Stephen Donnelly
Question:11. Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly asked the Taoiseach the number of roles in his Department’s Brexit taskforce; the grade of these roles; and the number of vacancies for these roles. [27020/17]
View answerWednesday, 21 June 2017
Questions (11, 12)
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:12. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when he expects the special paper on Brexit. [28834/17]
View answerOral answers (16 contributions)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 11 and 12 together.
The Department of the Taoiseach has implemented significant restructuring to ensure that Brexit is being treated as a crucial cross-cutting whole-of-Government issue. The amalgamated international, EU and Northern Ireland division was created under a second secretary who also acts as the Government's sherpa for EU business, including Brexit.
The work of this division includes supporting the Cabinet committee on Brexit and the Cabinet committee on European affairs. There are 32 staff assigned to this division and its resources are being kept under constant review. While the staff in this division deal with a wide variety of issues, Brexit is an increasingly significant factor across the division. Staff in other divisions also contribute to the work on Brexit, for example the economic policy division advises me on economic policy aimed at supporting sustainable economic growth with a particular focus on jobs and competitiveness, including possible economic consequences of Brexit.
Now that the terms on which the negotiations are to be conducted have been established, the Government has stated its intention to intensify its focus on the economic implications of Brexit including on domestic policy, measures to reinforce competitiveness of the Irish economy, to protect it from the potential negative impacts of Brexit and pursue all possible opportunities that might arise. Extensive work is now under way across several Departments on these issues including ongoing analysis of the impacts at sectoral level. Following on from the 2 May publication setting out the approach of the Government to the forthcoming negotiations, work is underway to prepare a further paper on economic implications of the Brexit challenge. This will draw on the work to date across Departments and will build on ongoing cross-government research analysis and consultations with stakeholders and that will reflect the core economic themes already indicated by Government in terms of prudent public finances, improved competitiveness and diversification, special attention to sectors and regions most at risk, economic opportunities and possible EU supports.
The next question is from Deputy Martin on behalf of Deputy Donnelly.
Before I get to the question, the Taoiseach should note that the number of questions which are being transferred from his Department and seeking to be disqualified is at a historic high. That is something that the reform committee might look at.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. Given his more fundamental personnel changes over the last week, he clearly was not happy with the team that was managing Brexit because there can be no other explanation as to why he removed the two principal Ministers who have been talking to our European colleagues since Brexit began. The former Minister of State with responsibility for Europe said that the Taoiseach told him he was being removed because he supported the wrong candidate in the leadership election. The Government press secretary has briefed that this is not the case. According to him the Taoiseach based all his decisions purely on merit. Having decided to replace the whole Brexit team in one stroke, can the Taoiseach now explain the new direction he proposes for these negotiations? Can he also indicate if he considers it worrying that it is only now that the issue of the economic dimension of Brexit is being seriously examined by his Department? I find that astonishing. We have had some work from the ESRI. Trade is at the heart of Brexit. It should be the top issue because it determines everything else in Northern Ireland in terms of the Border and so on. There has been an absence of analysis on the concrete, harsh reality of the potential damage from Brexit can have on the Irish economy in different sectors. The absence of such a detailed, profound analysis weakens our presentation of the issues to Europe, and particularly weakens the prospect that we will be in a position to provide solutions to Europe, to say that this is how we think it can resolve the undoubtedly difficult issues that will face many sectors of our economy as a result of Brexit. It is very worrying that focus on this has been absent over the last 18 months.
I call Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett. There are three and a half minutes left. If I have a moment at the end, I will bring the other Members back in.
The Taoiseach said that following his meeting with Prime Minister Theresa May, he was reassured on the potential implications that a Tory-DUP deal would have on Brexit as it affects this country. Setting aside the fact that a coalition of the Tories and the DUP would represent extremism to the right of Genghis Khan, how can the Taoiseach have been reassured when no deal has been done? We are still not clear whether a deal will be done but it is strongly suggested that the DUP is seeking to extract concessions which may not be remotely reassuring on matters such as a hard Border, the common travel areas, tariffs and so on. Whence does this reassurance come? Could the Taoiseach enlighten us about any communication he may have had with the DUP itself as to what precisely it wants and what it is trying to extract from the Tories on the issues that affect this island?
If the two remaining Members can each ask a question in one sentence, I will permit it.
I can.
And that is one sentence, not one minute.
The Taoiseach could just answer the question that we both already asked.
The questions relate to the common travel area, the customs union and the Single Market, and keeping the North of Ireland therein. I appeal to the Taoiseach. This is my third attempt today.
There are proactive things that we can do in this State, rather than looking to the future to see what might be negotiated. We should now be investing in our ports and in access routes. We should look for the repositioning of the globalisation fund to assist vulnerable sectors that are already impacted by currency changes. There should be a twin-track approach. There are things that we can do immediately and things that are medium or longer term.
If the Taoiseach can do the best he can in two minutes. I know it is difficult.
In my own precedent, I will answer Deputy McDonald first since she has asked it a number of times. It is my view that Northern Ireland should remain in the customs union and the Single Market. It is also my view that the United Kingdom should remain in the customs union and the Single Market or that, failing that, we would negotiate a UK-EU free trade agreement that is not far off Britain remaining in the customs union and the Single Market if that is possible. I did express my view to the Prime Minister, Theresa May, which is that if there must be a border, I would prefer that border would be at British ports and airports rather than on our island. That decision is not one for me or this Government. Ultimately, it is a decision for the United Kingdom and the Westminster Government.
Will the DUP support that?
It is one of the reasons I would like to see a Northern Executive established because I would like to see the parties in Northern Ireland come together and stand over the joint letter written by Arlene Foster, MLA, the late Martin McGuinness and others, which they sent only a few months ago. Although it does not say it, the contents of that letter are not far off an arrangement where Northern Ireland would effectively remain in the customs union and the single European market. Perhaps the DUP has hardened its position since then, and it would appear to have done so, based on some of their statements. If a Northern Ireland executive can be established, surely the co-equal First Minister and Deputy First Minister, joined at the hip, will stand over the letter written some months ago, and ask the British Government to deliver on that. Ultimately, if Northern Ireland asks to stay in the customs union and single market, London will not refuse that. This request has to come from the North.
Time has expired for Taoiseach's questions. I know there were others who raised questions but I have no responsibility for that.