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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 3 Oct 2023

Vol. 296 No. 3

Control of Exports Bill 2023: Second Stage

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teach as ucht an deis seo labhairt ar an mBille.

With an ever-changing geopolitical landscape and advances in technology, there is a need to strengthen and modernise the current legislative framework for export controls in Ireland. This Bill will repeal and replace the Control of Exports Act 2008. It will ensure that Ireland continues to operate a robust framework for the regulation of the export of controlled items, principally dual-use and military items. I will briefly summarise the nature and purpose of export controls to provide the House with context. I will then outline the rationale for enhancing the current Act and will finish by summarising the structure and main provisions.

Export controls are a multilateral, global mechanism that contribute to international peace and security and seek to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and conventional weapons. Controls generally take the form of a legal obligation on exporters to obtain prior authorisation, that is, an export licence, to export designated items to other countries. The success of controls is contingent on uniform and consistent multilateral implementation. The designated items are identified in lists published by the EU. A list-based approach to controlled items aims to provide regulatory transparency and certainty for exporters. While maintaining international stability and security is at the heart of export controls, there is a need to strike a balance with the pursuit of free trade and the functioning of open markets. With that in mind, controls are targeted and proportionate and aim to minimise the burden on reputable exporters engaged in legitimate, low-risk trade.

The legislative framework for export controls in Ireland is established by both national and EU instruments. Two key EU instruments are relevant to this Bill. The first is EU Regulation No. 821 of 2021, which sets up a union regime for the control of exports, brokering, technical assistance, and the transit and transfer of dual-use items. The trade in dual-use items is an EU competence, and this regulation has direct, legal effect in all member states. However, member states are obliged to establish in national legislation effective, proportionate and dissuasive penalties applicable in the event of infringements of the provisions of the regulation. The EU regulation also provides member states with discretion to adopt certain additional national measures, such as control of dual-use items other than those listed in Annex I of the dual-use regulation. The Bill fully avails of such discretion to ensure Ireland has the most effective controls at its disposal.

Dual-use items are defined as products and components, including software and technology, which can be used for both civilian and military applications. The list of items subject to export control is set out in Annex I to the regulation. The majority of dual-use exports from Ireland are mainstream business ICT products, both hardware and software, for example, networking, data storage or cybersecurity. They are categorised as dual use as they use strong encryption for data protection purposes.

The second key EU instrument is the Council Common Position No. 944 of 2008, which defines common rules for the control of exports of military technology and equipment. The categories of military technology and equipment to which these rules should apply are set out in the EU common military list. The common position sets out eight criteria against which applications for authorisation should be assessed. The common position does not have direct legal effect in member states. The export of military items is a national competence, therefore, its provisions must be given effect by national, primary legislation. Military export controls overlap with dual-use export controls in several ways. It is vital that dual-use and military items are closely co-ordinated and that there is a common policy framework in place to ensure consistency and transparency for exporters. The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is the national competent authority for export controls in Ireland. The current Act has to be updated to reflect the very significant advances in technology, new developments in business practice, updates to EU instruments, and the evolved geopolitical risk landscape.

I will now outline the structure and the key provisions of the Bill, which contains eight Parts. It has been structured to clearly set out controls for dual-use and military items, provisions for authorisations, appeals, enforcement provisions, and the penalties that apply for breach of controls.

Part 1, preliminary and general, primarily deals with matters common to legislation, including commencement, interpretation, reporting obligations, regulations and service of documents. It also designates the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment as the competent authority for the dual-use regulation and repeals the Control of Exports Act 2008.

Part 2 focuses on the control of dual-use items. It sets out definitions, provides for offences for breach of the directly applicable provisions in the dual-use regulation, and sets out provisions on discretional national controls on non-listed dual-use items. It covers the control of exports, brokering, technical assistance, and the transit and transfer of dual-use items. It notes the obligations, notification and direction controls, which are set out in sections 13 to 20, with respect to brokering services, providers of technical assistance, and the transit and transfer of dual-use non-listed items.

Part 3 focuses on the control of military items and sets out definitions specific to this Part. Section 23 establishes a prescribed list of military items to be known as the national military export control list.

This list will primarily comprise items from the common military list of the EU. Sections 24, 25 and 26 provide that it is an offence to export, provide brokering services or facilitate the transit of a military item without an authorisation. Section 27 provides an exemption for the temporary export of military items by the Defence Forces or An Garda Síochána.

Part 4 describes provisions related to authorisations. Sections 33 to 36, inclusive, set out the procedural aspects of applying for an authorisation for the export of dual-use equipment and military exports. It provides for consultation with other Ministers of the Government where appropriate. Reasons for an authorisation denial must be provided to an applicant in most circumstances. However, in certain, narrow circumstances, in order to protect the security and public order of the State, it may be necessary for full or partial information on denial reasons to be withheld.

Part 5, referring to internal reviews and appeals, consists of five Chapters. This Part balances the need to ensure fair process with the security requirements of the State, while also complying with recent case law. Chapter 1 provides for a process for internal review of an application that has been denied. Chapter 2 sets out provisions in relation to independent adjudicators that will hear a formal appeal of an application that has been denied. Sections 39 to 41, inclusive, provide for the appointment of persons as adjudicators, the conditions of appointment, revocation of appointment and the liability of adjudicators. Section 42 provides that rules may be prescribed in relation to appeals to be determined by an adjudicator. Chapter 3 provides for the details of a review of relevant decision in the Bill. It also details provisions regarding the handling of sensitive material and evidence in exceptional circumstances. As part of the decision-making process, highly sensitive information may be shared with the Minister. Section 43 sets out the process for the independent adjudicator in determining whether disclosure of information to an appellant would create a risk to the security or public order of the State. Finally, in Part 5, Chapter 4 provides for a further appeal to the High Court.

Part 6 relates to enforcement and deals with monitoring compliance of export controls. This Part provides for the appointment of authorised officers and their powers. It aims to ensure that there are clear and reasonable powers for an authorised officer to carry out their functions under the Act. Section 57 provides that an authorised officer may request relevant information or records, and enter any premises that has been or is being used in connection with a relevant activity. Section 58 sets out the powers of an authorised officer upon entry to a premises, and the conditions on the use of those powers. Section 61 provides that an authorised officer may give a compliance notice to a person suspected of contravening a provision of the Act, and lays out the rules of such notice. Sections 62 to 67, inclusive, provide further details on matters related to the courts, forfeiture and legal privilege.

Part 7 sets out offences and penalties for breaches of the Act. Offences are threaded throughout the Bill and are summarised, together with associated penalties, in this Part. The Bill establishes a range of penalties to provide for a proportionate response to breaches. This aims to be proportionate whether dealing with minor infringements, gross negligence or misconduct. In addition to potentially facing a compliance notice for infringements of the Act, exporters may be prosecuted for violations of national legal provisions in respect of dual-use and military trade controls. The Bill increases penalties set out in the 2008 Act to establish levels more consistent with other member states and should act as a deterrent to exporters.

Part 8, which relates to miscellaneous and transitional provisions, includes a framework for information sharing relevant to export control and transitional arrangements for authorisations.

The Control of Exports Bill 2023 passed Final Stage in the Dáil on Wednesday, 27 September. I commend the Bill to the Seanad. I hope this overview has been of assistance to Senators and look forward to their contributions. I am available at any stage afterwards to provide updates.

I welcome the Minister of State.

I commend him and his Department on their work in bringing forth this Bill. Often the transposition of European law into Irish law can take many years. I am sure all Members have seen legislation brought in to transpose directives made six or seven years previously. With this legislation, we are not transposing the directive but are giving full effect to an EU regulation. To be fair to the Department and the Minister, the regulation to which we are giving full effect only came into force in September 2021. They are to be commended for drafting detailed and complicated legislation thoroughly and quickly. As has been explained, the purpose of the regulation and this legislation is to ensure that in reference to dual-use products or technologies, meaning those that can be used for an orthodox civilian purpose and for a military or security purpose, powers reside in member state governments to authorise or prohibit the sale of such products.

Ireland does not have a history of arms manufacturing. However, Ireland is developing as a significant manufacturer of advanced technology. Such technology may have a dual purpose or a dual use. With that in mind, it is essential we give full effect to the regulation through this legislation. There is no doubt the world has become a much more dangerous place. Ireland and the EU need to take a consistent and considered approach on the matter. The sale of goods that might end up in the wrong hands and have power to greatly damage human rights around the world is as serious an issue as we have discussed in this House. Export controls are a multilateral global mechanism designed to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, preserve regional stability, prevent terrorism and protect human rights.

The Bill provides a suitable way forward. It will put a suitable structure in place with lists of items and a system of authorisation, particularly in regard to items that have a dual use, giving the Ministers the discretion to ban certain items on the grounds of public security, prevention of terrorism or human rights considerations, and having an adjudication system. That provides the consistent and considered approach we require. I welcome the Bill, which has been carefully drafted and is a robust piece of legislation.

I welcome the Minister of State to the Chamber again and thank him for the work he and his officials have done on this Bill and in general throughout the year in the Department. As Senator Crowe said, this is important legislation. It has come through the Dáil already. It is a technical Bill but important nonetheless.

The aim of the Bill is to streamline and strengthen Ireland's existing export control framework and ensure Ireland fulfils its EU and UN obligations in respect of the exports of controlled goods. The Bill will repeal and replace the Control of Exports Act 2008. That Act must be updated to reflect significant advances in technology, new developments in business practices, updates to EU infrastructures and the evolved geopolitical risk landscape. The Bill principally provides for an authorisation system for the export of dual-use and military items from Ireland to third countries. It will ensure Ireland continues to operate a robust framework for regulating the export of controlled items, principally dual-use and military items. These controls are targeted and proportionate and aim to minimise the burden on reputable exports engaged in legitimate, low-risk trade.

The Bill ensures the Minister has a sound legal base for the administration of export controls in Ireland, the provision of controls related to dual-use items and controls related to military items, the establishment of a national military export control list, rules and conditions for obtaining and using authorisations, exemptions for the Defence Forces or An Garda Síochána in certain circumstances, the establishment of an independent adjudication panel to hear appeals and disclosure requests, an effective enforcement capability for authorised officers, the establishment of a comprehensive set of offences for infringements of the controls, and proportionate graduated penalties for breaches.

It is an important Bill. It obviously does not affect a large number of people, but it is important. I know it is certainly welcomed on this side of the House. It is yet another Bill that has been put through the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment this year. It has been an incredibly busy time for the Department.

If I am allowed to make a sideways comment, we are only a week away from an important budget for businesses and for supporting businesses. I have just met with the Small Firms Association, which outlined the challenges that exist for employers at the moment. Sometimes, these problems arise on the back of our own success in having full employment. Employers are now having real challenges with getting and retaining employees. Essentially, their simple request to the Government is for more supports, more money and more time for employers to be able to manage their businesses better.

We can be accused of many things as a Government over the last three or four years, but we certainly cannot be accused of not supporting businesses through some of the biggest impacts we have experienced in the history of the State. If we can do that in the forthcoming budget, as we have done in previous budgets, it will go a long way in protecting the economy and protecting everyone who is employed in this country.

While the Minister of State is here, one of the issues about which I hear quite a lot-----

Try to stay on the subject matter.

I am trying to do so. It is a business-related issue. While the Minister of State is before the House, I will raise the issue of work permits and people in the workforce. There is a real problem whereby people apply for work permits and get accepted, but are refused a visa and then cannot be reimbursed for applying for their work permit. Surely, there is something we can do for businesses, whether by reimbursing them or by crediting them for the next time they apply for a work permit. I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach very much for his leniency.

I thank Senator Ahearn. Senator Gavan has eight minutes.

It is always good to see the Minister of State. This Bill, which seeks to update the legislation to control the export of dual-use items that can be used for civil or military purposes, is extremely important to make sure that certain products will not end up in the wrong hands, to be used to cause injury or death in regional conflicts or to violate human rights in third countries.

Because the 2008 EU Common Position does not have a direct legal effect in member states, and because the export of military items is a national competence, its provisions must be given effect by national primary legislation. This is why this legislation is required and why we will be supporting the legislation. This legislation is not transposing a directive, which we are often used to doing. It will give full effect to the EU Dual Use Regulation 2021/821.

This legislation is significant. Right now, we see wars continuing to rage in Syria, Yemen, Sudan and, of course, Ukraine, among others. In recent weeks, we have seen the ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, as the rest of Europe stood by and did nothing. There was not even a threat of sanctions or any real efforts to force Azerbaijan to recognise human rights. Indeed, there is no chance of Azerbaijan being added to the list of countries that we should not be exporting to because it is just too well tucked in with the European Union. There will therefore be no mention there and that is part of the problem. The rank hypocrisy lies behind this legislation was mentioned in the Dáil as well. The legislation is good, but it is incredibly selective in terms of who we apply it to.

There has been a proliferation of European equipment, weapons and training being exported and used on a daily basis for many years now by the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in Yemen and by the Israeli regime in occupied Palestine. In Yemen, the estimate of how many people have been murdered ranges from 150,000 to 377,000. As far as the European Union is concerned, it is absolutely fine to sell weapons to it. It will continue to sell weapons to it so it can continue to slaughter and murder people. Indeed, I remember that in 2015, when King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia died - he was one of the greatest tyrants and mass murderers in recent times - this State, as well as the Government at the time, decided to insist on lowering the State flags to half-mast for one of the biggest killers of recent decades. That is the type of hypocrisy I am talking about.

The Minister of State and I both know that Saudi Arabia is never going to make it onto that list. It should do, but it is not going to happen. There is a real hypocrisy in Europe that allows the likes of Saudi Arabia and Israel to be considered okay to do business with, despite what we know about their human rights violations.

It did not go unnoticed that the current Taoiseach, then Tánaiste, Deputy Varadkar, was touting for business in Saudi Arabia in 2021, just as it was about to carry out 81 executions and as it continued its relentless war of atrocities in Yemen.

The aim of this Bill is to reduce the risk from controlled items and how they might be exported from Ireland and used to cause injury or death in regional conflicts or violate human rights in third countries. Traditionally, Ireland does not have a history of arms manufacturing. The countries predominantly involved in the manufacture of arms are the UK, France, Spain, and Italy. In recent years, however, we have seen huge growth in Irish exports of dual-use or defence technology. It was reported in The Irish Times in 2020 that the value of military equipment exported from Ireland soared from €42.3 million in 2019 to €108.5 million in 2020. The majority of this equipment goes to the US. Apparently, Ireland shipped €67.5 million worth of military equipment to the US in 2020. For that reason, it is vital that Irish law gives maximum effect to the EU regulation in so far as is practicable, bearing in mind the need to allow businesses who are not selling products with harmful intentions to continue to do their business under the regulations. It is important to point out that many of these companies are developing and exporting good technology with good intentions.

The Bill also gives the Minister the discretion to ban certain items on grounds of public security, prevention of terrorism, or human rights considerations. I hope that this direction is used to its full extent to protect human rights around the world and also to protect Irish neutrality. I hope there will be a lot more willingness to use this legislation than has been shown in past in the failure to prevent the use of Shannon Airport by the US military to transport weapons to Saudi-led coalition countries which have contributed to human rights violations in Yemen. Only a couple of years ago, the Government allowed what were called mid-air refuelling aircraft to go through Shannon Airport. The clue is in the title. Such aircraft would refuel the planes that were dropping bombs on the people of Yemen so that they could continue to drop those bombs without having to go back and refuel. That is the reality, unfortunately, of Government policy. It is turning a blind eye to these horrific violations of human rights.

Will Sinn Féin stop it straight away if it gets in?

Yes, absolutely we will. It has been our party policy for years. It is not good to facilitate US bombing or attacks on other countries. Neutrality is where we should be at and that has always been our position.

I cannot go on without mentioning the human rights violations, violence and death by the apartheid state of Israel on the people of Palestine. It was so disappointing that Sinn Féin's Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill was voted down by the Government a few months ago. That Bill sought to prevent Irish taxpayers' money being invested in Israeli banks and was yet another missed opportunity on the part of this Government which is on the wrong side of history when it comes to the occupation of Palestine. Clearly, some occupations are different from others as far as this Government is concerned.

We risk undermining our long-held tradition of neutrality when we turn a blind eye to these kinds of actions. Ireland's neutrality and the protection of human rights should always be to the forefront of our minds with this type of legislation. We will support this legislation but we will always call out the hypocrisy of the Government's foreign policy.

As there are no other contributors, I invite the Minister of State to reply.

I thank the three Senators for their contributions to the debate and join them in thanking the officials from my Department who have worked very hard on this complex legislation.

I agree with Senator Crowe that it is important that Ireland has a robust and comprehensive export control regime given that the technology we are producing and exporting is getting more and more advanced every year. I thank Senator Ahearn for his remarks. I will relay his comments on work permit issues to my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond. The Senator also raised issues for the attention of the Department of Justice. I thank Senator Gavan for his remarks and for his support of the Bill. I note his other remarks but would point out that export control for military equipment applies to all destinations. Such controls are independent of country-specific EU sanctions.

The Bill, as the Senator knows and as he acknowledged, in fairness to hin, relates to the export of dual-use and military items. We do not have a tradition of implementing unilateral trade restrictions here. Under EU sanctions since the start of the illegal invasion of Ukraine, the export of all dual-use items to Russia was prohibited.

We have the capacity to react to things that are within the scope of the Bill. As regards Shannon Airport, the primary responsibility for that regulation lies with the Minister for Tourism, Transport and Sport under the Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order 1952.

I acknowledge the Senator's support for the Bill, as well as the work of his colleague, Deputy O'Reilly, at committee. I am happy to work with the Senator and his team on amendments within the scope of the Bill between now and Committee Stage.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 10 October 2023.
Cuireadh an Seanad ar fionraí ar 3.46 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 5.30 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 3.46 p.m. and resumed at 5.30 p.m.
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