I welcome this opportunity to address the committee this afternoon on the work of my Department. It is, indeed, the first opportunity to meet with the committee since the end of Ireland's Presidency of the European Union. I believe we can take pride in the way Ireland met the challenge of the Presidency.
We are considering the entirety of Votes 38 and 39 at today's session. My colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, has already addressed issues relating to subheads C to I of Vote 39. I will confine my introductory comments to Vote 38 — Foreign Affairs and subheads A and B of Vote 39 which deal with contributions to international organisations.
The Estimate for Vote 38 amounts to £59,770,000. Of this, £8,417,000 is dedicated to programmes in support of Irish citizens abroad, furthering cultural relations with other countries and promoting peace and reconciliation within Ireland. The remainder of the Vote, which amounts to £51,723,000, comprises the administrative budget of the Department, which covers the cost of running the Department in Ireland and overseas. Members of the committee will have noted that most subheads under the administrative budget are reduced this year following the conclusion of the Presidency.
When I appeared before the committee last year we were in the final stages of preparing for the Presidency of the European Union. As our term in the Troika draws to an end, we can take stock of the achievements of the past year and look to the challenges ahead. The overriding objective of our Presidency was to deal with the issues facing the European Union in an efficient and effective manner. I believe this objective was achieved.
Among the major achievements of the Irish Presidency was the agreement at the European Council on 13 and 14 December on the principles and main elements of the Stability and Growth Pact setting out rules and procedures for achieving budgetary discipline in stage three of European Monetary Union.
The December European Council also adopted the Dublin Declaration on Employment thereby underlining its commitment to the Essen strategy and calling on member states to secure maximum benefit in employment terms from anticipated economic growth. Another area where the Irish Presidency achieved noteworthy results was in Justice and Home Affairs where agreement was reached on a range of actions.
The Dutch Presidency is now engaged in formalising, in resolutions and regulations, the agreement on budgetary discipline reached under our Presidency. It remains for member states to maintain their best efforts to meet the criteria. As far as Ireland is concerned, we have met the criteria for the past several years. We are determined to do so again in 1997 and, thus, qualify for entry to the third stage of European Monetary Union and the single currency in the first wave.
The Presidency required an understanding of the vital national interests of other partners. We needed also to ensure that the wider European interest was recognised and promoted. As we move away from the Presidency it is inevitable that we will adjust our focus. We will be putting much greater emphasis on those issues which are of particular national concern. It is important, however, that we retain the sense of the broader perspective and continue to follow the broad policy approach set out in the White Paper. The key challenge which remains is how we can ensure that the values which have inspired Irish foreign policy for many years will continue to inspire our policy in changing circumstances, not only at the European level but also globally.
One of the more immediate challenges facing the Union is the successful conclusion of the Intergovernmental Conference. The Irish Presidency had the task of chairing the Intergovernmental Conference and produced an outline draft treaty which was welcomed and accepted by the European Council as providing a good basis for the work which lay ahead. There are now two months left until the Amsterdam European Council when the Intergovernmental Conference is scheduled to conclude.
I would like to give a brief outline of the state of play on some of the issues being addressed at the conference. The fact that draft texts exist on most issues — either in the Irish Presidency's outline draft treaty or as a result of the work done since January under the Dutch Presidency — means that the conference is now focusing on the shape of the final treaty.
One of the main institutional issues under discussion, and one that is of central concern to Ireland, is the size and composition of the Commission. Some member states feel the Commission is too large and membership should be reduced. Ireland believes strongly and will continue to argue that it is necessary for each member state to be able to nominate at least one member of the Commission. We think this is necessary in order to ensure the continuing effectiveness and the public acceptability of the Commission in all member states.
There are other important and complex issues — for example, strengthening the justice and home affairs provisions of the treaty and introducing a clearly defined principle of flexibility or enhanced co-operation into the treaty. I am confident that solutions to these issues will be found and that these solutions will be acceptable to the member states.
It is essential that the Intergovernmental Conference should enhance the ability of the Union to play a more effective international role commensurate with its economic strength. The Union must also respond more effectively to the new and complex security challenges which we face. The Intergovernmental Conference discussions have made considerable progress towards the goal of strengthening the Union's capacity in crisis management and peace support in furtherance of the objectives of the United Nations and the OSCE. I am confident that the final outcome of the negotiations will be fully consonant with the Government's approach as set out in the White Paper.
Enlargement will shift the EU's geographical centre and will require careful preparation. The Commission, which is preparing its Opinions on enlargement, will also prepare proposals on how enlargement of the Union will be financed and on the Structural Funds and the Common Agricultural Policy in the context of enlargement. We in Ireland will have to work harder than ever before to maximise the benefits of EU membership while, at the same time, helping to build a more effective and dynamic Union equipped to meet the demands of the 21st century. All these developments will require appropriate and effective policy responses which will impose new demands on the Irish Administration and the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I wish to address briefly a number of issues which have been at the forefront of international attention — China, the Middle East peace process, Iran, developments in the Balkans, especially Albania and former Yugoslavia, and Zaire and the Great Lakes region.
We regret the outcome of the UN Commission on Human Rights' deliberations on China of which the committee will be aware. Since 1989 the EU has sponsored a draft resolution on human rights in China at the annual session of the UN Commission on Human Rights. Apart from 1995, China has managed to avoid the introduction of the draft by a procedural "no action" motion. Despite the efforts by the Presidency to secure agreement on an EU draft resolution, France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Greece decided not to co-sponsor the resolution on China this year. Denmark, with the remaining nine EU partners, including Ireland, as co-sponsors, proceeded with the tabling of the draft resolution. The other co-sponsors were the US, Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Switzerland.
On 15 April the Chinese tabled a "no action" motion, which is a procedural mechanism whereby the CHR is prevented from discussing the human rights situation in a particular country. As in previous years, this motion succeeded. The final vote on the motion was 27 in favour, nine abstentions and 17 against. All our EU partners voted against the motion, with Bulgaria, Canada, the Czech Republic, El Salvador, Japan, Nicaragua and South Africa.
Ireland is engaged in efforts to bring peace to the Middle East. The UNIFIL peacekeeping contingent represents Ireland's largest tangible contribution to peace in the region. In addition, Ireland provides development assistance to the Palestinian people. In 1997 our assistance programme in support of the Middle East peace process and the Palestinian people will amount to approximately $2.1 million.
One of the key objectives of our Presidency was to assist in the restoration of momentum to the Middle East peace process. I visited the region on two occasions. During our Presidency, the Union appointed an EU special envoy to the region as a further concrete demonstration of its commitment to promoting peace. As a member of the Troika, Ireland continues to maintain an active involvement in support of the peace process.
Recent events — in particular the Israeli decision on the first phase redeployment from the West Bank and the construction of a new settlement in East Jerusalem — have seriously undermined the confidence of the Arab parties in the future of negotiations. The EU, through its special envoy and its contacts with the main parties to the peace process, is involved in efforts to relaunch the process. It would be tragic to return to the cycle of terrorism, violence and oppression. Ireland will continue to encourage both parties to maintain their commitment to the peace process in accordance with the agreements already reached.
Relations with Iran — both bilateral and at EU level — are important but they are also complex. EU political relations with Iran are within the context of the critical dialogue which was instituted at the Edinburgh European Council in 1992. This has provided a formal framework within which the EU can discuss matters of concern with Iran, in particular human rights. In recent days European Union member states, including Ireland, have recalled their Ambassadors from Iran for co-ordinated consultations following the findings of the Berlin Superior Court of Justice concerning Iranian involvement in the Mykonos killings.
The European Union has serious concerns about the human rights situation in Iran. Ireland has in recent years — with our EU partners — co-sponsored the UN Commission on Human Rights and the UN General Assembly resolutions on the Human Rights situation in Iran. The Irish Government, in concert with our partners in the EU, continues to take up with Iran the issue of the fatwa against Mr. Salman Rushdie whom I met in Dublin last December.
The recent crisis in Albania has been to the forefront of recent discussions in both the European Union and the OSCE. The EU will actively support the efforts of the OSCE to assist the return of democracy and law and order to Albania, with the objective of holding parliamentary elections there in June. Albania, as the poorest country in Europe, clearly needs both short and long-term assistance to develop its economy. The EU is already providing structural aid under the PHARE programme and will seek ways to increase and diversify economic assistance. The EU has made a substantial provision for humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of the Albanian population most severely affected by the recent crisis. We welcome the initiative of certain countries to provide a multinational protection force for the safe delivery of humanitarian assistance.
Ireland supports the EU commitment to helping Albania. It is necessary, however, that Albanians themselves accept responsibility for rebuilding their country and society, with appropriate assistance being provided by the international community.
Former Yugoslavia remains a priority for the Government, our objective being to ensure the continued implementation of the Dayton Agreement. Some progress has been made over the past year but major issues remain to be tackled, such as the organisation of municipal elections in September. Ireland will make a significant contribution to the international effort in this regard in the form of financial support and the provision of election observers.
Ireland, in common with our European partners, is greatly concerned at the ongoing conflict in Zaire. We are committed to supporting the humanitarian relief effort in the region. Recently we allocated a further £550,000 in support of the UN agencies operating there, bringing the Government's total assistance to the Great Lakes region since 1994 to over £12 million. If lasting peace and stability are to be achieved, a political and democratic solution must be found. We support the work of Ambassador Mohammed Sahnoun, the Joint Special Representative of the UN and the OAU in the Great Lakes region in his current efforts. The EU Special Envoy, Mr. Aldo Ajello, is working closely with Ambassador Sahnoun and regional leaders in bringing forward a five-point peace plan, adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1097 of 18 February. The European Union is urging all parties to the conflict to engage fully in these efforts to attain an early political solution. It is the Government's strong wish that this in turn should lead to the convening of an international conference on peace, security and development in the Great Lakes region to address the root causes of conflict and thus bring about a peaceful, durable and comprehensive resolution of the crisis.
As the White Paper indicates, it would not be possible to address our foreign policy interests adequately without reflecting our trade and investment concerns. Diplomatic missions continue to give priority to promoting Ireland's economic interests. In this regard they work closely with other Departments and the relevant semi-State agencies. The most developed form of co-operation abroad is the "Ireland House" concept whereby Irish diplomatic missions and state agencies share premises and co-ordinate their efforts. I am particularly pleased that a new Ireland House will shortly become operational in Madrid.
The deteriorating situation in Northern Ireland is deeply worrying, particularly the resurgence of nakedly sectarian animosities. I wholly and unreservedly condemn those who intensify polarisation and mutual antipathy between the communities in the North, whether directly by cowardly and brutal acts or indirectly by words calculated to inflame. Sectarian violence is worse than a zero-sum game as sooner or later everyone ends up a loser.
It is vital that an accommodation be found over the deeply contentious parades issue. Local dialogue and compromise between the two sets of rights, and two sets of deeply held convictions, is much the best way forward and I urge all those who have any influence to do their utmost in that direction. The motto must be to "talk over", not "walk over". It is imperative that the outstanding and key recommendations of the North Report be enacted into legislation as soon as possible and I offer to the newly appointed Parades Commission my best wishes for its success in its difficult mission.
The Government continues to play a full part in the search for lasting peace and agreement in Northern Ireland. Our approach remains fully based on the principles and analyses set out jointly with the British Government in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Joint Declaration, the Framework Document and other agreed positions.
Our strategy has been to seek a comprehensive settlement through meaningful negotiations inclusive of all parties committed to advancing their objectives by peaceful and democratic means alone. With the British Government we have put in place a carefully balanced negotiating structure which has the capacity to generate and sustain real engagement on the substantive issues if the parties are prepared to use it for those ends. As co-sponsor of the negotiations, we bear our share of their cost for which continuing provision is made in the Estimates.
Progress in the negotiations to date has been depressingly slow. This is due to a number of factors, but especially the lack of a climate of trust between those taking part. Moreover, the IRA's cynical and reckless campaign of violence — rightly characterised by Cardinal Daly as "completely irrational"— is a continuing source of fear and suspicion which fuels the arguments of those who, whether from conviction or tactics, question the very concept of inclusive negotiations.
The Government wants Sinn Féin to join us at the negotiating table but Sinn Féin must know that until a definitive halt is called to the bombing, shooting and other manifestations of political violence there is no way they can or will become generally accepted partners in the political process. Not only that, but the longer it takes before a complete and unequivocal renewal of the ceasefire is declared, the harder it will be to convince even people of goodwill of its credibility and durability.
Many, both in Ireland and abroad, who abhor the actions of the IRA have taken risks in an effort to encourage the republican movement away from its self-imposed isolation and to facilitate Sinn Féin's participation in talks. Republicans should not make the mistake of assuming that this patience and interest on the part of others is impervious to constant rebuff.
Just as the Government wants to bring about Sinn Féin's involvement in the negotiations, we also wish to see the continued participation of the loyalist parties. Regrettably, in spite of constructive statements by the leadership of the loyalist parties, there has been a significant recent increase in the number of violent incidents linked to loyalists, including the deplorable murder of John Slane. I would appeal to loyalists to listen to their political leaders and not be lured back into a new spiral of violence and, consequently, political isolation. The future lies in negotiations and there can be no place in the negotiations for ambivalence between democratic politics and violence.
The Government will be looking to ensure that the negotiations are pursued with greater purpose when they resume on 3 June. It is essential that we quickly complete the work of the opening plenary on that basis and move on to substantive negotiations in the three strands. For our part, we will not allow the self-imposed absence of any party to stand in the way of the energetic pursuit of the fullest measure of progress we can achieve in dialogue between the Governments and the parties at the table.
Success in the form of a lasting and stable agreement will require far-reaching compromise on the part of all those involved. This will serve as a particular challenge to those, particularly on the Unionist side, who imagine compromise as a potentially lethal threat to their identity. In reality, Unionists should have nothing to fear. They have the security not only of their numbers and of their geography but of the acceptance by the great bulk of Irish Nationalists of the principle of consent and its implications for future constitutional arrangements on this island. Moreover, both Governments are committed to put the outcome of the negotiations before the people, in both Northern Ireland and the Republic, for their approval.
In our inevitable focus on the formal political dimensions of the problem we must not lose sight of the truly invaluable contribution made by so many individuals and groups to the process of mutual understanding and reconciliation. The Estimates contain provision for financial support for a number of these organisations. The peace programme is now progressing well and, with the IFI, is making a valuable contribution to the promotion of peace and reconciliation as well as cross-Border co-operation in the region.
My colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, has already outlined our proposals for expenditure on Development Co-operation in 1997. The International Co-operation Vote comprises the greater proportion of Government spending on official development assistance. In 1997 the total Irish aid budget will amount to £122 million or 0.31 per cent of estimated GNP, by far the highest ever total. The continuation of increases in the ODA budget reaffirms that our relations with developing countries form an integral part of our foreign policy. Irish Aid is a practical expression of Ireland's foreign policy commitment to peace and justice in the world. Our aim is to help countries overcome barriers of exclusion and to build up capacity so that people can help themselves. The White Paper on Foreign Policy, published last year, confirmed that the priority of Irish Aid over the coming years will be to reduce poverty and to address the basic needs of people in some of the poorest countries.
The Department of Foreign Affairs is participating actively in the process of change which has been under way throughout the Civil Service. The Department recently published its strategy statement which sets out how the policy goals in the White Paper are to be pursued over the coming three years. The White Paper on Foreign Policy made clear that the foreign service must be adequately resourced and that these resources must be used to best effect. The strategy statement aims at improving the ways in which the Department organises its work and manages its resources so as to provide a better service to the public and better value for the taxpayers' money. A fundamentally important resource is the staff of the Department. I have already acknowledged publicly to them, and wish to reiterate here, my appreciation for their dedication and commitment.