Over the past 20 or 30 years, under successive combinations of parties in Government, this community has had wonderful success in housing provision. We have one of the best housing markets in the world in terms of access, supply and cost and that has not come about by accident. There is great sensitivity in terms of what is required and how best it can be operated and that sensitivity extends to the Revenue Commissioners and how they do their job.
In recent times, money distributed to private landlords by community welfare officers under the housing supplementary rent allowance scheme operated by the Department of Health has not been subject to direct scrutiny from a Revenue point of view. The health boards were declining to reveal who was in receipt of the money just as, about three years ago, the universities were declining to give the Department of Social Welfare information about students when some students were claiming unemployment benefit. One arm of the State was being frustrated by a direct recipient of substantial moneys from the State, in that instance, the universities. I am happy to say that has now been overcome. This Bill will also ensure that the Revenue Commissioners will be able to get information from the health boards, through the community welfare officer system, on who is in receipt of a rent allowance.
The dumping, to which both Deputy McCreevy and Deputy Michael McDowell referred, is already happening in the constituency which Deputy McDowell and I share. I have encountered, not very many but a couple of people whose landlady declined to give them a receipt because she did not want the authorities to be aware that she was renting accommodation. I do not think there is anything one can do about that. It affects a relatively small percentage. It is a distortion but, on balance, the good that will come from the application of the provision is preferable to those distortions which may have occurred and will occur in certain limited cases. The extension of this provision may have a minor distortional effect but the overall benefit far outweighs those distortions.
In the past when housing supply was relatively fixed or difficult to increase in the short term, there was a valid argument in classic economic terms that any intervention into that market would distort it, severely damage people looking for accommodation and, over time, severely damage the quality of the housing stock itself. The famous reversal of the rent protection legislation following a successful Supreme Court challenge by former Fianna Fáil councillor, Mr. Madigan, undid that distortion. The current supply of housing invalidates the argument about interfering to protect existing tenants without disadvantaging people seeking accommodation. This is not a left/right argument as such. One of the most screwed up — in the distorted terms of that phrase — housing markets in the world is New York city which has a crazy set of onerous protections for existing tenants. If one happens to be an existing tenant or can qualify to inherit an existing tenancy, one is in seriously good fortune but trying to get accommodation in the open market is very expensive.
My final point addresses that made by Deputy McDowell. This is an attempt to level the playing pitch for people who, for whatever reasons and they will be increasing in numbers because of the nature of household formation in our society, choose not to use their scarce resources to acquire a capital asset which will be left to their nieces or nephews and instead rent accommodation. They need some form of security of tenure and I agree with Deputy Michael McDowell that the 20 year rule is onerous because it gives them absolute rights of tenancy and successors in law, if I understand the legislation correctly. That is why many landlords refuse to extend the lease beyond 20 years to prevent that automatic kick-in of rights. That relates to housing policy in terms of landlord-tenant legislation. Deputy McDowell and I would probably have a similar view in that regard.
The extent of this provision is to give tenants in private rented accommodation a degree of State assistance comparable to, but not exactly the same as, that given to those utilising a mortgage to buy a property or a local authority tenant. Some rogue landlords will resist this and over time will probably leave the housing market. If they resist this type of PRSI, that is, giving their RSI number, they are probably not complying with fire or planning regulations. We are better off without them in the housing market. I do not believe the housing supply will necessarily suffer for the reasons I stated earlier.