committee finds that there has been a breach; rather, the Bill requires the organisation to set out the sanctions it can apply, including a possible public apology, in which case that would be known to the public, but not necessarily the other sanctions that might apply in that situation.

I was very taken by Senator Warfield's reference, and he captured it when he talked about the need to rebalance from personalities to public service. Senator McDowell also pointed out the "Upstairs, Downstairs" culture that has applied, and has been so damaging to morale and, I dare say, to productivity in RTÉ, to some extent. Just as I defend the right of an individual to seek better terms and conditions - and I do, as I have condemned no person here today in my contributions - I also defend the right and the duty of an employer to hold its staff to account. The employer, in this case, has a duty to us, and the public, which it clearly has not met, but it also has a duty to hold its staff to account in the way that their job is done that does not have a chilling effect on anybody's doing of their job, or the proper presentation of current affairs or news. In fact, it would enhance it, by ensuring greater impartiality and objectivity.

I would like to make one last point. I think it was Senator Carrigy who talked about the media charge. I would have to say, "No, no, no", if there is any risk that it would lead us to less accountability. That could only ever be contemplated where there was a clear division between what is authentic and genuine public service content, well separate from the entertainment industry and other elements of the RTÉ product. Many people already bridle at having to pay a television licence fee, and often choose not to because they do not feel that they are getting the same respect as other citizens in the country.

We cannot load another compulsory tax onto people unless there is serious reform. There is a need for fresh thinking among all of us as individuals, within the Government and within the public service broadcaster about what public service broadcasting is and how it can be made excellent so that it serves the people properly. I do not accept the amendment that we delay the passage of the Bill on Second Stage by 12 months. We should get on with it now. I thank the Minister for her response today.

Amendment put:
The Seanad divided: Tá, 23; Níl, 9.

  • Ahearn, Garret.
  • Ardagh, Catherine.
  • Blaney, Niall.
  • Byrne, Malcolm.
  • Byrne, Maria.
  • Carrigy, Micheál.
  • Casey, Pat.
  • Clifford-Lee, Lorraine.
  • Conway, Martin.
  • Cummins, John.
  • Currie, Emer.
  • Daly, Paul.
  • Doherty, Regina.
  • Dooley, Timmy.
  • Gallagher, Robbie.
  • Hackett, Pippa.
  • Horkan, Gerry.
  • Kyne, Seán.
  • Lombard, Tim.
  • O'Loughlin, Fiona.
  • O'Reilly, Joe.
  • Seery Kearney, Mary.
  • Wilson, Diarmuid.

Níl

  • Boyhan, Victor.
  • Boylan, Lynn.
  • Craughwell, Gerard P.
  • Gavan, Paul.
  • Keogan, Sharon.
  • McDowell, Michael.
  • Mullen, Rónán.
  • Sherlock, Marie.
  • Warfield, Fintan.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Robbie Gallagher and Joe O'Reilly; Níl, Senators Rónán Mullen and Victor Boyhan..
Pursuant to Standing Order 57A, Senator Rebecca Moynihan has notified the Cathaoirleach that she is on maternity leave from 6th February to 18th August, 2023, and the Whip of the Fine Gael Group has notified the Cathaoirleach that the Fine Gael Group has entered into a voting pairing arrangement with Senator Moynihan for the duration of her maternity leave.Pursuant to Standing Order 57A, Senator Alice-Mary Higgins has notified the Cathaoirleach that she is on maternity leave from 19th June to 19th December, 2023, and accordingly has not voted in this division. Senator Ollie Crowe has notified the Cathaoirleach that he has entered into a voting pairing arrangement with Senator Higgins from 19th June to 19th August, 2023; and accordingly has not voted in this division.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, put and declared carried.

When is it proposed to sit again?

Tomorrow at 9.30 a.m.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Cuireadh an Seanad ar athló ar 6.25 p.m. go dtí 9.30 a.m., Déardaoin, an 6 Iúil 2023.
The Seanad adjourned at 6.25 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 6 July 2023.
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