Dáil Éireann Debate, Thursday - 28 September 2023
16. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to report on the engagements with the British Government and the parties in the North on the resumption of the Executive.; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [41330/23]
View answer26. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will set out his views on the prospects for the restoration of the Northern Ireland Assembly; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [41903/23]
View answerWould the Tánaiste give a report on his engagements with the British Government and the parties in the North on the resumption of the Executive? We are obviously in a period of drift which we all would have feared. All of us would acknowledge the fact the DUP should just find a way to get along with the rest of us from the point of view of delivering government which people need. Obviously, the Conservative Party has decided to add the leverage levels up with absolutely dreadful budgetary moves, which is not to be supported in any way, shape or form.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 16 and 26 together. I thank Deputy Ó Murchú for tabling his question.
It is deeply disappointing that almost 18 months on from the last assembly elections, Northern Ireland's political institutions remain blocked, and as a result the North-South Ministerial Council is also prevented from fulfilling the responsibilities mandated to it by the Good Friday Agreement. It is past time that the democratically elected representatives of Northern Ireland were allowed to take up their responsibilities and deliver for their constituents on the range of pressing challenges facing them.
I and the Government are working urgently to support a return of the institutions. I remain in regular contact with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland parties and have urged all representatives to allow for the restoration of the institutions. The recent British-Irish Association conference in Oxford, on 1 and 2 September, was a useful opportunity to exchange views with the Secretary of State and others present. Over recent months I have allowed space and time for the DUP to engage directly with the British Government, but I must be clear that the current situation cannot continue indefinitely.
People in Northern Ireland continue to be adversely affected by intersecting crises in public finances, the cost of living and health services. All of this points to the urgent need for those elected to take office to assume their responsibilities. The absence of a functioning Executive also has knock-on effects on the operation of strand two of the agreement. In the absence of regular meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council, the two Administrations on the island are not having the important conversations we should be having to address shared challenges and opportunities. It is vital the council is allowed to continue its work as soon as possible.
The Government is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and that is a responsibility I take seriously. I will continue to work to secure the effective functioning of all of the strands of the Good Friday Agreement.
I accept what the Tánaiste has said. We all know a mandate was given for Ms Michelle O'Neill MLA to be First Minister and one party is holding this up at this time. That party was obviously given succour and support over many years by a particular British Government that was playing its own game in relation to the outworkings of Brexit. We all thought, with the Windsor Framework, we had moved into a better place. I think we have. The DUP has its own decisions to make, but there has to be a sufficient amount of pressure, on the British Government in particular, to ensure we make the correct moves from the point of view of dealing with putting an Executive in place that can deal with the issues, such as, as the Tánaiste said, the cost of living. The cost-of-living issues and the health crisis will get a lot worse on the basis of what the present Tory Government is imposing in the North.
The Good Friday Agreement is the bedrock of peace on this island. It is the lodestone we all go back to repeatedly. However, I think the Tánaiste recognises that is now being undermined by persistent prolonged inaction in terms of a functioning Executive and assembly in Northern Ireland as envisaged under the Good Friday Agreement. There is no accountability in Northern Ireland now for normal services, the bread-and-butter issues we have to deal with in health, education and the environment - we see what is happening in Lough Neagh. All of us are talking to individuals in Northern Ireland and there is a view that, despite all our hopes, the Executive will not function again this side of the next UK general election. That would be unconscionable. What is the Tánaiste's opinion, his take in an honest and open way, on the prospects for the restoration of the Executive and assembly this year?
First of all, there has been much speculation as to timings and approaches. To be honest, the Windsor agreement was a genuine response to the issues unionism raised in respect of the operation of the protocol. In my view, some of the issues that were resolved through the Windsor Framework were issues that unionism legitimately raised. Indeed, other parties in the North were quite okay with those issues being raised in terms of the smooth and seamless operation of trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, but for some reason unknown to me, unionism did not seize the moment. It had put pressure on. It raised issues it was told two years ago could not be resolved but they were resolved.
That is a significant lost opportunity. It is clear now that two tracks have emerged. The EU-UK track has been effectively significantly enhanced and changed – "transformed" might be too big a word – but Northern Ireland has stood still. Fundamentally, the mandate of the people is not being validated or realised. The people have voted. The outcome of that should be reflected in the convening of the Assembly and the formation of the Executive. We are also co-guarantors of the agreement. There is an integration there. Strand 2 cannot operate effectively if strand 1 is not operating. The fully functioning of the North-South bodies is impaired and undermined. Therefore, the Irish Government has a legitimate interest in pursuing these issues.
There has been a lot of speculation that it would be resolved before the next British election but we cannot wait that long. There are very significant issues on the budget front and the longer it stays out, the more acute those budgetary and fiscal problems become. We have very significant issues with the health services in Northern Ireland as well. We had heard all about July and the local elections and then September was identified as a date when these issues could be brought to a conclusion. There were outstanding issues between the UK Government and the DUP. However, it is very clear to most people involved that there is a limited timeline in which those issues can be resolved.
I agree that there is a limited timeline. We are in a period of drift which we would hope would not happen. I assume it has to be absolutely clear to the British Government, and even beyond to unionism, that there can be no return to continued direct rule as happened during the 1990s which I believe some of the DUP Westminster team may hope or long for. That is not the way things are. First and foremost, we need to see the Executive up and running and we need pressure maintained. We cannot allow this to continue.
I also add my voice to remarks made here earlier that we need to deal with the legacy Bill. It was set up in a particular way with a view to protecting British state forces. They have really limited the form of amnesty they are providing. None of us is looking for anything like this for anyone. It is not about taking away from the pain of all victims. This is an absolute disgrace which is not accepted by anybody. The State will have to look at an inter-state case. We cannot allow it go on forever. We will need to take action.
I am very clear that we need the restoration of the Executive and the Assembly as quickly as possible, in the best interests of the people of Northern Ireland and as a validation of democracy. In any normal society or situation, when people go to the ballot box and vote in an election, it is followed by the convening of a parliament and the formation of a government.
We have made our position very clear on the legacy Bill. We are not waiting an undue length of time. There is a very set time which gives us significant timeframes in which to make a decision based on legal advice we will receive on any action on the legal front that we might take on an inter-state case. Any proper consideration of that has to await the passing through of the legislation. It only recently received royal assent. The fully completed Bill must be assessed in the interests of a comprehensive analysis.
