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Northern Ireland

Dáil Éireann Debate, Thursday - 25 January 2024

Thursday, 25 January 2024

Questions (10, 86)

Colm Burke

Question:

10. Deputy Colm Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to report on his most recent discussion with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in respect of the restoration of the Executive and Assembly; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2634/24]

View answer

Brendan Howlin

Question:

86. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to provide details of the contact he has had with the Northern Ireland Secretary of State since the beginning of the year; the efforts made by him to encourage a restoration of the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3130/24]

View answer

Oral answers (10 contributions)

I ask the Tánaiste to report on his most recent discussion with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in respect of the restoration of the Executive and Assembly and to make a statement on the matter.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 10 and 86 together.

The Northern Ireland Executive was collapsed in February 2022, nearly two years ago. It is now more than 20 months since the ensuing Northern Ireland Assembly elections and the strand one institutions have yet to be stood up. Since assuming my current role, the restoration of the Assembly and the Executive and, with them, the North-South Ministerial Council, has been one of my top priorities. To this end, I have engaged with the Secretary of State on more than a dozen occasions, as well as with the main political parties in Northern Ireland. To facilitate restoration, the Government gave space for negotiations between the European Union and the United Kingdom. The European Union stretched to agree the Windsor Framework with the United Kingdom nearly a year ago. This, I believe, offers a sound foundation for progress in Northern Ireland, and has provided the basis for the ensuing discussions between the United Kingdom Government and the Democratic Unionist Party. Unfortunately, last week, another deadline to elect an Assembly Speaker and form an Executive passed without those talks delivering the necessary progress.

Yesterday, Westminster passed legislation to extend the window to form an Executive until 8 February. I know that Deputies across this House will join me in hoping that this short window is used to take the decisions urgently needed to restore the Executive. My officials and those of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland are staying in close touch on these developments. Last week saw the launch of a major strike across Northern Ireland, involving workers from a range of vital public services. Those on the picket lines underlined their frustration at the impact that almost two years without a functioning Executive has had on their ability to do their jobs and on the quality of services provided to the public. I understand and share their frustration, as do ordinary citizens, business owners and the many elected representatives who want to see Stormont get back to work - those who want to see Northern Ireland working and working well.

The decision to continue the blockage in Stormont and to continue the deterioration of core services that has accompanied it belongs to one party. I appreciate that the issues at play involve deeply held views but I remain convinced that the best way to address them is with a restored Executive in place. I hope they use this latest window to enable the restoration of the institutions and the full functioning of politics in Northern Ireland. I am very conscious that the other parties elected to the Assembly, each of which has a democratic mandate, are enormously frustrated at being prevented from doing the work they were elected to do. I am also conscious of the increasingly urgent need for decisions on issues that affect the day-to-day lives of the people of Northern Ireland. This situation cannot be allowed to drift indefinitely. The absence of power sharing creates and deepens challenges for all communities. The people of Northern Ireland need to see politics working for them. The early and sustained restoration of the power-sharing institutions would be the best way forward, underpinned by a strong partnership between the two Governments. The Government is ready to engage constructively with any new Executive to assist and to work together in areas where North-South co-operation could make a positive difference.

I thank the Tánaiste and his officials for the work that has been done in this difficult area. It is 23 months since the Assembly in Northern Ireland collapsed and we now have had the strikes. There is uncertainty there. Anything that can be done should be done to try to get an Executive up and running. I know a deadline of 8 February has been set. If no progress is made between now and 8 February, what is the likely next route to be taken to get people working together there? The Tánaiste may not be able to give precise details. Obviously, we have engagement with the Secretary of State but there needs to be a fallback position as well.

I am wondering where we go from here. Twenty-three months have passed. Will we be in the same position this time next year? That is the concern.

I begin by condemning utterly the threats that were made against Jeffrey Donaldson and that he spoke about in the House of Commons yesterday. There is no room on any part of this island or anywhere else for threats of physical violence against any political person.

Does the Tánaiste agree with me that the Northern Ireland governance framework which was so hard-won over so many years has been totally undermined by the suspension for two years of a working assembly and Executive. I underscore the point as to what is plan B. We cannot have permanent pushback. The Tánaiste indicated that there is a further deadline of 8 February. Is he of the view that we should just keep pushing matters back or is this a real deadline? If so, what is plan B if nothing has occurred by that date?

I concur with what the Deputy said in respect of threats against Jeffrey Donaldson, the leader of the DUP. Those threats are absolutely reprehensible and unacceptable. Whatever one's views, I have been very consistent on the need to restore the Executive and the assembly, in line with Deputy Burke's comments. I have been assured by Jeffrey Donaldson that he also wants the Executive restored. He has made that point to me consistently since the collapse. From reading reports and so on, I am aware that there are challenges within the DUP in the context of bringing about a decision that would lead to the restoration of the Executive and the assembly. The failure to restore the institutions would be very serious in terms of the Good Friday Agreement and the architecture relating to it. From our perspective, and notwithstanding that it represents strand one of the three strands, it impacts significantly on strand two, which includes the North-South Ministerial Council and other bodies. Everything is limited and hampered by the absence of the North-South Ministerial Council and a fully working Executive and assembly.

More fundamentally, I passionately believe that once an election is held in any jurisdiction, it should be followed by the convening of an assembly or parliament and the formation of a government.

What will happen on 8 February?

We will take it one step at a time. Clearly, there will be further engagement between the Government and the British Government and the political parties in Northern Ireland in respect of that. If we do not have results after 8 February, it will place the overall situation in considerable difficulty. The Good Friday Agreement provides for engagement and consultation through the initiative of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference to pursue matters. Again, it is an area we will deal with when clarity comes.

The other issue that is concerning is the strike that took place on 18 January. How can we move matters forward in that regard if something does not occur on 8 February? What will be the position after that date regarding moneys which have not been sanctioned in the context of the pay increases to which people are entitled? That is a big concern for people who are working in Northern Ireland.

Does the Tánaiste agree that the fundamental problem with the DUP and Sinn Féin in the build-up to a settlement is that neither will move on something fundamental and important if they feel that there is any segment of their own party who will not move with them? Others, particularly in Northern Ireland, took risks to move matters along, but those parties in particular seem determined to ensure that they will not lose any of their base. That is a perennial issue. Until we spell out a consequence for inaction, the stasis that is there will remain. Does the Tánaiste agree?

On Deputy Burke's point, the economic situation and the public finances dimension to it are both very serious. The fact that so many people participated in the strike action is an illustration of the frustration on the ground in Northern Ireland at the absence of an Executive and an assembly. People want action on health services, public service pay, education and so forth. This really is a crisis of governance in Northern Ireland. The strike, and the full participation in it, is a manifestation of people's anger and frustration at what is going on.

I agree with Deputy Howlin. That has been my view for a while. However, the election that took place should be validated insofar as the First Minister and deputy First Minister should be appointed in accordance with the outcome. After the restoration of the Executive and the assembly, if that happens, we have to look at reforming the situation. In the future, no one party, no matter how large, should have a veto on the formation of an assembly. I know that both parties involved have reservations about going down that road. However, if we look at the 25 years during which the Good Friday Agreement has been in place, we can see that the assembly and the Executive have been down for too long. That has resulted in lower levels of public esteem for both because it illustrates that politics is not working for people. That is a worry. We have to make politics work in Northern Ireland. The Alliance Party has put forward reform proposals in that regard, and I am very open to them.

Question No. 12 taken with Written Answers.
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