Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 9 May 2024

Vol. 300 No. 7

Europe Day: Statements

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, to the House.

As Members will know, today we are holding statements to commemorate Europe Day. In doing so, we acknowledge and honour the most profound impact that the European Union has made on our country since we became a member of the then European Economic Community in 1973. Senator Craughwell will probably remember that, as I do, as opposed to other Members who probably were not even born then.

Europe Day, which is marked annually by the Oireachtas, commemorates the Schuman Declaration which was presented by the then French Foreign Minister, Robert Schuman, on 9 May 1950, 74 years ago today. The declaration, which proposes the pooling of resources in the production of coal and steel, led to the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1952, which was the precursor to the European Union.

Ireland has had profound membership benefits since joining the European Union. Our citizens have obtained a range of different benefits, including the ability to move and work in other member states, fewer restrictions on business through the Single Market, the euro currency, common standards for important products, most notably food and medicines, better protections for the environment, funding for infrastructure projects and, of course, the very successful Erasmus programme.

On 1 May last, we as a country and as a Union marked the 20th anniversary of the Day of Welcomes, the single largest day of enlargement of the European Union, when ten countries acceded to membership in the wonderful year of 2004.

I had the pleasure of being in Cork with the Slovakian ambassador, where we commemorated and celebrated Slovakian membership. As Cathaoirleach, I ask that we enter into a spirit of continued engagement with our European colleagues. I commend Senator Ward, who is in the Chamber this morning, in particular. He has been very strong and clear in his doing that in his public life, and I thank him for it. I commend Senator Craughwell on his engagement with the inter-parliamentary committee of which he is a member. Senator Daly, in his agricultural role, has been engaged in the European dimension, and I thank him.
The role of the European Union is very important. It has played and is beginning to play a role through a reform initiative in the Seanad. As Members will know, we had a series of addresses last year from Commissioner McGuinness. The Seanad also has a role in scrutinising the EU, under the guidance of the clerk to the committee, Mr. Ivan Farmer, through the Seanad Select Committee on Scrutiny of Draft EU-related Statutory Instruments. We look forward to the debate today in the House.
I welcome to the House for the first time in her role as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs, Deputy Carroll MacNeill. I will ask Senator Daly to take the Chair.

I also welcome to the House for the first time in her role the Minister of State, Deputy Carroll MacNeill. She has ten minutes to open the debate.

I am delighted to be here to mark Europe Day and to speak to the many benefits we have felt through our membership of the European Union. Today is also an opportunity to reflect on how far we have come over the past half century. This afternoon, I will speak to the transformative effect EU membership has had on our country, the benefits accrued through previous waves of enlargement for all of us, as well as the potential of future enlargement. I will also touch on the EU’s approach to migration.

Ireland’s membership of the EU has been transformative. Our country is almost unrecognisable from what it once was. The economic, social and political shifts over the past five decades have been nothing short of seismic. Our 50th anniversary gave us an opportunity to reflect on Ireland’s membership of the EU and the many changes we have seen since 1973. When Ireland joined the European communities, it was one of the poorest countries in western Europe. We had been independent for just five decades and were still quite inward looking. Our voice, such as it was, was small in a world dominated by large states. We were a small and at that time relatively poor island off the coast of Europe and had little opportunity to make our voice heard. Membership of the European Community and later the European Union amplified our voice on the world stage and in the process gave us the confidence to seek out different ways of amplifying our voice. It gave us the impetus to strengthen our own human rights record, to drive forward civil and social rights, to introduce gender equality legislation, to improve protection of workers’ rights and rights of minorities, and to become a much more tolerant, kinder and inclusive country than the Ireland of 1972.

The people of Ireland have consistently recognised this reality. I was pleased this week to see data from the European Movement of Ireland. Its poll shows that 84% of the people of Ireland believe we should remain a member of the European Union. That is an overwhelming endorsement of the Union, its values and its achievements.

Today, Europe Day, we reflect on the progress we have made in consolidating peace, prosperity and democracy across the European Continent. We know, however, that our task is still not complete and that our Union is still not whole. Fifty years ago, Ireland benefitted from the EU’s very first enlargement. The last half century of EU membership has transformed the country and we believe that every European country that is transitioning to democracy and to the adoption of European values deserves the same opportunity, provided, of course, they meet the necessary criteria for membership. We welcomed the European Council’s decisions in March to open accession negotiations with Bosnia-Herzegovina and to take forward the work towards the accession of Ukraine and Moldova. We believed those were the right decisions and advocated strongly for them. Those were the right decisions based on the progress in reforms we have seen in all three countries since the previous conversation about the issue at the European Council in December 2023. It is vitally important that all candidate countries continue to seize the current momentum on enlargement by making rapid and meaningful progress on accession reforms. In recent weeks, the General Affairs Council had the opportunity to meet all of the accession countries and to hear the different opportunities and challenges they are facing as they implement rule of law and other changes to help move them along the accession process.

Reforms have to be driven from within candidate countries themselves. The EU has a number of tools at its disposal to help with the implementation of those reforms. The countries have to do it themselves but the EU supports them. The most recent addition to that toolbox is the new growth plan for the western Balkans, which involves a €6 billion investment to bring the region closer to the EU and to boost the regional economy.

On a bilateral level, Ireland is playing its part in increasing engagement on enlargement. Next year, for example, we will open new embassies in Belgrade, Sarajevo and Chisinau, enabling us to more proactively assist those three candidate countries. We have also established a new enlargement fund, allowing us to provide technical support to candidates in preparation for their eventual EU membership. Ireland will continue to be a voice in support of enlargement in every practical and political way it can. At the end of the day, the EU’s entire future will benefit from enlargement by allowing more people to work together in prosperity, progress and peace.

The benefit of the 2004 enlargement and other enlargements has been that Irish people and companies have the benefit of being able to trade in those countries. More countries are within the European construct, democracy and the rule of law. We are able to maintain those relationships and that progress for those states, rather than risking anything else. That is important, and the next wave of enlargement provides a similar opportunity for Ireland as much as it does for Europe.

Migration is a key issue of concern for the public and irregular migration remains an enormous challenge for the EU and its member states. The challenges it presents cannot be effectively addressed by any state acting alone, particularly where numbers of irregular arrivals are continuously increasing across the EU and in Ireland for different reasons, such as climate difficulties and, of course, an increase in geopolitical instability. Intergovernmental regional dialogues and mutually beneficial partnerships remain essential to achieving long-lasting results in the better management of the different migratory pressures, including in relation to the external dimensions of migration.

Ireland favours intensifying co-operation with countries of origin and transit in order to prevent loss of life and to reduce pressure on European borders. That should be done in full transparency, embedding human rights in the relationship to balance the partnership and ensure that implementation is in line with international law. Co-operation on return and readmission remains a priority to improve the effectiveness of the EU return policy. Sustainable reintegration and promoting the option of voluntary return are key components. Ireland welcomed the political agreement reached in December last year between the EU co-legislators regarding the outstanding EU migration and asylum pact measures, and the recent vote in the European Parliament passing all measures of the pact. Ireland is firmly of the view that Europe must address the shared challenge of unplanned migration through collective effort and has always supported a predictable and flexible system of responsibility and solidarity with regard to the reception and management of protection applications. In that context, the pact is a significant improvement on the current protection system.

As Senators will be aware, the Government recently approved opting into the non-Schengen measures contained in the pact. Subject to approval by both Houses of the Oireachtas, which will be formally sought in the coming weeks, it is hoped that Ireland can opt into the pact and work with other EU member states to implement these substantial reforms. Ultimately, we know that migration requires a humane, comprehensive and co-ordinated European response.

Like all of our friends and partners in Europe, we find ourselves in an increasingly contested and volatile global environment. In particular, Russia's brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine has clearly had a fundamental impact on Europe's security, including on that of Ireland. Simply put, we can no longer rely either on our geographic isolation for our security, nor believe with any seriousness that we can insulate ourselves from world events. For that reason, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland’s international security engagement as well as our domestic efforts to ensure the security of our country.

As the EU has made clear, we know that Russia has demonstrated a continuous pattern of irresponsible behaviour in cyberspace, notably by targeting democratic institutions, government entities and critical infrastructure providers across the EU and beyond. On 3 May, Ireland joined EU member states in strongly condemning the latest malicious cyber campaign conducted by Russian-controlled actors against democratic processes in Germany and Czechia. As we underlined with our partners, this type of behaviour is not only contrary to the UN norms of responsible state behaviour in cyberspace but is also in clear contravention of international law.

We know that certain foreign governments, including Russia's, have deliberately and strategically targeted European societies with false and manipulated information. The objective of this activity, much of it online, is to generate confusion, to sow or amplify division and fear, and to undermine trust in governments and democratic institutions. There are a number of important initiatives under way at EU level to combat this activity, including through new EU toolboxes on hybrid threats and foreign information manipulation and interference, all of which Ireland engages with and fully supports.

That work is complemented by the EU Digital Services Act, the powers for which came into operation in February 2024. At a domestic level here in Ireland, the State is committed to protecting our democratic processes and ensuring the integrity of our elections but we must be aware of external threats. In particular, the Electoral Commission is working to ensure fairness and integrity in Ireland's democratic processes, including by attempting to prevent foreign information manipulation and interference. The Government is also committed to publishing a national counter-disinformation strategy later this year to co-ordinate a whole-of-society approach to combating the harmful effects of disinformation.

While, as we know, there are no plans to alter our policy of military neutrality, it is incumbent on us to take our own security and responsibility towards our like-minded partners, particularly our fellow EU members, more seriously than ever before. Neutrality does not mean having no ability to protect ourselves or our own sovereignty. The investment in our Defence Forces is an absolutely crucial part of this.

I look forward to hearing the views of Senators. I thank them for their ongoing interest in the political and democratic Union we have helped shape since 1973.

I welcome the Minister of State to the Chamber and congratulate her. This is the first time we have been in the Chamber at the same time. I was delighted with her appointment as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs and wish her the very best in a job I know she will do in her usual style and with great excellence. I am delighted that she is here for Europe Day.

I can say without fear of contradiction that Europe has been a universally and unequivocally good thing for Ireland. At the beginning of its political existence in the twenties, the State was very much in the shadow of Britain, adopting its currency in the beginning and fixing itself to Britain's interest rates. Right up until the establishment of the Republic, we were bound by precedents made in UK courts. Look at where we have come since then. The European Union has been a very important tool in allowing us to step out from the shadow of Britain, on which we were highly dependent economically, in terms of trade and culturally, and to be our own country, standing alone as a sovereign nation. That has been facilitated by our membership of the EU since the seventies and eighties. We have been allowed to spread our wings, diversify our dependence and extend our trade and economic links to countries within the EU and to the world. The Union deserves great credit for allowing us to do that. In an odd way, even though we were joining a group, it allowed us to establish our sovereignty in a real way. That had not existed in a real way at the time of our independence but it came into existence through our membership of the European Union and has been enhanced over years.

The European Union has always been good for Ireland. In the early years, we were obviously a net beneficiary and received money. We all remember those signs that went up when roads were being built indicating that they were partly funded by the Union. They still exist on projects throughout Ireland. Even after we have moved from being a net beneficiary to being a net contributor, we still benefit from being part of a larger group. We clearly benefited from the solidarity of our European colleagues at the time of the awful event that was Brexit. We received support from people like Michel Barnier and the other European countries that joined with us to help us minimise the effect of Brexit on the EU as a whole and particularly on Ireland because we are still closely linked to Britain through our shared history, our families and other links. We need to maintain those links but not by cutting ourselves off from Europe because we must ensure that we continue to enjoy the benefits of being part of the Union.

I am very proud of our membership of the European Union and of the European Movement Ireland figures the Minister of State quoted indicating continued very strong support for EU membership in Ireland, which run at well over 80%. We are the most pro-European country in the European Union. I am very pleased to be part of what I consider to be the most pro-European party in Irish politics, Fine Gael, which is a member of the largest party in the European Parliament, the European People's Party. That is also something we can be very proud of. I look back on the history of our party and think of great Europeans like Garret FitzGerald, who really engaged with the opportunities Europe presented for us and made the most of them through, among other things, joining the EPP. I also think of other Fine Gael leaders who have always and consistently supported the European project, its benefits for the Continent as a whole and its benefits for Ireland. Those benefits extend to every citizen and individual. I have been a beneficiary myself. I studied in France under the Erasmus programme and subsequently and separately worked and studied in France. Those opportunities that were afforded to me, which were not available to my parents' generation, are extraordinary opportunities for us to link in to a greater unit, to be part of a bigger whole and to benefit from all that comes with that.

That internationalist attitude is highly important for Ireland because, as great as this country is - and I do believe that because we have so much going for us - we are small. The notion that we should in any way isolate ourselves from the other countries on our Continent or in our economic bloc is wrong because every time we integrate more fully, we gain more and more. The more we integrate, the more we benefit from systems, trade, intelligence, shared experiences and, in the past, funding. We are never better off alone. We are always better off as part of a larger whole because of all of the might that comes with that.

That is still true today, which is why I do not understand why there are still parties in Irish politics that are essentially Eurosceptic. The largest opposition party in this Parliament, Sinn Féin, has always been Eurosceptic, has always voted against European measures and has always supported the "No" vote in referenda promoting opportunities for Ireland in the EU. I do not understand it because the European Union is a real opportunity for us to genuinely assert our sovereignty and independence and to become a functioning part of a much larger group and enjoy all of the attendant opportunities and benefits of that. While it may be softening its language in recent years because it recognises that there is more than 80% support for European membership, we know that it is Eurosceptic. When the current Sinn Féin party was founded in the early seventies, it initially suggested that becoming a member of the EU would end Irish sovereignty when, in fact, the experience has been quite the opposite.

Other parties, including parties of the left who oppose large elements of our membership of the EU, will tell us that we are getting rid of our sovereignty. It is very popular to blame Brussels when things do not go well. By the way, that is a charge that can be levelled at every party on the political spectrum. It is sometimes easier to say we have to do something because Brussels says so. Let us remember that Brussels is us and we are Brussels. We are party to the decisions made in Brussels. It is never legitimate for a national government to say that we have to do something because Brussels says so. We feed into the decision-making at Brussels at the level of the Council, the Commission and the Parliament. There is a democratic and participative element to the European Union that means we are part of all of those decisions. The more that we say things are the fault of Brussels or lay the blame on Brussels for things that are politically unpopular, the further we go down the road of what happened in Britain. It was a very popular tactic for British governments to say that Brussels says you cannot buy bent carrots or that bananas need to have a certain curve. All of this was nonsense that did not come from Brussels but it allowed those governments to insulate themselves from politically unpopular moves. The reality is that such dishonesty leads to people losing faith in Brussels and not seeing the benefits because politicians are too cowardly to outline them whether or not it is politically popular to do so.

Let us not go down the road, for example, of saying that being part of the European Union and co-operating with other members somehow cedes our neutrality. It does not. We are a neutral state. I wholeheartedly believe in our military non-alignment and want it to continue. However, I do not want it to insulate us from co-operation with other European states and steps we can take to protect ourselves. At the end of the day, as much as Deputy Coveney promoted investment in the Defence Forces and in things like radar and other simple meaures that would bulk up our capacity to defend ourselves, investment we are still waiting for and which I look forward to seeing, we are not a mighty nation when it comes to military matters. It is not okay to say that, if something happens, the Brits will step in and defend us. That is not okay. Why would we then not want to partner with our European neighbours? I am not talking about going to war. I never want to see Irish soldiers going to war. However, I am very proud of the work they do in the context of peacekeeping and co-operation with our European neighbours and I want that to continue and to be enhanced. That does not contradict our policy of military non-alignment, a policy that has done nothing but benefit this country. That policy enhances our diplomatic might on the international stage, puts us in good stead with the vast majority of countries around the world and has given us a strong record in peacekeeping with the United Nations, all of which we can be enormously proud of. Let us put a stop to those myths that there is anything bad about the European Union. Is it perfect? By no means. Is it clunky and cumbersome in some of its operations? Of course it is.

Any bloc of 27 countries that needs to build a consensus is going to be clunky but it is the building of consensus that makes it so powerful - the fact that we bring all of these different traditions together. We see it even now in the context of what is happening in the Middle East. I was deeply ashamed when Ursula von der Leyen went to Tel Aviv and stood with an Israeli minister who was openly announcing that he was going to break international law and said she would stand with him. She has apologised for that but it is a demonstration of the different traditions and the different psychological histories of European countries. Of course, as a German, she has a different experience of what happened to Jewish people in Europe in the past 100 hundred years. Of course, as a post-colonial nation, we have a different understanding of what Palestinian people suffer in their adjacency to Israel. Of course, we do. Despite the fact that we have totally different perspectives on an appalling conflict and we see ours as being the correct one, we still work together. We work together on other issues and benefit both our populations through the work we do together, that co-operation and that consensus.

On this Europe Day, let us remember how much good the EU has done for Ireland, how important it is for Ireland, how important it is for Ireland's future and where we go to. Let us remember as we face into the coming weeks of ratifying the EU migration and asylum pact, how being part of a greater unit gives us greater strength and empowers us to be a greater country. As we look forward to that and to the next 74 years of being part of the EU, I welcome our Europeanness, Europe Day and our continued participation and enhanced participation in the EU.

I also congratulate the Minister of State on her elevation to Minister of State with responsibility for defence and European Affairs. As a proud European, I would love to be here speaking on the great things membership of the EU has delivered for Ireland. Sadly, I must devote time to the growing perception of Ireland as a nation of freeloaders weakening Europe and seen as the open back door with our waters viewed internationally as the Wild West.

I will make a few key points. First, EU embassies in Dublin have officials who know and understand international and European defence and security issues. They listen to the uninformed drivel spoken in the Oireachtas on such issues and report same to their capitals. How could this kindergarten level of debate in our Parliament in both Houses and in the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence enhance Ireland's reputation on such issues with our European colleagues?

Second, politicians deliver speeches in the Oireachtas and that committee on international and European defence and security drafted by their officials in which it is suggested - often in the same sentence - that Ireland is simultaneously neutral and non-aligned. Neutrality and non-alignment are polar opposites in international affairs yet we continue to embarrass ourselves in public with such drivel. With further drivel, our Ministers and officials state publicly that Ireland is militarily neutral but not politically neutral. No such division exists in customary international law. A country is either neutral, non-aligned or neither. It is only the Irish who could suggest it is militarily neutral while simultaneously not being politically neutral. It is embarrassing when we are being listened to by an informed audience as was the case recently at the Munich security conference where Ireland once again embarrassed itself publicly on such issues.

In a recent interview, we saw Barry Andrews MEP discuss the issue of freeloading. In his contribution, he shows a complete lack of understanding of what a nation's security and defence requires - applauding the fact that the US and the UK have a vested interest in protecting our State - and then tries to misplace overseas development aid as some part of our defence. Who researches these things for our politicians? Who writes up these things? Is anyone in Government aware of how low numbers in the Defence Forces are damaging our operational capability and, therefore, the security of the State? Do they know the Government is responsible for ensuring properly resourced security services? One or two key issues are worth mentioning today. In 2013, a new pension scheme was brought in by people who clearly do not know understand the role of front-line services such as the Defence Forces, An Garda Síochána and fire services. Has anybody looked at how unviable these pension schemes are? Do they understand that over 50% of uniformed front-line services inducted since 2013 simply cannot afford to stay in service because of the damage done to their pensions? This reckless tinkering with pensions will further damage security through loss of operational capability. As Europe's open back door, serious damage is being done to our ability to secure our skies, patrol our waters and fulfil domestic and overseas commitments.

A central part of the European movement has been to protect workers' rights. Sadly, this protection does not extend to the Defence Forces, who are still outside the working time directive leading to a lack of certainty on health and safety issues. Further evidence of failing to understand workers' rights can be found in the attempts by the Department of Defence with its recent legislation to suppress freedom of expression and further constrain Defence Forces members from advocating for better conditions of service, which is a morale killer. In a recent opinion poll regarding European defence, the results showed that Irish citizens are very much in favour of supporting this. Has anyone in government looked at these results and considered a change of policy?

More drivel on defence matters in recent times has seen ill-informed speakers in both Houses of the Oireachtas waffle on about the dangers of creating an EU defence Commissioner. Why? Should Europe not have somebody watching at the top table? Speeches on the Government's plan to remove the triple lock have led to cries that it will lead to an EU army are simply nonsense. Why would any red-blooded Irish citizen want UN permanent members, many of whom do not agree with each other, to have a veto over our defence decisions? I recently suggested the establishment of an Atlantic fleet to keep Europe's seas safe from drug barons and people traffickers. Clearly no country in Europe is capable to patrol its seas, particularly along the Atlantic coast, but Ireland has a particular difficulty with one operational ship. All that I have suggested is that we act as Europeans in co-operation with one another. Surely that is the European way and the essence of being European.

The recent referenda, which sadly for the Government failed miserably, have shown that both Houses of the Oireachtas are out of touch with public opinion. Nowhere is this more clear than in matters relating to defence. We need to back away from our Paddy neutrality-----

Will the Senator take a question?

I did not interrupt Senator Ward.

I asked the Senator if he would take a question.

We need to back away from our Paddy neutrality and become serious about real neutrality. Our negligence in all matters of defence and security will in the heel of the hunt damage Ireland's attractiveness for FDI and, once lost, it will take years to retrieve.

I regret having to point out that the Minister of State's portfolio includes defence yet we are told that she has no role in defence. That is simply unacceptable. I believe she is a strong Minister of State and that she would be wonderful in day-to-day operations in defence. I believe she would have a serious role to play but the fact that she has been to all intents and purposes neutered caps everything I have just said about the seriousness with which we treat defence in Ireland. We need somebody like the Minister of State 24-hours-a-day seven-days-a-week keeping an eye on the tiller in defence. The Minister for Foreign Affairs is far too busy to be able to devote the amount of time that is required in the defence area in this country.

I have travelled the length and breadth of Europe. What has been said to me about our attitude to defence is really heartbreaking. I served proudly in the Defence Forces and many of my former colleagues are deeply concerned at the direction we are going. I saw a photograph of the Minister of State outside Newbridge and commented on it. She should have been inside. She should have been in there kicking ass and taking names because we need somebody there who will drive the thing forward. The Government has put money there but, sadly, there is no outward evidence of any change. We seem to be obsessed with tribunals and things like that.

Senator Ward mentioned radar.

Surely to God radar should be in place now. That is two and a half years ago. Where we stand right now is terrible.

I will go back to the issue of the 2013 pension. We are expecting people who are paying into an accelerated pension because they are in highly dangerous jobs to retire at the age of 55 and to be given a paltry pension of about €11,000 year. They must then hold on to that pension until they reach the age of 66 when they can get it supplemented with the old age pension. The people who drafted that pension knew nothing about front-line services, the Garda or Defence Forces personnel. Unless we reverse that and change it, we will not have the people. We are losing Defence Forces members at a rate of 50 per month. We need somebody in the head offices in Newbridge watching what is going on to change the direction in which we are going.

Fine Gael has had the defence portfolio for the past 20-odd years. We need somebody to go back in there and reverse the damage that has been done. I hope the senior Minister with responsibility for defence is watching this debate. I ask that he indicate to the Minister of State, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, that because he does not have the time to be in Newbridge, the Minister of State, despite having responsibility for European affairs, should spend half a week in Newbridge and do something about this. She should drive the change that is needed and get the people in the Defence Forces behind the Government. We are losing gardaí now at the same rate we are losing Defence Forces members. The Minister of State must get the people behind her and drive it forward.

I commend and thank the Minister of State for coming to the House. She will do a fine job in European affairs. I just wish she was given the time to do a fine job in defence. I have confidence that she would achieve something there.

I congratulate the Minister of State, Deputy Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, on her appointment and wish her the best in the role. She has shown herself to be very capable and I am certain she will represent us very effectively at discussions in Brussels and other European capitals. I also welcome her officials. The Minister of State is very fortunate in having some excellent officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs who have worked on all of these issues.

I agree with Senator Craughwell that we need a stand-alone Minister for Defence but today is about statements on Europe Day and Ireland's membership of the European Union. While I agree with almost everything my friend and colleague Senator Barry Ward said, I note he described Fine Gael as the most European of parties. He will forgive me for reminding him that it was Seán Lemass who made it one of his personal ambitions for Ireland to join the European Union; that it was Jack Lynch and Patrick Hillery who signed the deal to ensure that we joined the EU; that it was in 1990, when Ireland held the EU Presidency, that we saw the unification of Germany and the unified Germany come into the EU; and that it was the very important decision 20 years ago this month that saw ten new countries, mostly from central and eastern Europe, join during the time Bertie Ahern was Taoiseach. I would certainly say that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have consistently been the two parties that have supported Ireland taking its place among the nations of the world and being active on the European stage.

It is more important than ever that we have effective representation at a European level. Although I wish the best of luck to all of those contesting the forthcoming European Union elections, it is critical that those who are standing show how they will have an impact on Europe and make clear which group they are going to join in the European Parliament. In the case of my party, being part of the Renew Europe and ALDE group with others such as President Macron's party in France shows how we can have a real influence at the Council of Ministers and at European Parliament level.

It is important that we reflect. When Lemass took the decision to join, and even when Ireland joined in 1973, the majority of countries in Europe were not democracies. I am talking not only about the countries of central and eastern Europe but also Spain, Portugal and Greece.

We sometimes take for granted that Ireland is one of the world's longest continuous democracies. The role of the European Union in supporting democracy, human rights and the rule of law should never be underestimated. These are core values we should always strive to defend within the European Union - I am looking at you, Hungary - and indeed in terms of where the EU stands in world affairs. As the Minister of State mentioned, I especially welcome our continuous support for Ukraine becoming a full member of the European Union. We need to continue to show solidarity with the people of Ukraine to support them, and other countries such as Georgia, on the road to accession so that those countries can take their place at the heart of the European Union as Ireland has done.

In the coming years, we will face a number of big global challenges. I will refer to three on which the EU has a very important role to play and is playing its part. The first is the challenge of a sustainable planet and ensuring we address the challenges of climate change and biodiversity, which are at the heart of European policy. The second is the demographic challenge. Europe is becoming older. It is great that we are healthier and living longer but that brings its challenges. Finally, there is the technological challenge. This will increasingly dominate discussions. I welcome the suite of measures the Europe Union has adopted and is adopting, going back to GDPR, along with the Artificial Intelligence Act, the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. This legislation will be critical in making it easier for European citizens to interact and do business online and ensuring our citizens are kept safe. With regard to the priority agenda, I suggest the Minister of State look at those three themes over the next mandate of the European Parliament and European Commission.

I will address a number of specific recommendations in areas around European co-operation, in which I am a great believer, as is the Minister of State. We can talk all we want about the policies but it is much better to get people into a room co-operating on issues in which they are interested and sharing ideas and experiences. As Senator Ward mentioned, we all remember our first trips to continental Europe. We recall meeting people from European groups with which our political families have shared interests and having debates and discussions with people around the future of Europe. To combat misinformation, disinformation and the rise of racism and xenophobia, the more opportunities we have for people to meet people from other cultures and traditions, the better.

Erasmus is a hugely successful programme. Peter Sutherland, as Ireland's then EU Commissioner, played a major role in its establishment. One of the challenges, particularly in higher education, is that the number of students and trainees who travel from Ireland to continental Europe has always been about half the number of incoming students and trainees. On an annual basis, just under 4,000 students and trainees in further and higher education in Ireland go to other European countries, whereas normally close to 8,000 students and trainees come here. We need to be much more proactive in encouraging Irish students. It is a difficulty that Ireland is English-speaking and there is often an attraction for people to come here, especially post-Brexit. We need a proactive programme to encourage more students from Ireland to take up the Erasmus programme, particularly students from areas of socioeconomic disadvantage for whom the costs are often greater. We need to look at the Erasmus programme in that regard.

Related to the Erasmus programme is the possibility of student exchange at second level. The Cathaoirleach mentioned that the ambassador of Slovakia to Ireland, Mr. Andrej Droba, was with him in Cork last week. I am very proud that the first ever student exchange and school twinning between a school in Ireland and a school in Slovakia happened in the last year. It was between Gorey Educate Together Secondary School and Gymnázium Bilíkova in Slovakia. There have been exchanges of students and staff, with students from Ireland going to Slovakia and vice versa. Many student exchanges to date have been primarily focused on France, Germany, Italy and Spain, for obvious reasons.

Encouraging schools to engage in this direct exchange, particularly with countries in central and eastern Europe, would be welcome.

The DiscoverEU programme is very successful. It provides an opportunity every year for 35,000 18-year-olds throughout the EU to go Interrailing or travelling. Quite a number of Irish people take it up. I would love to see a situation whereby every 18-year-old in the EU is given this opportunity to travel. When people complete their leaving certificate, at that critical moment in their life, suddenly they have an opportunity to go to Warsaw, Rome or Athens and have this first experience with their peers. If we can fulfil that, that would make an enormous difference.

The Horizon Europe programme supports research. In this era, when we still have the knowledge economy and the knowledge society, there have been great examples of Irish higher education institutions and enterprises being able to engage and draw down funding from Horizon Europe in partnership. I say respectfully that more can be done. We have not been sufficiently ambitious under the programme. The fact the UK has rejoined Horizon Europe is something that is very welcome. We need to explore more of the opportunities on this.

People often speak about the economic, education and trade links. The cultural links in Europe are also critical. This week, as the Minister of State may be aware, marks the 200th anniversary of the first performance of Beethoven's ninth symphony. We have had 200 years of "Ode to Joy", the European anthem. Under the Creative Europe programme, there are significant opportunities for exchange. We need to promote it far more among our artists. We tend to focus on the English-speaking world for obvious reasons but partnership can be developed a lot more with artistic and creative communities in continental Europe.

It gives me great pleasure as a Kilbeggan man to welcome to the Gallery my neighbours from across the border in County Offaly who are members of Tullamore active retirement group. I hope they have a very enjoyable visit to the Houses of the Oireachtas.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I was delighted to see her appointment as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs. I only lament that she will have a short time before a general election. Hers is one of the better appointments made by the Taoiseach a couple of weeks ago.

On Europe Day I want to highlight not the benefits of European integration and investment, which many Members have spoken about, but the idea and concept of Europe as a peace project, and where it sits now in light of the conflict in Gaza. The European Union is a project that took bitter enemies and people of different nationalities for whom borders have been fought over and moved for centuries, and locked them into a system of economic and then political dependency. This made sure that any decision to go to war with each other would become almost impossible. We are the people reaping the benefits of this stability in the EU over the past 80 years. It was and is a very noble project but I fear that at present it is under threat, in particular with regard to moral leadership when it comes to foreign policy at European Union level.

We are engaging in selective moralism on foreign policy when we contrast the strong stance taken by the EU against the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the divided response to the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza. As a collective, we have been sadly lacking as a supposed leader in ethical foreign policy when it comes to watching the continuing horror in Gaza. Some countries, such as Germany and the Netherlands, are continuing to supply weapons to a country engaging in ethnic cleansing and genocide. There are some notable exceptions to this and I count Ireland, Spain and Belgium among those who have not left their strategic interest or misguided sense of guilt and loyalty towards Israel to colour their approach to the humanitarian catastrophe, which, similar to the horrors of the Holocaust, history will continue to judge.

There is time for the EU to change course in its approach to the conflict and re-establish itself as a moral leader in the area of international foreign policy. Now is the time to recognise the state of Palestine and I very much welcome the reports that Ireland, along with some of its allies, will do so this month. The Taoiseach spoke about this in the past hour. The EU should apply pressure to its US allies and Israel to accept the terms of a regionally negotiated ceasefire. It was disheartening to watch Hamas accept the terms of the ceasefire the other day while Israel continued a ground offensive into Rafah where it has essentially caged people who have moved from the rest of Gaza, which has been destroyed. We need a breakthrough by whatever means necessary, and I mean by whatever means necessary, to break the humanitarian blockade and stranglehold that Israel has on food and other essential items getting into Gaza.

The EU can, and should, be a beacon for what can happen when bitter enemies accept the existence of each other and the need to live peacefully in a region alongside each other. Perhaps they can move from fighting to co-existence or even, as the EU proves, to co-operative and warm relationships. For this to happen it requires not only diplomatic and strategic calculations but moral and humanitarian leadership, which has been sorely lacking in the past seven months at EU level.

I join in congratulating the Minister of State on her new role and I look forward to engaging with her on the many dimensions of her new role.

Usually when I speak about the European Union on Europe Day or at European events, I speak about its extraordinary benefits and how important it was for Ireland to be part of the Union. I speak about the progressive laws and progress that we have seen in areas such as the environment, employment law and gender equality, how effective it has been in establishing new pressures and new norms that press European countries to raise their standards in all of these areas, and how effective and important it has been for Ireland. I also speak about the future of Europe, and I was very proud to be one of four Irish parliamentarians who took part in the Future of Europe process. I may return to this later. Today I must agree with Deputy Moynihan. When we speak about Europe Day, we need to look back to the bigger question not only of Ireland and its engagement, but the big question of why the European Union was important when it came into existence, what the context was and what the history was. This is why the thoughts we have, and the decisions we need to make, on Europe's future are crucial if it is to have a future.

The European Union was very important because it came from a bloody and brutal history. Sometimes this gets forgotten when we speak about Europe. Europe's history is bloody and brutal and not only in terms of wars. These wars include the Hundred Years' War, the Thirty Years' War, the First World War and its extraordinary loss of life and the Second World War with its horrors and the Holocaust. This is the history of Europe and these wars are not the only part of Europe's bloody history. There is also blood in Europe's history of colonialism. There are the 10 million dead in the Belgian Congo, the transatlantic slave trade with 12.5 million Africans loaded onto Atlantic slave ships, the German genocide in Namibia and the more than 500,000 of approximately 3 million Algerians who were killed by France. This is Europe's history.

People speak about feeling a bit ashamed if they do not have the same armies. There is a lot to feel ashamed about but there is also a lot to be proud of. Crucially, something to be proud of is the massive shift we saw following the horrors of the Second World War towards multilateralism at UN level and European level, which put humanity first and advocated a politics of principle, even where this does not suit the politics of big powers or interests.

That is crucially important. I am looking at the reference to coal and steel, the founding documents, which are clear on why there was this impetus. It was not just to make money from coal and steel. The Schuman Declaration stated that the pooling of coal and steel "will change the destinies of those regions which have long been devoted to the manufacture of munitions of war, of which they have been the most constant victims." The entire project of the European Union was a shift away from war. It happened at the same time as the United Nations, which, in the first line of the preamble to its first founding treaty, determined that it was our to duty to protect "succeeding generations from the scourge of war." We are really at a frightening moment if, given the history of the European Union and that the greatest gift it has given has been peace and stability, we now have narratives about rearmament. We have Ursula von der Leyen speaking about the need to have rearmament and new defence projects around common European interests, not principles or international law. We had a period of time where interests and military might determined and shaped our global politics. It was hard won to move away from it.

The Horizon funding was mentioned. We also have attempts and proposals from the European Commission, which I hope have been properly pushed back because they have been widely rejected by civil society right across Europe, to have Horizon funding, which is civil funding for research and innovation that is meant to drive our collective response in areas like the huge existential threat of climate change, the need for social cohesion and the need for medical advances, blended with the defence fund and rerouted into the bottomless greedy pit that is the military industrial complex and its research demands and preferences.

We must bear in mind that the founding of the EU was about moving away from munitions. There is an idea that this is different because we are in unstable environment. It was an unstable political environment in the 1940s and 1950s. It is precisely the recognition Ireland had, which is why Ireland managed to drive the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It is a myth that an arms race is what keeps people safe. It is actually when we centre power on principles and apply those principles. By the way, neutrality does not mean doing nothing or which side we are on. What it means is that we take principles, such as international law, and apply them equally to everyone, not because they are our trading partners or neighbours, such as Ukraine, but because they are international principles that we have agreed in terms of humanity. That is why the failure of the European Union to take any meaningful action in respect of Gaza is destroying European credibility internationally. The fact is we have an association agreement with Israel. Trading interests and profiteering still happening when Europe, which accounts for 25% of Israel's trade, has an incredibly strong tool that has not been used at a time when we see a ground invasion threatening 600,000 children in Rafah. That is not even being spoken about. Instead, we are having conversations about rearmament and the idea that we will just keep it from our borders, as if that is the solution, when we have policies that create death and destruction. We have climate policies that are driving desertification and financial interests that are contributing to conflict, as we have seen in Libya and elsewhere. That is another place for Europe.

We talk about European values, but Europe has to ask what those values are. I believe European citizens believe in European values. When I took part in the Future of Europe process, I was struck by the fact that citizens from Greece, France, Spain and elsewhere talked about the same things. They talked about equality, their goals with respect to how children would be treated, education and common values. They talked about the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and how it should be applied to everyone around the world. European citizens talked about how they want Europe to be good, but what we are hearing politically is that they want Europe to be strong and to win in a new, bad return to the old power politics of big powers, patronage and interests. That is not what the citizens were saying. They want a Europe they can be proud of. That is not a Europe that lets 27,000 people drown in the Mediterranean Sea since 2014. The Adriana disaster last year in which 600 migrants drowned was seen as nobody's responsibility. One of the people I spoke to left the Irish Naval Service after it stopped performing search and rescue. That person's heart was broken as a result of not being able to take part in saving lives any longer.

I believe in Europe and I am passionate about it. We cannot blame things on Brussels. We need to take responsibility for Europe's future. It was very well put that there are different histories and different perspectives. Ireland, as a neutral country, can speak to international law, remind Europe of the peace project, champion the idea of peace and be a link between Europe and the wider world, including those many parts of the wider world that have suffered historically under European countries. Ireland has an incredibly important moral role to play right now to ensure we have a European future of which we can all be proud and that genuinely represents values and not just interests.

I thank the Senator. As there are no more contributors, the Minister of State has no less than ten minutes to wrap up. As we are running ahead of schedule, I will be lenient with her if she wishes to continue.

I thank the Acting Chairperson. I appreciate that because I wish to respond as best I can to the excellent debate and the contributions that have been made. Members will forgive me if I jump from one issue to another but it will be in an effort to respond to what they said.

I will start with Senator Higgins simply because, respectfully, that seems to be the most logical response. What she said is exactly right in so many ways. We are constrained by the practicality of some of the different particular challenges of the day and of the jurisdiction. I agree with her. I am so proud that Ireland is a post-colonial society that has never invaded, profited from or benefited from the largesse of any other part of the world. It has never performed acts of cruelty to any other part of the world. We do not have ornate buildings around Ireland that have been funded by the profits of that sort of activity. I am so proud that is the case. That gives us a different standing in the world morally and diplomatically. It gives us a very different perspective, a humanitarian one, that we try to bring in to everything we do. As Senators Moynihan and Ward said, our post-colonial experience informs our particular perspective on the conflict in the Middle East. I might come back to that because it is an important link.

The question of neutrality was touched on by Senators Higgins and Craughwell. I will explain my thinking in that regard. It is very important that Ireland has been militarily non-aligned. Of course, we have not had to participate. As Senator Byrne said, we have the longest continuous democracy, and that is true. That is because we have protected and preserved the political institutions and elections in this State. However, it is also because we did not patriciate in the Second World War. That is a question of the day but also an historical and moral question we could ask ourselves about how we did not participate in stopping a very different genocide at that time. That is a question on which we might reflect. We did rely at times on other people to support our effort to be neutral. I am not sure that was the best moral decision either.

I appreciate what Senator Craughwell said about the different words we use, such as being militarily non-aligned. I completely agree with that. We are not politically neutral. I appreciate that the Senator is criticising me and others for using these phrases interchangeably, and that may be so. Let us put that aside and speak about the principles rather than the words. We are very much in favour of democratic norms and the rule of law and societies that either have or are aspiring to implement those norms.

I refer in particular to countries such as Ukraine, Moldova, Kosovo and those across the western Balkans that are struggling with the transition to democracy both because that is difficult to do and because of the contextual difficulties, such as trying to implement major rule-of-law reforms in the face of very significant and entrenched organised crime. It is very difficult to do. I met a number of my counterparts from those countries at the General Affairs Council and they are really struggling with those challenges. I also met my colleagues from Estonia, Lithuania and Finland, all of which, particularly Estonia and Lithuania, have made the transition to democracy and are entirely committed to the democratic project and the rule of law. The principles at the centre of the project we share are about humanity, but they are also the principles of democracy and the rule of law. These are the principles - as Senator Higgins said, principles rather than interests - that we can wrap around and that Ireland wants to wrap around.

The fact, however, is that the principles they are trying to uphold in Lithuania and Estonia are being strategically attacked by a different force, namely Russia. As regards the particular jurisdictional and situational context they face, they are trying to consider their armament, the amount they are spending on defence, not because they wish to do so. It is being ramped up that quickly because they are looking at the principles and the transitions they have gone through, from the Soviet Union, to democracies, to the European Union, and now they see them very much under threat. They are under threat through the instrumentalised, weaponised pushing over of migrants by Russian and aligned actors. They face continuous threats, including hundreds of cyberattacks a day, according to what those colleagues report to me, and the continual efforts to disrupt their democracies time and time again through disinformation. It is a different situational context.

It is in that context that the defence and security conversation has come to the fore. It is one of the top three European priorities, not because I believe Europe is trying to articulate or defend a set of interests but because it has no choice at this moment. Ireland is a continuous democracy that has come from a postcolonial state to defend democratic institutions and the rule of law on a pan-European basis. We have seen the benefit of that to our State. What Senator Ward said about the real capturing of our sovereignty through the European Union, not in spite of the European Union, was poignant and important. Ireland's position in that regard has to be closer within that European perspective to understand that we need to use Europe to properly defend ourselves in terms of our own national security. If that means participating in structures where we can get quicker or cheaper access to the tools our Defence Forces need for us to defend ourselves, both physically and from cyberattack, I believe that is an appropriate thing to do. We did the same regarding the protection of our people from Covid in the sharing of access to vaccines and the advantage we get through shared co-operation. We are not talking about buying things to go and attack people; we are talking about participating to be able to defend ourselves. Senator Craughwell is correct that our Defence Forces are not properly equipped and that they need more support. Senator Malcolm Byrne said that, as did Senator Ward. We need the capital investment. The supply chains are very difficult at the moment, and the reason they are is that so much is being used in Ukraine. The equipment simply is not there precisely because it is being used by a transitional country that is trying to be a democratic state committed to the rule of law. It is being attacked by an actor that simply wants to destroy, not just that country's effort but also Europe's effort to protect and extend democracy, to extend the European family closer to Russia and the principles all of that includes. I agree with Senator Higgins on so many of these issues but I do not think what we are saying is contradictory. The situational jurisdictional context is extremely important.

On what Senator Moynihan said about Gaza, she is correct, of course, about our moral leadership. What I am saying about our postcolonial experience informs some of that, but it is Ireland's position that the European Union has come to as regards the ceasefire, which she acknowledged. It is Ireland alone that is advocating an urgent review. The former Taoiseach, Deputy Varadkar, wrote to President von der Leyen about a joint review with Prime Minister Sánchez on 14 February last year. I was with the new Taoiseach at the fringes of the European Council meeting last month when he made that point again, and there has not been a response. In the same way, Ireland has stood up and wants to recognise the state of Palestine. We are not delaying that for any casual reason. It is to try to have the best way of doing that, as has been said, and it is Ireland that is doing that from its experience. It will always be moderates. It will never be Hamas, who can never be excused for what they have done, nor can the Netanyahu government ever be excused for what it has done. It will be the moderate democrats in Israel and the moderates in Palestine who will bring about this peace process and this political path, which is what we support. I refer to international institutions, the rule of law, democracy and a humanitarian underpinning of all the different things we are doing. It is those moderates who will bring us forward, I hope, in the way Senator Moynihan has described Germany and France and their coalescence around coal and steel. At that time, wars were determined entirely by who had the most steel. That was it. Of course, that has changed since, but it was that alignment of coal and steel.

I said incorrectly in the Dáil that yesterday was 80 years since Victory in Europe Day. It was, of course, 79 years ago. Next year it will be 80 years. Today, however, is Europe Day. It is such an important day to recognise Ireland's place in Europe and in the world. What Senator Ward said about the enhancement of our sovereignty through Europe was so important. It is not a context I had thought about in terms of the currency. He is entirely right about the precedent. It is extremely important.

As regards Senator Malcolm Byrne's idea about 18-year-olds travelling, it might seem like a long way away, but so did the idea of Europe. It such a wonderful expression of enabling our young people to understand and see the shared values, the different cultural experiences and the very different places we have all come from, yet we come together to create a shared, collective and consensual Europe. It is a fantastic idea.

I would like to advise Senator Craughwell that I was actually in the Department of Defence. I went in to meet senior management on my second day. I just took a photograph outside. I do not go to places to have photographs taken.

I thank the Minister of State and all Senators for their contributions.

When is it proposed to sit again?

Dé Máirt seo chugainn, ar 1 p.m.

Cuireadh an Seanad ar athló ar 1.27 p.m. go dtí 1 p.m., Dé Máirt, an 14 Bealtaine 2024.
The Seanad adjourned at 1.27 p.m. until 1 p.m. on Tuesday, 14 May 2024.
Top
Share