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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 19 Oct 1927

Vol. 21 No. 3

PUBLIC BUSINESS. - IN COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATE—VOTE No. 52 (DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE).

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim bhreise na raghaidh thar £36,500 chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch 31adh Márta, 1928, cun tuarastail agus costaisí na Roinne Talmhaíochta agus seirbhísí áirithe atá fé riara na Roinne sin maraon le hildeontaisí i gcabhair d'íoc.

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £36,500 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending 31st March, 1928, to pay the salaries and expenses of the Department of Agriculture and of certain services administered by that Department including sundry grants-in-aid.

The amount asked for is for the purchase of the following creameries:—The Golden Vein Dairy Company, which consists of five creameries, three being centrals and two auxiliaries; and Clonoulty creameries for which £4,000 is asked. The figure for the Golden Vein Dairy Company is £16,500. The Clonoulty creameries comprise one central and three auxiliaries. In addition, there is £3,000 for Ballymakera, which is a central creamery. That tots up to £23,500. There is a balance of £13,000. In addition to the £16,500 there is a sum of £8,000 required for the Golden Vein scheme. The company is being taken over as a going concern. It has, of course, certain credits and stock in hands, and also certain debts. There is a balance in favour of the stocks and credits of £8,000. In other words, assume that the stocks on hands plus the debts due to the company amounted to, say, £12,000, and on the other hand that there are debts due by the company amounting to £4,000, that would be a difference of £8,000 in favour of the assets of the company. That, roughly speaking, is the position of the company. I do not say that these figures are actually right, but I am using them to illustrate the situation and to explain the £8,000. There will be paid to the owners of the premises this year, Messrs. England, who hold most of the shares, £16,500 plus £8,000, and that £8,000 will be recouped afterwards by collecting the debts and selling the stocks. We are making the same arrangement here as we made in the case of the Condensed Milk Company of Ireland. The debts due are guaranteed by the company. The value of the stocks is also guaranteed by the company, and, in fact, we have a guarantee that the difference between the stocks and debts due to the company, and those due by the company is £8,000. If the figure falls short of £8,000 we have a legal guarantee which must be honoured by the company, and we also have a deposit of £5,000. That £8,000, therefore, will be recouped to the Vote, and it is not necessary to take it into account, because, in my opinion, the discussion will be sufficiently complicated without dealing with that. The £8,000 is guaranteed and will be recouped to the Vote, and consequently is certain to come in. We need only deal, therefore, with the figure of £16,500 for the Golden Vein Company. That figure represents the purchase money of three central creameries and two auxiliaries. We propose, of course, to resell the creameries, and they will be resold as auxiliaries—the three centrals and the two auxiliaries will be sold as auxiliaries to existing societies. There will, therefore, be a loss due to the fact that we purchased central creameries as such and will resell them as auxiliaries. That loss will amount to £3,500. The net price, therefore, which the purchasers will be asked to pay for these five creameries is £13,000. I will ask the Dáil, for reasons which I will give, not to ask me to apportion that price over each of the five creameries at this stage. It is quite impossible, as a matter of business to resell anything on the lines of stating the exact price you gave for it and the exact price which you must get for it when selling. Business could not be done on those lines. I may say that the Golden Vein creameries are amongst, the best in the country, and I think when they are disposed of that the last of the proprietary creameries in County Limerick will have gone, and the creamery industry in County Limerick will be entirely in the hands of the farmers. The milk gallonage of these creameries is 13,000 at the peak period, or about 2,300,000 gallons per annum.

The Clonoulty Creameries are in a slightly different position. They comprise one central and three auxiliaries. They are an old-established concern going back long pre-war, but they got into certain difficulties, due to the circumstances of the time, in the years 1918-20. Things went from bad to worse and the creameries were actually closed in the spring of last year. They are co-operative creameries. I ask Deputies to note that in this case we are buying co-operative creameries. This is the first transaction of the kind that has taken place. They were actually closed during last winter, and on the opening of this milk season the suppliers in rather a poor district were faced with the necessity of "spilling" their milk. They had no creameries to send their milk to. They were closed because their liabilities were extremely high and they were unable to get further credit. In that state of affairs we stepped in. We were able to make, in my opinion, an extremely favourable bargain with the creditors of the creameries on the lines of paying them cash down. The creditors were most unlikely to get cash for the amount of their debts—in fact, they had no chance whatever of getting cash for the full amount of their debts. We stepped in and offered the creditors a composition, cash down. I do not want to stress it, because there are two sides of the question, but, in my opinion, we made a satisfactory compromise with the Clonoulty Creameries. To make a long story short. We came to an arrangement like this: We bought the closed creameries and opened them. We bought one central and three auxiliaries for £5,000. Anybody who comes from a creamery district will be able to realise that that is quite a good bargain. Instead of paying the purchase money to the owners, namely, the Society, we paid off the debts to the extent of £5,000. We cleared off the whole debts on a composition. We were then faced with the necessity of re-selling the creameries. Before buying we got the members of the Clonoulty Society to take shares to the extent of £5,000, to pay £1,000 down and to enter into the usual agreement to pay the balance in seven or eight years. So that what happened is this: We bought the creameries for £5,000. Instead of paying the purchase money to the owners, we paid the creditors. We are now selling back the creameries to the same Society, or perhaps to that Society joined with another Society, for £5,000—the same figure. It is really a bookkeeping transaction, but the result of it has been that we were enabled to open the creameries again and to put them on their feet again on the basis of a very reasonable composition. We require, however, only £4,000, because, as I have said, the suppliers took shares to the extent of £5,000 and lodged £1,000 in cash. We have that in cash, and with the £4,000 which I am asking the Dáil to vote, we will be able to liquidate the liabilities on the basis of paying them all off for £5,000.

There is one other creamery included —the Ballymakera. This is rather a peculiar case. The creamery is situated in mid-Cork, and is the only proprietory creamery left in that district. It was built in 1922 by a certain merchant in that district. I do not know his name, and it does not matter. It is a big, central creamery—as good a central as perhaps any of the centrals of the Golden Vein Company, and they are amongst the best in the country. It is rather an elaborate building, put up when things were at their peak, and with first class machinery and rather expensive offices. The idea of the owner at the time was to build auxiliaries to it. We bought that for £3,000. The milk supply there is rather small—it is only 1,500 gallons—but, as I said, the creamery was put up recently, and it takes some time to develop a milk supply. Moreover, a milk supply can never be properly developed until auxiliaries are erected at a convenient distance from the central creamery, and that is exactly what we want to stop. The whole aim of this policy is to transfer the dairying industry to the farmers and cut out proprietory interests. This creamery has been bought from the point of view of premises, plant, and general fixed assets, very cheaply. Three thousand pounds is not a big price for it. While I have not made any inquiries, I should say that £3,000 hardly compares with the cost of building three or four years ago. On the other hand, you have to take into consideration not only the fixed assets, but the gallonage, which is as important as the fixed assets, because we buy these as going concerns, and a big central creamery without a milk supply is not a valuable asset. When dealing with creameries you have to take into consideration the value of the premises and the plant as they stand, and also the good-will or the milk supply that the creamery is getting. In this case you have valuable premises and plant, but small good-will, but at the same time a good-will that will develop. We purchased this creamery for £3,000, but, nevertheless, in my opinion a subsidy of about £1,000 will have to be paid in respect of it. It will have to be sold as an auxiliary to a neighbouring creamery.

That is the position with regard to the creameries and the £8,000. £5,000 is for contingencies and will have to be vouched for by the auditor who is liquidating not only the Condensed Milk Company but who will have to liquidate all the purchases which we are making—contingencies such as loss from the date we purchased until the date that we dispose of them, compensation to workmen disemployed on the basis already set out, and working capital generally for the creameries.

Now that is the position with regard to this particular vote. I have subdivided, as Deputies will notice, the Vote to some extent. I have given the particulars in regard to three premises the Golden Vein, the Clonoulty and the Ballymakera creameries. As I say I shall ask the Dáil not to press for information in the case of the Golden Vein as to the price at which each particular creamery was purchased. Remember that they must be sold again and that with the best will in the world you cannot do business by revealing to the purchaser at the first shot, just exactly what you expect to obtain. Take these creameries as they stand, beginning with the Golden Vein. The whole Company can be sold for about £13,000 with a subsidy of £3,500, the subsidy being in respect of the centrals which are to be transformed into auxiliaries. There are 13,000 gallons of milk coming in at the peak period, that is 2,300,000 gallons per annum. The usual arrangement will be made for the repayment of the money. Shares at the rate of £1 per gallon will be taken out by suppliers. That was the rule we adopted in connection with the Condensed Milk Company. It worked out well and at any rate there has been very little protest against it. Shares at the rate of £1 per gallon will cover the total purchase money.

Purchasers will enter into an agreement to repay the money in the following way: Everyone who takes a share will pay for the first year one half crown and will continue to pay a half crown for eight years when the whole thing will be paid up. I would like to indicate to the Dáil just what that will amount to in the price of milk. What will happen is this: The creameries will stop from the price of the milk the amount which each supplier owes in respect of his share. One half penny a gallon on 2,300,000 gallons would amount to about £5,000. The interest at five-and-a-half per cent., on £13,000 amounts to something like £715. Assuming that these premises were sold for the price at which they were bought—I am not saying what each creamery was bought for nor the figure at which it should be sold— but assuming the creameries comprised in the Golden Vein Company were sold for £13,000, the price at which they were bought, then the interest and sinking fund must be paid by the milk suppliers who bought it. One halfpenny per gallon would repay £5,000 a year, so it is perfectly clear that less than a farthing a gallon will repay that each year.

Of course Clonoulty is in a different position entirely. There we bought as a book-keeping transaction one central creamery and three auxiliaries for £5,000. That of course was excellent value and it is really a book-keeping transaction. Ballymakera is, taking everything into account, worth the money but at the same time it is the dearest of the three. It is, probably, from the point of view of the vendor, the worst bargain of the lot because it was built three years ago, but having regard to the milk supply at the present it is the most expensive of the three and it will be sold to another society.

At this stage I cannot hide the fact that it is necessary, to some extent, to go back to the purchase of the Condensed Milk Company in order to show the genesis of this transaction and to justify it. The Condensed Milk Company was purchased last March. It was some time in the middle of March that the Dáil voted about £500,000 in respect of the purchase of that Company. Now Deputies need not bother about the figure of £500,000 the price of the Condensed Milk Company. The price that has to be paid is £365,000, and the balance is in respect of debts and stocks which are also guaranteed by the biggest wholesale grocers in England and for which we must get cash.

The real price, as explained on that occasion, was £365,000. The Condensed Milk Company is a Company that comprises three different kinds of assets, there are (1) Creameries, (2) the Condensers, and (3) what I called on that occasion "other assets"—"other assets" being factories, houses, lands, etc. As I said in introducing the Estimate, last March, the price paid to the vendors for the creameries was about £210,000 and I suggest that, for the purpose of discussing this Estimate and discussing if you like the genesis of this Estimate, we should not complicate the discussion by dealing either with the Condensers—a very big transaction in itself—or with what I called the "other assets," which are neither creameries nor condensers. Deputies will find their intelligence will be sufficiently taxed if they keep to the creamery side and come, on another occasion, to the condensers and to the "other assets." I do not think that this huge transaction can be discussed as a whole with any real value. We shall discuss it in three different parts. I propose to deal with the creamery side of it.

The creameries cost, as I stated, about £210,000. I gave certain figures on the last occasion and I am sure Deputies are very anxious to know whether these figures have been verified in actual practice. I said that there would be subsidies, roughly speaking, in respect of redundant creameries and in respect of centrals to be transformed into auxiliaries, of something like £60,000, between £50,000 and £60,000, so that for re-sale purposes the price of the creameries was not £210,000 but between £160,000 and £170,000. Do not let us complicate it again by going into this question of the subsidy. The subsidy is in respect of assets which we bought but which we are not selling. The principle we go on, so far as we are selling any asset which we have bought, is that we must get the price for that at which we bought it. That is the principle we go on but so far as we have bought something which we are not selling, that is subsidy and the State supplies that. The subsidy arises because we have bought certain assets such as creameries, auxiliary or central creameries, that are closed, that are redundant and we are selling only the milk supplies of these. Consequently, we could not charge for the milk supplies the exact figure which we paid plus the buildings. The figure as I have stated was about £150,000 or £160,000. Let us keep to that figure; leave out condensers. This Dáil will meet to-morrow and on succeeding days and the question of the condensers may be brought up at any time. So may the question of the other assets which we have bought but let us stick to this question of the price paid to the creameries.

The figure which I gave in connection with the creameries was £160,000 or between £160,000 and £170,000. Deputies will remember that I declined to give a very definite figure because I declined to put myself into the position of vis-a-vis with purchasers so that they would know exactly the figure I would get from them, but it is round about £160,000. That is the price of 115 creameries. We have closed about 50 of these creameries and we have re-sold about 30 to existing societies. That brings us to 80. So far as 80 of the 115 creameries are concerned the transaction is finished and there are 30 or 35 creameries to be dealt with. These are creameries for which new societies must be formed. Where you close the creameries you sell the milk supply to existing creameries. That is the first step. There are other creameries you also sell to existing creameries; you sell them as auxiliaries to existing creameries. About 70 of the creameries came within these two categories. There are 30 of those cases, where you have to sell the existing creamery to new societies to be formed for the purpose, in areas where no co-operative society existed before.

We are just undertaking that section of the work at the moment but at present so far as the creameries are concerned three-fourths of the work has been done and we are now in a position to check as to whether the figures which I gave in respect of these creameries last March in the Dáil have worked out in practice. So far as we have completed sales, we have obtained about £100,000 for the creameries sold—that is to say for about 70 creameries. We have yet to sell about 35 and we have to obtain—I could give the exact figure but I will not—between £60,000 and £70,000 for those. Deputies can take it that the creameries we have on hands at present for sale are considerably a better proposition than the creameries we have sold and are a far more saleable asset, so that on those figures if they are correct, and I vouch for their accuracy, there is no doubt that the estimates which I gave in March last in connection with the creameries are working out well and favourably.

There is another question besides this question of price but before I leave that may I say that the question of price— as to whether we gave too much for the creameries—is really the same question as whether we sold them too dear because the price at which we bought them is the price at which we sold them. There are things which we have bought but which we have not sold but that comes in in subsidy. So far as we have bought anything and sold it we have sold it at the price at which we bought it so that when Deputies are asking did we buy too dear they are asking the same question as did we sell too dear. It would save a lot of confusion if they realised that. If these creameries are being bought or sold too dear, there is a very simple method of verifying the facts. About 70 have been sold. We have got practically no complaints from societies as to the price of the creameries. I have no doubt that societies would like to buy them cheaper but there have been no substantial complaints as to the price of the creameries. However, I would ask Deputies to realise that the best judges of the price of the creameries are the societies buying them. The farmers of the country are not fools—the farmers of counties like Tipperary, Limerick and Cork. They know all that is to be known about creameries and the fact that these were voluntarily purchased by these farmers is the best proof you could have that the creameries have been sold to them at something like their value. If there is any doubt about it, there is only one way of dealing with the matter, to raise the question of a specific creamery after due notice. A general discussion and denunciation about tin sheds being bought for huge sums leaves us nowhere.

The dairy farmers are like shopkeepers, labourers and the rest of us in the country. If they have any grievance, they become vocal very quickly and I am percfectly certain that if there is any question of a creamery being sold grossly over value, the dairy farmers are not without a way of getting into touch with their T.D.s. If there is any such case to be raised here and Deputies wish to have it gone into in detail, let it be dealt with singly and after due notice. I can only deal with it on notice. I do not know what each creamery costs from memory. A discussion like that, moreover, is no good. A discussion like that will get us nowhere. There are other Deputies who are not from dairy counties and they would like to be judges of the merits of the case. In case a dispute arises, we must have notice. The case must be made; the facts in respect of one group of creameries must be made, and let it be debated here in the Dáil. If there is a case to be made it can be answered in the Dáil and Deputies can judge whether a creamery is worth the money that has been paid for it. We will never deal with a tremendously complicated question of this kind by generalities where you have one Deputy referring to one group, about which nobody else knows anything. We will not get business done in that way. If Deputies want any proof as to whether these creameries which have been bought are worth the money, other than the fact that the farmers of the district have purchased them voluntarily, I must ask them to raise these questions in the Dáil specifically and I will deal with them specifically.

The second question is: Have creameries been closed that ought to have remained open? I am willing to admit that there are more complaints on that score. We have closed at least fifty creameries. We would not have closed a single creamery up to date if we had been debating about it, and every business man knows that. The situation was put before the Dáil at great length and in great detail last March. I made a statement that lasted about two and a half hours, and I went in great detail into the whole thing. The agreement for sale was before the Dáil. That is a document that, I think, will delight the heart of anyone who likes figures and complicated transactions. On that occasion I asked the Dáil to give me a certain amount of free hand. I asked it to realise that you cannot do business by placing all your cards on the table at the beginning. When you are dealing with a commercial transaction, and this was one, you have to get a certain amount of latitude. The State is in an extraordinarily difficult position here. It is a unique position, and I hope that no Government Department will ever find itself in exactly the same position again. We had to act as brokers in a big transaction; we had actually to buy and sell on a commercial basis the assets of a huge company with huge interests in the South of Ireland. We had to do that, because there was no other organisation in the country capable of doing it or of putting up the money.

I went to some trouble to explain to the Dáil on the last occasion that this was a commercial transaction, and I admitted that it was unusual for the State to go into a commercial transaction. I asked the Dáil, however, to agree that there were good reasons for doing it in this case. The Dáil agreed, and I asked the Dáil to realise the implications of that, namely, that if I were to carry on the transaction in a commercial way, the only way in which it could be carried out, that I would have to get a certain amount of free hand, and the Dáil agreed. If we had been debating this question of redundant creameries here every day during the last six months, and if the Dáil had not co-operated, and moreover, if the farmers had not co-operated—I am very glad to say that they have met us, 99 per cent. of them, fair and square—I do not believe that there would be half a dozen closed this minute, and yet there are fifty closed. Every redundant auxiliary costs the farmers of a parish £600 a year. There are fifty closed, and putting it at the very outside, there are not more than half a dozen complaints.

If you want to test the general question as to whether we have closed redundant creameries that we should have left open there is no use approaching it on the lines of a Deputy from any Party standing up and saying that he knows an unfortunate dairy farmer who has now to go six miles with his milk. There is no use in a Deputy saying that because I do not know whether it is the case or not. I must get a chance of verifying statements of that sort, and there is no use in general denunciations about the terrible loss it is to a man to have to go a mile with his milk instead of half a mile. One would never imagine from seeing people in the County Limerick taking milk to the creameries that time was so important as it has become since some of these creameries were closed. Instead of indulging in denunciations of a general character let specific cases be brought to the notice of the Dáil. When notice is given, the facts in regard to a particular case can be ascertained and we can then see whether there is a genuine grievance there or not. If there is it can be remedied.

The two questions that I have indicated are those that should be discussed now. I leave out of account the condensers and the other assets. I do not think Deputies would get anywhere if they tried to discuss the whole transaction at any one time. This is a purely Creamery Estimate. It is for the purpose of the creameries and nothing else. I dealt with creameries and nothing else. I admit that there are two points that arise on this transaction: (1) Whether the creameries that were bought and sold were worth the money; and (2) whether the redundant creameries that were closed should have been left open. I suggest that both questions can be dealt with in respect of the transactions which are already completed. I see no other way of doing it. You cannot do it by a general discussion. I have stated that there are creameries yet to be sold and have indicated that they are worth from £60,000 to £70,000. I have indicated also that in my opinion they are as saleable as the creameries which we have already sold. They are at least as good value. I may be asked for information as to the value of each creamery. I cannot give it. I cannot go before a committee and say that I must have £3,000 for a particular creamery. You cannot do business on that basis and I never sold anything on that basis. You cannot sell if you have to reveal all your cards to the purchaser. It would be really asking farmers too much to ask them to refrain from taking the obvious advantages that they could take if they had all the information.

It may be said that we are not in a position to discuss the details of this transaction except in so far as it is completed, but what is happening? This company is being gradually liquidated. The liquidation is unfolding itself every day. As the liquidation proceeds Deputies may raise any point they wish. If it is found that scandals occurred in connection with something that has been completed, if it is found that any lack of judgment was shown or that the public money has been wasted, then a Deputy can come to the Dáil and raise that. The Dáil has its own way of dealing with the situation and of transferring this work to other hands. I cannot reveal the details of properties which we have yet to sell. That applies not only to the creameries but much more to the condensers and to other assets. Some of these condensers are amongst the biggest in the world. There is any amount of information which rivals in other countries would be very glad to have, and which they should not get, in regard to these condensers. I would therefore ask Deputies to defer the question of the condensers for the present. I assure Deputies that we are satisfied that the figure at which we bought them, so far as they were redundant, and the figure which we propose to sell at appears to be working out well. That applies more to the other assets we bought, such as houses, lands and factories, etc.

As I pointed out on the last occasion, I could not possibly tell the Dáil what we propose to pay for such a factory and what we must sell it for. All I can say is that they are being sold at the present moment and sold satisfactorily, and that the sales come well within the estimate I gave to the Dáil. I would just ask Deputies to realise a few things in connection with the valuation of creameries. I may be told that we paid so much for a certain creamery. Someone may say: "I could put up a new creamery for the same amount." Talk of that kind shows an absolute ignorance of the creamery industry, because in buying a creamery you buy not only the fixed assets but also the good-will. Take two creameries put up in the same year, both equally well equipped. One has a supply of 1,300 gallons of milk and the other a supply of 3,000 gallons. One is worth far and away more than the other. There is no comparison between them. The price which the purchaser or the owner pays for a new creamery can never be measured by the cost of putting up a creamery. There is always a loss for the first year or two, not so much a loss as the fact that there are always profits that are made later on and that cannot be made for four or five years, and all that has to be added to the price. There is no use discussing this on the basis that a new creamery could be put up for so much. We are prepared to give far more for a creamery with 5,000 or 6,000 gallons of milk, even a middling one, than for a tip-top one with 3,000 gallons. That should be remembered when debating this question of creameries. I reserve anything further I have to say to the end of the debate.

Nílimíd sásta leis an méid eoluis do fuaireamair ar an gceist seo. Tá a lán gearán ag teacht isteach chugainn ó n-a lán áiteacha ar fud na tire agus, ar an abhar san, ní dó linn gur ceart aontú leis an meastachán so. Isé ar mbarúil go mba chóir Coiste fá leith do chur ar bun chun dul isteach san gceist seo ar fad.

We have discussed this matter amongst ourselves, and whilst we are very anxious that everything possible should be done that will make for the efficient organisation of the dairying industry, and eliminate waste, we are not satisfied that we would be doing our duty in agreeing straight off to this Estimate. As the Minister has just stated, the present Estimate is only part of a much larger transaction. We have tried to examine that transaction from the reports of the debates that took place here. Our examination of it has raised a number of points about which we would like to have information. I do not think that information could be gleaned here in debate. As I listened to the Minister making his case for the Estimate, it occurred to me that the suggestion we would like to have accepted would be very much better, and that is that this motion be postponed until we have a report from a Committee to be nominated by the Selection Committee, in which all the details of this transaction from the beginning would be reported on. It would appear to us that in the original transaction some hundred thousand pounds at least, more than its value, was paid for the concern. The manner in which the matter was brought in here seemed to us almost indefensible. Deputies were asked, as they are now being asked largely, simply to give assent to an accomplished fact. It was a very large transaction, and we are not disposed to give a blank cheque to the Minister to do just as he pleases. The Vote was rushed through on a former occasion in the interval of discussions on, I think, the Electricity Supply Bill, and we think the transaction is too large, and affects too many interests, to have it disposed of in that fashion. In addition there are some questions which will require to be examined. When an attempt is made to organise on a huge scale, as is being attempted here, the details become of very great importance, so that undue hardship might not be inflicted upon some of the parties affected. One of the examples given by the Minister has been the subject of complaint to us, and that is the distances which farmers had to go formerly have been altogether increased, and that no account is taken, for example, of the physical features of the areas in question. I am told that in an office in the Minister's Department there is a map with circles drawn at a certain radius, and that it does not matter whether there are rivers, mountains or anything else intervening, these are taken automatically as the areas to be served by these creameries. These points, the manner in which the whole thing is being dealt with, and the vastness of the transaction, determined us to propose as an amendment that the discussion of this particular Vote be postponed until we have a report of a Special Committee of the House representative of all Parties.

Does the Deputy purport to propose an amendment in that form now?

I would like to.

We have no notice of any amendment, but this is a motion for the granting of money, and the only amendment that could be moved, I think, is one to decrease the sum either by a small amount as a token, or by a sufficiently large sum to indicate opposition to the scheme itself.

Perhaps the Minister would agree to the postponement and to the setting up of the Committee. I think he has made a very good case on his own argument for the setting up of such a Committee.

Mr. HOGAN

On that particular point I took a note of the Deputy's words—to set up a committee by which all the details would be examined. I would like to be clear as to what exactly the Deputy wants. My statement could be added to or corrected by Deputies afterwards. There are three or four questions, as I see it, which would have to be inquired into and which would cover the whole matter: (1) Were the properties bought too dear? (2) Were they sold too dear? (3) Were they sold at a loss to the State? and (4) Were creameries closed that should have been left open? I think that exhausts every general question that could arise on this Vote. Imagine a committee set up to deal with the question—a committee of five or six Deputies from each Party. What would they have to do? They would have to do exactly what I had to do when I was endeavouring to buy these assets. I had to get four or five valuers from the Department of Agriculture staff and have every creamery in the country valued. It was an immense task and one that could not have been carried out but for the fact that I had the staff working at the Dairy Produce Act at my disposal. If you are to go outside that particular staff and that of the I.A.O.S. who were able to value them in about two months because of the fact that one or other of the men who comprised that staff had been in each one of these creameries four or five times, knew them, had reported and valued them for the purposes of the Dairy Produce Act, whom could you get? I had the help of that staff and was able to value them in two or three months. There is no other staff in the country to do that, except you get independent people who have never been in the creameries. It would take at least six months to value the creameries, to get down to the details. Yet, they must be valued if we are to come to any conclusion as to whether they were worth the money. Valuing the condenseries was the work of the Chairman of the British Institute of Engineers, of the principal engineering body in Great Britain and an expert from one of the biggest firms in Germany. We could not get anyone else. Are other experts to be brought in? How long will it take? It would cost a big sum of money. You must take the same steps with regard to transport, houses, mills and lands. It took us about four months with the staff of the Department. This committee would be in this dilemma, either they must use the same staff as before or they must get a new staff which cannot value them in double the time because they could not have the same knowledge of the creameries as men who were going into them every other day. That is with regard to the value. Having done that I daresay Deputies would ask for my estimates—what I gave for them. I would have to reveal to the committee exactly the figure for which I bought, say, all the creameries that are yet unsold. There is no use saying that that would not get out. It should get out. No information should be given to a committee that the Dáil should not have, in my opinion: so that I would have to reveal to the committee the exact price of each creamery yet unsold. If I did that could I carry out the transaction? It is, after all, a business transaction. You cannot do business on those lines; you cannot do the business of selling an article when everyone knows the price you paid and the price that you must get. That applies with much greater force to the other assets. I would have to reveal to the world what I gave for the factory, what I gave for certain mills, for certain houses, and so on, and I would have to do that while advertisements have been issued asking for tenders for some of these items. I cannot sell them, and I cannot make anything like as good a bargain as I can make with regard to these other assets, if this particular information was available to the respective purchasers.

Our duty with regard to the other assets is to get the highest possible price for them. We are not selling them to farmers, but in the open market, to anyone who wants them. I could not agree to the proposal; it would make it impossible for me to carry out this liquidation except in the most wasteful way. Look at what the result of it would be; look at the hold-up. I want to finish this job before the next milk season. It has taken me five or six months to get three-quarters of the creameries liquidated and transferred. Is there to be a hold-up in the reorganisation of the condenseries until we are into the next milk season? There might be loss of anything up to £40,000 or £50,000 from the liquidation hold-up, and all that pending a revaluation of the whole premises by new valuers and all the details gone into. I could not agree to it, for these two reasons. There would be immense losses as a result, and there would be immense delays, if the committee were to do any real work; and, further, I would be revealing information to the public which I should not be asked to reveal. I put it to the House again that you will not get any advantage out of it.

You can take it step by step. The liquidation is proceeding every day. At any moment any Deputy can raise any scandal in the Dáil, and if you come across any instance of really bad bargaining it is the duty of the House to deal with the Minister responsible. We cannot do this business by throwing all the cards on the table for the public, as that would put me in an impossible position. Anybody who has commercial experience knows that I could not resell after revealing to the public everything in connection with the original purchase. As a matter of business, it could not be done. Moreover, there ought to be a case made before the Dáil should ask me to stand pat, to stop the liquidation and have an inquiry. That is a serious thing to do. Personally, I do not mind, but a good case ought to be made for it before it is done. At the present moment we have succeeded in disposing of seventy of the creameries by voluntary agreement, with hardly a single complaint from the farmers, and yet there is to be an inquiry into the prices. I think that that proposal is unreasonable. I think before the Dáil should take the serious step of stopping the liquidation and referring the whole thing to a committee, some prima facie case should be made. The same applies to the redundants. Why not raise the case of any redundants in the Dáil? Your inquiry would take six months. I will show you a short way to do it. From one you can judge all. Raise the cases of three or four redundant creameries.

The Minister must tell me about it.

Mr. HOGAN

Raise the case of three or four creameries that the farmers are complaining about, and if it is found that there are hardships, and grave hardships, in respect of four or five of these it would be for the Dáil to consider whether or not it should have a committee. But up to now there has been no case shown for it, and it would be a very grave injury to the whole transaction. Deputies will have to realise this also, and it has been realised in other countries: It will be said that this is undemocratic. Of course it is. You cannot do business on strictly democratic lines. It will be said that we did not consult. No, we did not, in a great many cases. We consulted the interests of the dairying industry as a whole. Co-operation in this country has been suffering for a very long time from the lack of control which it gets from the Governments of other countries. In this country co-operative societies had to build up without a proper Co-operative Act; they had to build up within the legislation provided for the regulation of friendly societies, societies that were of an entirely different nature. In other countries it was realised long ago that, while co-operation means ownership by everybody and a certain amount of democratic control of the business, nevertheless co-operation must operate within very definite limits, laid down by the State in a Co-operative Act. For instance, in Denmark they have realised that they cannot carry on a co-operative society, or carry on any business transaction, even by a co-operative society, by approaching it as if they were in a debating society and giving everyone the right to talk on it. The whole idea of this policy is to control co-operative societies in the interests of the whole industry, and to give them certain well-defined limits within which they are free to operate and to carry out their transactions, but to see to it some department of the State, over and above them, has certain rights to limit their activities at any time, and to see to it by passing legislation such as there is in other countries.

Mr. DE VALERA

This, as the Minister has indicated, is part of a general scheme. He referred a moment ago to the fact that there was no proper Co-operative Act. We think that this whole thing should have been approached originally from that point of view and that we should have definitely before us all the proposals in black and white, so that we might understand what this scheme is in its entirety. One of the advantages of a committee would be that this matter would be gone into and that we would not be asked simply to listen to the Minister explaining a case in detail of which he has got the facts and figures, and that we were simply to take that without any examination. We are opposed to acting in that manner.

I am in agreement with the principle of co-operation, especially as far as the agricultural industry is concerned. I suppose we can easily lay it down that the dairying industry is one of the fundamental industries of agriculture. It is a reproductive industry and will in time, no doubt, completely oust the beef trade from this country. It will oust it; it will take its place, in so far as the beef trade of to-day holds its place. As regards the beef trade to-day in Ireland, the cattle are fattened and produced on the best lands in Ireland. Other countries competing against us in the beef trade are producing cattle probably on their cheapest land. I am thoroughly in agreement with the idea of co-operation to develop the dairying industry. No doubt legislation has been very necessary as far as cleanliness is concerned, and co-operation and central marketing will be a great stimulus to the price of butter.

The whole scheme, as I understand it, seems to resemble more or less what took place when the 1923 Land Act came into operation. I take this more or less as simply buying out the landlords of the creameries. I am sure this House is aware that the 1923 Land Act, although satisfactory in 1923, is not so to-day. I am impressed for that reason with the necessity of going slowly, of being sure of the road we are taking. The principle is perfectly right; we are agreed on that, but there is great danger of paying too high a price. I hold that the landlords got too much money for their land after the 1923 Act was introduced. People did not generally think so then, but they realise it to-day. There is the same danger under this scheme. At the time land was purchased business in general was in a different position. I suppose money was a little bit more inflated then. It has been deflated considerably since, and I suppose deflation will go a bit further. As long as that lasts prices will continue to drop.

A certain amount of consideration should have been given to the farmers, the producers. Like ourselves here, they have not been taken much into confidence. I think it is very necessary that, to a certain extent, their confidence should be sought. When you get their confidence you are sure of their co-operation. I suppose the intention is that the I.A.O.S. will eventually control the scheme. I suppose they are fully qualified to do so. From their past records they have not always been successful. Are we quite sure that all the farmers are satisfied to hand over their produce completely and entirely to the I.A.O.S. for sale in the English markets? For that reason I am in thorough agreement with Deputy de Valera in asking for further information, through an inquiry, so that we would have something definite to go on and be enabled to give a candid opinion on the administration of the scheme.

I have an open mind as to the proposal made by Deputy de Valera to have this matter referred to a committee. Am I to take it that such a proposal has actually been made?

No amendment has been moved.

Mr. O'CONNELL

Well, the suggestion has been made. I must confess the arguments for referring this matter to a committee are not very convincing. This whole scheme came before the Dáil last March, was debated and explained at very great length, and the Deputies then present rightly or wrongly agreed to accept the scheme, to give permission to the Minister to go ahead with it. That has been done, and a sum of several hundred thousand pounds has been involved in the transaction. I take it this Estimate before us is a continuation of the scheme set in motion in March. It is a very small part of that scheme, and it seems to me that if we were right in March last there is no reason why we should not give permission to the Minister to continue with the scheme.

I am not very clear as to what a committee could do. Let us suppose that a committee discovered that, in fact, too much money had been paid. I do not see what would be done after that—what would be the next step to take. The greater part of the money has actually been paid; the creameries have been taken over, are being disposed of, and the Minister says he is carrying out the transaction in accordance with the details already given. There is no evidence to the contrary so far, although there may have been complaints. There must be an opportunity for examining all these transactions in very great detail by the Committee of Public Accounts later on, after all the transactions have been closed, and I think it is there that these transactions will eventually come under the closest possible investigation. Speaking for myself, because we have not any considered view on this matter, I am not convinced that any information which would enable us to say yes or no to this particular Estimate could not be put before us here and now.

As one who represents the constituency of East Cork, where there are no dairies at all, I must say that with regard to the taking over of the creameries we are in every agreement. In that portion of the Free State we are in agreement to help the farmers in other portions of the Free State to get along. In Midleton, the town I come from, we had the Anglo-Irish Creamery some years ago. After years of work we found that we could not keep that creamery going. It was taken over by Cleeve's, and now it has been taken over, I understand, by the Department of Agriculture. At that time we had to get milk from Kilmallock to keep the factory going. I would like to know definitely if that creamery has been taken over and paid for. From a structural point of view it is one of the best buildings in which to carry on the manufacture of butter, etc., in the Free State. We have fully 99 per cent. of water-power, and very little more would be necessary to run the factory very cheaply. I would like to say on behalf of the farmers whom I represent that they, too, ought to get consideration. They are paying a certain price in taxation for the taking over of the creameries, and they are deserving of some consideration from the Department. The farmers of East Cork are fully satisfied to pay their share towards the carrying out of this agreement.

Níl puinn le rá agam ar an Meastachán so. Níl aon talamh agam-sa agus is beag eolas atá agam ar na rudaí a bhaineann leis ach mar fear gnótha ba mhaith liom a rá ná fuilim sásta leis an méid airgid a tugadh air nuair a dineadh an marga san. Sí sin an cheist atá ag déanamh buartha dhomhsa. Fuaireas roinnt litreacha ó dhaoine a chuir suim sa cheist, mar gheall ar an Meastachán breise seo, cuid acu 'na fhabhar agus cuid acu 'na choinne. Fuaireas leitir ó dhuine ná fuil ar an taobh so den Dáil agus léighfead píosa dhíbh.

As I have just said, I am not by any means an authority on agriculture, nor on these subsidiary things relating to agriculture, such as dairying or the creamery industries. I know little or nothing about condensed milk or its manufacture. I know the taste of it, since I had the privilege of being a guest of the Free State Government in one of their jails. There I learned the taste of condensed milk, mostly foreign, for the first time. That is about all I know about creameries or condensed milk or its manufacture. I am not, therefore, going to speak on that aspect of the question. As one interested in the country's welfare and of course in its primary industry, as we might call the industry of agriculture, with its subsidiary industry, dairying, I would like it to be put on a proper business-like basis so that it would be in a position to compete with its well-organised competitors in Europe or elsewhere.

The great grievance that I have against this particular proposal or scheme is that it seems to have been brought into this Assembly here in an unfitting manner. There was not, to my knowledge, any attempt made to bring before the Dáil a scheme for the re-organisation of the dairying industry; no attempt was made at laying before this Assembly the policy which the Department in control of that particular industry would wish to have agreement upon here, and would wish to be in a position to put through. As far as I know the history of that particular transaction, it was, as they say in America, "out of a clear sky" that a proposition was brought into the Assembly here to vote a sum of one half million pounds sterling. That is a large sum for this country. Not all of that money was spent, as the Minister has admitted. But £365,000 or thereabouts was asked for and spent. I am quite prepared to say and to admit that that may have been very properly spent. I am open to be convinced that the object for which that money was asked and used was a good object and that the scheme was quite the best that could be thought of for the reorganisation of the dairy industry. But there was no opportunity given to this House, as there should have been given, to discuss the question of policy, the great big question of policy that ought to have been a preliminary to the granting of any such sum of money, or even of a much less sum than that.

Every Deputy here, I am sure, got from time to time communications about this important question. I got some of these communications. Among the other letters I got was one from a gentleman down in Limerick. He is closely associated with and deeply interested in the co-operative movement. He enclosed in his letter a cutting from the "Cork Examiner." The date was not on it, but it was some Wednesday in July last. He called my attention to a speech reported in that paper by a gentleman who is not by any means, as far as I know, a political supporter of the people on this side of the House. This speech was made by a gentleman named P.L. Ryan, of Russellstown House, Tipperary, and I am told that he was a candidate for the Cumann na nGaedheal and a great backer of theirs in the recent election. He is also, I am told, Chairman of the South Tipperary Co. Council and is head of one of the largest co-operative undertakings in the South of Ireland. Coming from such a source the criticism which he offers here is certainly worthy of consideration. He states:—

Quite recently there was a scheme put forward for the buying out of the Condensed Milk Factory of Ireland, and he took the opportunity to condemn that scheme, for the simple reason that the foundation of it was altogether wrong. The Government turned round, and for a lot of tin sheds and other things gave the firm of Lovell and Christmas something like £365,000, and something like £70,000 to the Newmarket Dairy Co. to clear out. He was not going to talk politics. He was not, and never would be, a politician (strange for a man who was a candidate for Parliament), but he would say that the men who carried out this scheme were not fit to retain the positions they were in.

That is from, I believe, an important political follower of the Minister for Lands and Agriculture.

Before the elections.

It may have been before or after the elections; that I do not know. Anyway, it is from a man, I take it, who has some sense of responsibility. He evidently had sufficient sense of responsibility in the eyes of the gentlemen on the other side to be seriously put forward by them as a candidate in a recent election. Being chairman of a co-operative society, I suppose he knows something about the matter, and that is what he thinks of the scheme which the Minister has propounded here. All the evidence which I have heard from men connected in an intimate, or semi-intimate, way with the industry, men connected with my own party and other parties, has raised grave doubts in my mind as to the wisdom, from a purely business point of view, of voting any money for this transaction. We are the guardians of the public purse, and I would not think it right or proper, having heard the statements made as to the exaggerated price, to vote that money without asking the House, or some committee of it, to inquire further into the matter. I would like further enlightenment on it, and I think that a committee, such as that suggested by Deputy de Valera, should be set up to examine the proposition.

The Minister talked of the desirability of having a body to control the whole industry when reorganised. The Irish Agricultural Organisation Society or its Executive Committee ought to be an expert body. It has been for a long time in existence—for perhaps twenty or twenty-five years—and during that period it has organised creameries throughout the country, given advice to farmers and dairymen in regard to the establishment and management of creameries, and my information is that that Executive Committee was not asked for its opinion before this deal was made. I am also told by people on whom I rely for information, people in the business for a long time, that the firm of Lovell and Christmas, one of the biggest firms in the South of Ireland in that industry until they were bought out, was losing heavily, and I am informed that it could have been bought out for a sum much less than that paid for it. The same applies, I understand, in a lesser extent to the firm of Messrs O'Shaughnessy.

Mr. HOGAN

The same firm.

Practically the same firm. It is a kind of combine. These are the statements that have been made to me by people whom I know for a long time and who are intimately associated with the industry. In view of these facts and as one who is a sharer in the guardianship of public money I would not think it right or proper to vote without further information even a sum less than that in the Estimate before us.

The ordinary justification which the Minister for Agriculture has given in defence of this purchase is that the farmers have been able to bear this price. We have received general complaints that farmers have not been consulted in regard to the matter, and that what generally happens is that officials go down from Dublin, make arrangements, and whether the farmers or suppliers like the arrangements or not they are forced to acquiesce in them.

Mr. HOGAN

The farmers are not consulted because they could not be consulted individually, but business is done with committees of their societies. That is the only way to do it.

The next point is in regard to Clonoulty Creamery. Deputy O'Reilly referred to the control formerly exercised by the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society. We all know the difficulties with which they had to contend, but we know also that for a considerable period the finances of the co-operative societies were in a precarious condition. A large number of co-operative creameries have, I understand, heavy overdrafts in the banks, and the Minister has not produced any statement to show to what extent we are being made liable for these overdrafts, or whether it is proposed to take over all these semi-bankrupt creameries and make the tax-payers responsible. There is also the question of employment. I understand when the matter first came up that the Minister promised that the employees in these creameries who were considered redundant would be given other employment. Managers and employees who worked in those proprietary creameries and who were thrown out of employment complained that very little compensation has been given to them. Some of them have long experience at the business, and I think they were entitled not merely to get a few months' wages as compensation but to the provision of other employment at the earliest opportunity. The Minister promised that, and I think that that is one of the matters requiring to be inquired into. When the Minister made a statement in regard to the last purchase, namely, that of the Condensed Milk Company, he estimated that Messrs. Cleeves had been purchased at £80,000, the Newmarket Dairy Company at £90,000, the farmers paid £40,000, the machinery cost £90,000, and the trade losses for the whole period would amount to £65,000. We might say that the share capital was £170,000, the machinery £90,000, and the remaining £105,000 represents the debts taken over, the trade losses being £65,000. We know that the Condensed Milk Co., before it was taken over in 1924, was being run at a heavy loss. According to the balance sheet of the company it had losses amounting to over £500,000. The Minister admitted in last June that he paid £65,000 to cover trade losses and £40,000 to pay the debts due to the farmers. I think we are entitled to further information as to what it is proposed to do with the debts of co-operative creameries.

Mr. HOGAN

I think that the Deputy is under a complete misapprehension. We have nothing to do with the debts of co-operative creameries.

In any case the company was losing heavily, and no evidence has been produced by the Minister to show that it was a paying proposition even after the re-organisation in 1924. The information we have got from all over the country is that it was not, and it was the general belief of the people in the districts if matters continued as they were that Lovell and Christmas could not continue to capitalise the business to enable them to fight the co-operatives. Whether or not that is right is a matter of opinion. Then there are cases of creameries which had installed machinery, like the Mourne Abbey creamery. I believe they had installed valuable machinery. This was a first-class creamery, but now it has been turned into an auxiliary subordinate to the Mallow creamery. What the position of the Mallow creamery was before this transaction I do not know, but I believe in that particular area a case could not be made for making Mallow the central creamery and putting Mourne Abbey on an auxiliary basis. There is also the question I referred to before of the bank overdrafts. I think we are entitled to have a complete statement as to the financial position of these creameries. The Minister asks us at one moment to produce facts, and the next moment he says that he himself cannot produce facts as it would be dangerous as regards foreign competitors, although he says the discussion centres not around the condensers but the creameries, and he further says that information given to members of this Dáil would probably be given away in such a way as to make it impossible to give over the creameries to local suppliers. I cannot see that. The whole transaction is being carried through for the benefit of farmers and the local suppliers. If they had been taken into the discussion, I cannot see what is the objection to a Committee of the House getting the same information. The Minister said all these things had been valued. If so, let us have the documents of trade and when the assets are realised and the debts paid let us exercise our common sense and see whether we have made a good bargain.

I think we ought to remember that this scheme was passed, I was going to say unanimously, in March last, but I recollect that Deputy Cooper was the one member of the House who objected to it. On the 15th March he said that the historian of the future looking at that date would say "This is where the Government took the wrong turn." I suppose historians will also say that Deputy Cooper took the wrong turn at the recent General Election. The House in March last, having heard from the Minister a very full explanation of the scheme, and what it was intended to do, agreed to it. The Minister, with the authority of the House, proceeded to acquire the proprietory creameries, and I understand from his statement that the scheme from the Government point of view is almost completed.

Mr. HOGAN

So far as the creameries are concerned.

Yes, and I cannot see what is going to be gained by holding up the Minister and the scheme at this moment. As Deputy O'Connell has said, I cannot see what can be done even if it were proved that too much had been paid for the creameries. It seems to me the sensible thing would be to let the Minister go ahead and complete the work, and then have a proper investigation into the whole matter. I submit you can deal with it as satisfactorily when it is fully completed as you can when it is three-quarters completed. I believe if you were to set up a committee, such as has been suggested, that the committee would not be able to get evidence sufficient to enable them to come to an intelligent conclusion in the matter, or if they were it would take so long to get the evidence that the farmers would lose to a large extent any benefits they are going to derive from this scheme. I agree with what has been said by Deputy Derrig, Deputy O'Kelly and others about complaints. I am satisfied there is hardship in certain cases, but I am equally satisfied there is not that great general grievance or hardship that is alleged. There is no doubt that every farmer who has to go 100 yards, 200 yards, or a mile more than he had to go before, thinks he has a great grievance against the Government. We know that when things have to be done for the good of the general community individuals are bound to suffer. I am satisfied there are genuine grievances in some cases, and I would like these to be investigated. I hope these cases will be brought before the House, and I intend to raise some of them myself, but at the same time I am not going to be put against the scheme merely because every farmer who has to go a couple of hundred yards further to a creamery thinks that he has a grievance.

I wish to deal with another matter which I raised with the Minister in March last. It has also been referred to by Deputy Derrig, and that is with regard to the provision which the Minister promised to make for redundant employees. I do not think the provision the Minister has made has been altogether fair. I quite agree you cannot deal with it on a flat rate. There are execptionál cases, and I think these should be gone into by the Minister or the holding body. Men with long years of service in the creamery industry have been suddenly thrown out of employment, and because of their long number of years in this industry are unsuitable to take up other work, even if that work were available, which of course it is not. I suggest the Minister might consider taking the provisions that were made in the Electricity Supply Act by the Minister for Industry and Commerce for redundant employees, and applying them to the cases of employees in the creameries, and put them on that basis, if possible. Surely to offer a man £15 or £16 as compensation after 25 years' service, after flinging him out of his job, is hardly fair. I think the Minister ought to take a greater interest in the question of redundant employees. The owners of the creameries have, I believe, been treated very decently. I have no doubt they have got a good price, but I have not sufficient information to say whether the price they have got is too great or too little. I do not think anyone can say that with the information available. But, as I have said, I think that matter can be as well investigated when the scheme is completed and when the Minister can come to the House and say "There is the scheme and what it cost." The House can then have an investigation to see whether we have made a good bargain or not. I do not think it is going to do any good to hold up this scheme for five or six months and to appoint a committee which would not be able to get sufficient information to say whether the scheme had been satisfactorily carried out or not.

I should like to remind the Minister that the shopkeeping element of the country are not altogether pleased with this great scheme. He has made an effort to meet their wishes, and I hope he will go a step further and see that the rates which these men pay shall not be used as a subsidy against them. I feel certain that when the Minister reviews the whole scheme the shopkeeping element will have very little to say against it. As regards the farmers of the districts concerned, they are very well pleased, with the exception of those in some parishes where there are no creameries and where there was no attempt made to transfer redundant creameries. I join with Deputy Morrissey in his appeal that the workingmen in the creameries may be properly treated, and I have no doubt they will. As was pointed out from the Labour Benches, this matter was debated here six months ago, and a vote was passed almost unanimously, and I agree with Deputy O'Connell that this is not the time for further investigation by a committee or otherwise.

A large number of farmers in the constituency I represent are dissatisfied and are actually antagonistic to the scheme so far as it has been put into operation. Little consideration seems to have been given to the grievances of suppliers to the creameries which are now redundant, and so violent has been the opposition to the scheme in a few cases that workmen sent by the Disposals Board to remove the machinery from these creameries had to be accompanied by Civic Guards. This is not surprising, when one considers the great hardship and expense that is being caused to suppliers to some of those creameries now redundant. This is particularly the case in regard to Ballyallinan Creamery, Newcastle area; Athavilla, Rathkeale; and Carrow, Croom. A large number of those suppliers are now obliged to send their milk to co-operative or auxiliary creameries four or five miles distant, thus entailing considerable inconvenience and expense. A new creamery was erected some time ago at Milltown, Croagh, near Rathkeale, by the Condensed Milk Company, but before the machinery was installed it was bought over under the scheme. The suppliers approached the Disposals Board and asked them to instal machinery in it, but they refused. Apparently the reason for the refusal was the opposition of some of the adjoining creameries. Local suppliers were agitating for a long time for this creamery, and now when it was at hand the Board compels them to cart their milk a distance of four or five miles to the nearest co-operative creamery. There is a supply in the area of about 2,000 gallons. I understand that the Clanwilliam Creamery Committee, which is not a co-operative creamery, was quite willing to take over this creamery as an auxiliary. A decision, I believe, has been come to by the Disposals Board to close a creamery in the village of Bruff. This is a very old-established creamery, with excellent accommodation, a perfect water supply, and perfect sewerage arrangements. The creamery adjoins a river, and a turbine has been installed which could supply the necessary power to run it as an auxiliary. Yet it has been decided to close it down, and it is proposed to build a creamery at a distance of one and a half miles from Bruff, which will cost about £1,500. I understand a neighbouring co-operative creamery is prepared to buy this new creamery for the sum of £2,400. Therefore, the Disposals Board, it appears to me, is about to make a profit of nearly £1,000 on the transaction.

As to the large number of creamery hands who are being thrown out of employment through the operations of the scheme, I am familiar with one particular case and I think it is a great hardship on the person concerned. This man had a brother killed in that particular creamery over twenty years ago by falling off a ladder and as part compensation for that accident this man was taken on and assured of permanent employment. He is a married man with four children. As one of the staff of a redundant creamery he has been given three months' wages. I do not think that is sufficient compensation for such a man. The throwing out of employment of such a large number of men will mean a serious addition to the ranks of the unemployed and is certain to result in increased emigration. I believe that if the Disposals Board adopted a more conciliatory attitude towards the suppliers of these redundant creameries it would be possible to arrange meetings between representatives of the suppliers affected, of the local co-operative societies and of the Disposals Board. By doing that I think it would have been possible to mitigate the inconvenience caused to a large number of suppliers who are absolutely up in arms against the scheme. The suspicion is widely prevalent that individual interests are interfering with the impartial administration of the scheme in several districts, and I believe this could be allayed if a committee were set up to inquire into the whole scheme. I therefore oppose the Estimate because I believe that the scheme, so far as it has been put into operation has not been carried out properly, and I support the attitude taken up by Deputy de Valera.

I want to say a few words about the situation as I see it. It seems to be forgotten by a great many Deputies when talking about the prices that were paid for the creameries that it was a voluntary bargain. It had to be entered into on a voluntary basis. The Government had no absolute power and were not prepared to seek compulsory powers to make the Condensed Milk Company sell their industry at a fixed price. When the Vote came up for discussion here in March last, I gave expression to the opinion that it was not possible for us to tell whether the price was a just or a reasonable one or not. I also said that in my opinion if the Government had held back for a year or more undoubtedly this business could have been acquired at a much lower price. I still hold that opinion, but I also know that if the Government had held back for another year untold damage would have been done to the co-operative associations throughout the country. It is undoubtedly a fact that many of the co-operative associations were practically on their last legs financially and were in that position because of the unfair competition of this company. Either the company had got to keep going or had to fail. Nobody knew how long it could keep on the fight or how soon the fight would end. But it was quite certain if the Government did not step in and pay the price, whether excessive or not, that many of the co-operative societies would be wiped out of existence by this time.

I have a good deal of sympathy with the last Deputy with reference to certain complaints he made in regard to the methods of the Disposals Board in closing down some of the redundant creameries. A good deal of ill-feeling was caused in the dairying districts in the country because of the somewhat autocratic method of the Disposals Board. I quite understand that the officials of this Board were rushed off their feet at this time and found it difficult to get into touch with the suppliers. It caused a great deal of ill-feeling in many districts when instructions came down that certain creameries were to be closed as redundant without any of the suppliers having been consulted. I think if it had been found possible to deal in a more diplomatic manner with the suppliers, a good deal of unnecessary ill-feeling would have been saved. There is another point I want to make with regard to the claim of the Minister that these creameries have been sold, as far as I understand, in most cases at the price paid for them or at a higher price.

Mr. HOGAN

Not a higher price?

Well, at the price paid for them. As a general policy that may be sound, but I think it is also a policy in which the Minister might go too far. I would be in favour of subsidising certain districts by selling creameries at the lower price that was paid for them, because undoubtedly a change is taking place in the methods of agriculture carried out in the South of Ireland. Owing to the drop in the prices of fat and store cattle, there is a general tendency amongst farmers to go back to dairying. There are districts where the cow population is at present comparatively scanty, where, if creameries were maintained and the economic conditions of the farming industry continued as they are, there would be a definite increase in the cow population.

Mr. HOGAN

We never close a creamery so as to leave a district without one.

I understand that, but there are cases where the distance that has to be travelled to those creameries is perhaps excessive. I have in mind a particular creamery in my own district. It was not closed; it was threatened to be closed but, owing to the agitation of the local farmers, it has been kept open. I believe that was a very wise movement on the part of the Disposals Board, because I believe in that district there will be an increase in the cow population in a short time. For that reason I suggest the Disposals Board should not be too rigid in their attempt to get the same price that the Government has paid for the creameries.

As to the suggested committee, I would say that nothing is to be gained by an examination of this question by a committee. I think the suggestion put forward by the Minister meets the case. If there is any definite complaint of a creamery being sold at an excessive price—that means at the same time that the creamery was bought at an excessive price—I think the place to discuss it would be here. Any Deputy who has a complaint of that kind could bring it up here, and it could be thrashed out much better than before a committee, the proceedings of which could not be published in full. I have heard complaints, but they were vague and indefinite. I have not been able to get one complaint which I could stand over and say that here is a genuine grievance of a creamery that cost too much. If I got a definite case I say it would be my duty to bring it before the Minister. I have not yet got a definite case, and realising the benefit that is accruing to the dairying districts by the Votes passed here and the danger of holding up these Votes, and also realising that until this scheme of the Government is carried out almost in its entirety it will not be possible for the Government to bring forward and put into operation the Acts contemplated that would make the co-operative movement the success that it ought to be, I support this Estimate. I believe that in the interests of the co-operative movement in the country it would not be wise to insist on setting up a committee at this stage to make inquiries. These inquiries can be made at a later stage if necessary.

Agriculture is practically the only industry in this country, and it is therefore a matter of national importance, and I think it is the duty of all Parties in this Assembly to co-operate to save that industry from the present parlous condition in which it exists. At present the farmers are receiving for their cattle prices similar to those received in 1913-14. The prices that they received for milk at the creameries in the last two years show perhaps an increase of a farthing to a halfpenny per gallon. A somewhat similar improvement only has taken place in the matter of pork and eggs. As against that the farmer has to pay for his ordinary household necessaries prices much higher than he had to pay in 1913-14.

In the case of farm implements the cost has increased more than 100 per cent. The prices of fertilizers have increased similarly. In the matter of tobacco the price is double and more. The price of matches has increased 100 per cent., newspapers 100 per cent. The expense of travel has increased 70 or 75 per cent., and goods haulage by trains 100 per cent. All these facts make it clear that the condition of the farmer, at the present, is almost an impossible one, and vigorous efforts will have to be made if the situation is to be saved. I suggest that all Parties should concentrate in an effort to do something and to do it immediately. I hold that protection is absolutely necessary and that total prohibition of luxuries and a reduction of expenditure must be effected immediately in order that we may retain the money in the country as far as it is possible to retain it. This may seem a rather drastic outline, but I, coming from the West of Ireland, understand fully the circumstances that prevail there, and I tell you I am not speaking with one word of exaggeration. The condition is desperate, and something desperate and immediate must be done to remedy it.

Coming to the matter of the expenditure itself, it is a colossal sum, and at the outset it is clearly a verdict on the part of the Government of condemnation on co-operative methods in this country. If the co-operative method is what has been claimed for it, and what I believe it to be—the best, and indeed the only, way to remedy the condition of the farmers—then I say co-operative methods have nothing to fear from proprietary ownership, but in this matter the Government were entirely too hasty in interfering. The result would have been that co-operation in this instance would have won out, as it has won out elsewhere. I wonder if those responsible for making the deal took that factor into consideration and gave it due consideration. An important factor in this matter is how this bargain happened to be arrived at. I hold entirely with Deputy de Valera and the other Deputies who said that this House is entitled to have full details as to the actual transactions and all that took place leading up to the fixing of the prices between the bargainers on both sides. In order to get at this side of the question we would have to find out what sum, if any, has been apportioned for the vested interest, if any, of the proprietors in each factory, also the vested interest, if any, of the employees and if that is included in the Estimate.

Most of you will remember that when creamery schemes first spread their roots in this country a great industry that then existed, the coopering trade, was crushed out of existence. I never heard that a special fund was provided from any public source to compensate these people affected. In my own constituency, in the town of Sligo, the great butter market that once existed and rivalled that of Cork had its trade upset, diverted and ultimately destroyed by the spread of creameries. There was no suggestion then of anybody coming with funds to the rescue of the municipal authorities, the Harbour Board, the workers, or the traders of the town, or to purchase the public buildings that had been erected for the purpose of facilitating the butter market in Sligo.

There is another and a very pertinent question: How did the proposed purchase scheme originate? From what source did the suggestion come first? Was it from the Department of Agriculture or the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society? Apparently there was one outcome of it, and that is, that from the owners, the proprietors, at least, you have no complaints. It is rather significant to think that in most of the financial transactions that have taken place, those who took part, the people paid, not the people who pay, are the only people who have no complaint. The Germans are thoroughly satisfied with their Shannon scheme, the Belgians are satisfied with their schemes, and the French in another place are satisfied, but the people who pay for it and who demand the details of these transactions have never been furnished with them, and they do not apparently count in these transactions. I insist that we, as representatives of the people, are bound to examine these details before we pass one penny of expenditure. We should insist on details of all these Votes.

Another matter which is a very vital one is that it is intended to hand over the major portion of the business and the control of that part of the farmers' industry to the I.A.O.S. The I.A.O.S. has a record in the country—I am not speaking from a practical knowledge of the whole country——

Mr. HOGAN

Might I intervene? The Deputy is making a mistake. The I.A.O.S. will not get one item.

Will these creameries not be under some form of control?

Mr. HOGAN

They will be under the control of co-operative societies.

What is the difference between the co-operative movement and the I.A.O.S.?

Mr. HOGAN

That is a big question.

Is the co-operative system not affiliated with the I.A.O.S.?

Mr. HOGAN

These creameries are being vested in other existing creameries. They are being broken up in about 40 different parts and handed over to 40 different bodies.

But must these bodies not be affiliated with the I.A.O.S.?

Mr. HOGAN

Not for the present, but that will be one of the provisions of the Co-operative Act, that all co-operative societies must eventually affiliate with some central body nominated by themselves.

Apart from that, I hold that the influence of the I.A.O.S. over the country in the past has been a withering influence. There is one example at present in Longford, and it has left a very sorry remembrance in the mind of those who had anything to do with it. When the I.A.O.S. was first formed, it was formed to inculcate the idea of self-help amongst the farmers, but they have succeeded in destroying what they set out to accomplish. They have allowed themselves to become public mendicants at the door of the British Treasury, and later at the door of the Dáil Treasury, with the result that they were granted last year a sum of £10,000 of public money to pay their debts and to carry them over the year 1927, and a sum of £7,500 to be paid to carry them on for the ensuing four years. There is no opportunity or power given to this Dáil to examine how that money is expended by that Department. That is a very strange position for the I.A.O.S. to occupy. The record of the I.A.O.S. shows that it has had a withering influence on industrial effort amongst farmers, and I very much fear that there is scarcely a prospect of its being associated with the future prosperity of the creamery industry in this country.

On the matter of the sale of redundant creameries, the Minister has stated that they became a loss to the extent that they had nothing to sell except the sales of the suppliers who had been originally supplying these creameries. I wonder under what form of authority any man can say that he has a right to sell the interests of any suppliers unless you use coercion on them? I am aware that one form of coercion has been applied in that respect. That is, that an Order has been made prohibiting the export of butter made in the homes of farmers.

Mr. HOGAN

The Deputy is wrong again. There is no Order prohibiting the sale of any butter.

If I am correctly informed, farmers' butter is registered as factory butter, which is equivalent to a charge on its export. That is a form of coercion, to my mind, to compel farmers of those districts where redundant creameries existed to have no other alternative but to become suppliers to a new area. The Minister speaks of the price being reasonable, because he has received no complaints. The Minister has been offering them an allurement to the extent that he has been offering increased supplies from the areas that have become redundant. That appears to them as if they were getting something on the hire system and that you are only asking them to pay after a number of years. That system, to my mind, is not a fair basis of calculation. The scheme is clearly a good one for those creameries who are in a financially bad state. Is it the object of the Minister to come to the rescue of all such creameries? I know that various applications have come from different districts to the Ministry during the last few years from farmers for assistance. These were from districts where creameries were not only not paying, but were closed down altogether because cattle were dying wholesale from disease. I believe that areas in which creameries became redundant owing to causes of that kind should have been attended to before an Estimate was introduced to deal with what is at most a possible future loss.

As a farmer of East Cork, I am still at sea as to what the Minister's intentions are with regard to this proposal. He stated first that his aim was to give the creameries to the farmers so that they could become the proprietors of the concerns themselves. He stood up a few moments later and stated that he was selling in the open market to anyone that wanted them. These are the Minister's statements as taken down by me.

Mr. HOGAN

I said there were creameries and condensers and what were called other assets, the other assets being factories, mills, houses, lands, etc., and that it is for these other assets that I expect a sale in the open market.

Therefore, the aim is to give the creameries to the farmers themselves? The Minister also stated, contradicting a colleague of mine on the matter, that there was no compulsion being used on the farmers. I have before me a report of a meeting that was held in Enniscorthy to establish one of those creameries. Mr. Jordan, T.D., who, I believe, is a member of the Government Party, and who presided at the meeting, said: "There is an Act of Parliament which provides that after a certain date the export of farmers' butter would be prohibited," so that farmers' butter will then become a thing of the past. That was a statement made in order to compel the farmers in one district to join a co-operative concern. I am deeply concerned, as a result of the Minister's statement which I have read, with a large portion of my constituency from Fermoy to Youghal and along to Midleton. The farmers there make their own butter at home. They employ their own families in the production of the butter. They have set up modern dairies, costing, in many instances, from £500 to £600. In the large majority of cases these dairies are still unpaid for. I wonder does the Minister intend, when he forces this compulsory Act through, to compensate those farmers? In the north-eastern portion of my constituency we had Cleeve's factory, which has been purchased under this amalgamation scheme. I am one of those who believe that no proprietary concern can exist or be run in opposition to a co-operative society. I hold that that has been absolutely proved in any case where there was decent management or where the creameries were under proper control by the farmers themselves. Cleeve's factory in 1920 employed 251 hands and paid a weekly wage of £600. It was in competition with the Mourne Abbey Co-operative Society, which, during the last three years, paid one penny per gallon more than Cleeve's factory was able to pay. Cleeve's factory was being gradually shut out, and when it was bought over it was on the verge of closing down. It was only employing at the time 17 hands where there were 251 before.

The Mourne Abbey Co-operative Creamery, in order to comply with the Dairy produce Act, had to build extensions to its premises and buy new machinery. The Committee invested in all a sum of over £2,000. A few months ago the Committee was coolly requested to turn their creamery into an auxiliary and to pay their portion of the £7,000 that was settled on for Cleeve's bankrupt concern in Mallow. Most of the machinery in that concern was nothing more than mere scrap. As the creamery was in the hands of business farmers, they naturally refused to have anything to do with the concern. In order to run their creamery on proper lines after they had put in the new machinery last year, they bought a lorry for £1,200 for the purpose of collecting milk. They are now met with the statement that they are going to be confined to a three-mile radius of their own creamery, and that they are not going to be allowed to get milk outside of that limit.

Mr. HOGAN

Who said that?

The manager of the creamery. Is it the purpose of this amalgamation scheme to prevent a creamery which is on its feet and wishes to extend its business for the benefit of the farmers of the district, to clip its wings and confine it within a defined area? Is that the idea of the organisation? I believe that at present the Department have succeeded in interesting the Ardilaun Creamery in the purchase of the Mallow factory. The Ardilaun Creamery is carrying a very large overdraft. I could not state with absolute correctness what was the cause for that overdraft, but I know that in the large majority of cases, I should say in 99 out of every 100 cases, in which there is a large overdraft, that it is caused by bad management and corruption. The Ardilaun Creamery, in addition to this overdraft, is now, it appears, to be burdened with portion of the price of the Mallow factory. Does any sensible business man here believe that a creamery can pay interest and principal on an overdraft of £5,000 or £6,000 and at the same time pay any sort of a price for the milk that the farmers of the district supply to that concern? The farmers, we are told, are now going to be compelled to take shares in those creameries. The Minister may say that there is no compulsion being used, but the statement made by Deputy Jordan, and which I have read, shows that compulsion of a very serious kind is being used. The farmers, it appears, are now going to be told that they are to be no longer masters in their own farms, that they are no longer to employ their children in churning the butter they produce; in short, that they are going to be compelled, whether they like it or not, to take shares to the extent of £1 for every gallon of milk that they produce. That is the definite statement of the Minister. A different statement was made, when a creamery was being established, by Deputy Jordan. He stated that it was going to be £1 a cow or £3 a cow.

Mr. HOGAN

Is it not the same thing?

I will give you the benefit of that, but I am finished with it. If the Minister is going to charge £1 a gallon to the farmers, and if he is going to take that, whether they like it or not, out of the price of the milk supplied, I can only see one end to the farming community in this country, and that is absolute bankruptcy. In the interests of the constituents I represent I demand an inquiry. What is the Minister cloaking? What bargain has he made? In every bargain involving thousands of pounds of the taxpayers' money is the Minister going to carry the details around in his pocket, and are the people who have to pay the piper not to be allowed to know anything about the matter? Deputies on the Labour Benches ask what would be the use of an inquiry, and what good would it do. They asked if it would not be better to deal with the matter, as the Minister suggests, by asking questions afterwards. I do not see what good could be done in this Assembly in six months if we found the Minister had paid four times the value of the property to Lovell and Christmas, as they would have walked off to England with the cash in their pockets and it could not be got back.

Mr. HOGAN

That is the present position.

Messrs. Lovell and Christmas are paid whether it is right or wrong. This Estimate does not deal with them.

More shame to those who allowed the money to be paid without inquiring into it.

Why were you not here?

I had not the right to be here then.

You had.

If the position we are going to be met with here is that if five or six hundred thousand pounds is going to be spent, and if we have no right to question that decision until the money is spent, then I see very little use in being here. As an elected representative I claim the right to know what is being done with every shilling of the taxpayers' money that is being spent. Deputies are entitled to know what is done with the money. I support the demand for a full and complete inquiry into this matter. It is the only means by which we can arrive at the truth, and it is the only safeguard left so that we may know the manner in which the money of the taxpayer is being spent.

I am not a farmer nor a creamery expert, but I believe there should be an inquiry into this matter, not alone for our own education, but for the education of the Minister. Though I know very little about creameries I know Ballyvourney and Ballymakera creameries. The Minister told us Ballymakera creamery was purchased for £3,000. I do not know if £3,000 is too little or too much for Ballymakera creamery. The Minister told us also that Ballymakera creamery was a new building, put up within the last four years. The facts are that the machinery was installed within the past few years. The Minister also stated that this creamery was the last of the proprietary creameries in Mid-Cork. There is another proprietary creamery in Mid-Cork, St. Brendan's, of Millstreet. It was built within the past eighteen months. It is a new building with new machinery. I believe the price paid for it was £2,700. Evidently the Minister does not know much about the number of proprietary creameries in North Cork. My statements are facts. The Minister's statements are not facts. In some of the other creameries in North Cork there has been victimisation within the past three or four years. I would like an assurance from the Minister that men in some of these creameries who lost their employment within the last few years, will be reinstated, or at least compensated. I think that is only fair to the men.

Mr. HOGAN

Did the Deputy say within the last three or four years?

Mr. HOGAN

That is a tall order.

With these facts before it, I think the House should press for a full inquiry into the whole scheme. There are rumours as to the prices that were paid, and as to the prices that should have been paid. Evidently the Minister dealt very liberally with Messrs. Lovell and Christmas, but he is not prepared to deal so liberally with people in this country. As I said, I am not a creamery expert and I do not know whether the price paid was too high or too low, but, from what I can gather from people who have a good knowledge of the creamery business, the prices offered for some creameries in North Cork are entirely below the value of these creameries.

I would like to point out, and particularly to my friends on the Labour benches, that the acceptance or rejection of this Estimate will not hold up the main transaction. It has already gone through, and, like other schemes to which the State is now committed, we are only anxious and willing to make it the greatest success that we possibly can, even if these schemes had been entered into, as I believe this scheme was, rashly and imprudently—possibly with an eye to the election which was due in June of this year. I submit also that the committee we have asked for would not impede in any way the working of the main transaction. Deputies on the Labour Benches agree that it is desirable that such a committee should be set up. Very well, the sooner the better. They seem to be disposed to agree to such a committee, and if it is desirable we say the sooner the better. Why not let it be done at once? There is no reason for deferring investigation and examination into the whole scheme until the worst has happened. If we know what is coming we may be able to take steps to guard ourselves.

At any rate I think the Minister's speech, when putting the Estimate before the House, was the greatest justification we could have for demanding such a committee. He asked us to determine the soundness of this bargain by the fact that the purchasers were willing to pay a certain price. I submit the price which a monopoly-holder compels a purchaser to pay is not a fair criterion as to the soundness or equity of any transaction. The purchases, I think, in the case of the most of these creameries were in the nature of forced purchases. The suppliers or proprietors had to find a market for their milk. They joined the nearest co-operative creamery, and by taking shares they provided it with the capital to take over the redundant creamery. Of course it is a good bargain from some points of view, from the point of view of the co-operative society originally, in so far as they got an increased milk supply, but there has certainly been an element of coercion. So far as the coercion is concerned, it may be good or it may be bad, but in this case the coercion is applied to the farmer in order to recoup the State for what I suggest is the excessive price paid for the Condensed Milk Co. of Ireland.

My recollection of the former statement made by the Minister to the House is as follows: that a sum of £360,000 was to be paid for a certain concern. I do not know upon what basis that value was fixed, but I believe I am correct in saying that the Condensed Milk Company first purchased the property of Messrs. Cleeve for something like £88,000, against which the Condensed Milk Company was to receive, as a set-off, something like £17,000 for compensation that was to be paid by the State for the destroyed factory in Tipperary, making the net cost to the company of Messrs. Cleeve's original property something like £71,000. In addition, the Newmarket Dairy Company paid something like £37,000 for the other property involved in this transaction, making a total sum in round figures of about £108,000.

In the speech submitting the scheme originally, I think the Minister said that in addition to the £108,000 or £110,000 there was to be taken into account a sum of about £90,000, which had been expended to provide new plant, and he lumped the two together. But he omitted to make a very important deduction from these two figures. He omitted also to make any provision for the depreciation of the value of the plant in operation, and if we are to assume that the normal period of redemption on such plant would be about fifteen years, he should then have deducted, in the first instance, from the £108,000, something like £35,000, and from the £90,000 expended on new plant, something like £24,000, making the net value of the property at the time of purchase £139,000. It has been stated that, over and above the fixed assets that were purchased, something had also to be paid for goodwill. There was a sum of, I think, £40,000, which was expended in discharging the liabilities of Messrs Cleeve to the farmers and suppliers, and then there was something like £100,000, which Messrs Lovell and Christmas were supposed to have put into the company to finance it. But the fact of the matter is that here you have a concern which admittedly failed to pay a dividend for five years, and I think that so far from the goodwill of that concern being worth £140,000, it would be a very doubtful proposition in any financial market.

We come then to this, that for good-will of doubtful value the Minister has paid £36,000, and what you have to ask yourselves is, not whether he is justified in exacting £200,000 from the Irish farmers or not, but whether he was justified in paying £360,000 for a concern like this.

It has been said, of course, that one of the great reasons why the scheme should go through was on account of the cut-throat competition which the co-operative concerns were meeting at the hands of Messrs. Lovell and Christmas. I understand that when this thing first came along Messrs. Lovell and Christmas were not disposed to sell. What was it that forced them to sell? I submit this, that they found that in competition with the co-operatives it was their throat that was being cut and not the throat of the Irish farmer. The first co-operative creamery was established in Mitchelstown in 1895, which was the stronghold of the Newmarket Dairy Company. In 1925-6 that concern showed a profit and the Newmarket concern worked at a loss, because the farmers who established the creamery were supporting it. No justification will be found in the argument that to avoid competition the State had to pay an excessive price for this concern. Those who were financing the concern had already lost heavily in it. It has been said that they were prepared to sink a further half million pounds in it. If the Government had said to them: "We will stand behind the co-operative creameries and for every £1 you put into yours in order to secure a monopoly, we will put £2 into the co-operatives," I think the competition of Messrs. Lovell and Christmas would have ceased and they would have been very anxious to get out at a lesser price.

Not only in regard to the main transaction but in regard to the Estimate that is now before you, I suggest that there are very good grounds for the committee for which we are pressing. The Estimate is for a sum of £36,500. According to the Minister, £23,500 of that is represented by the money which is to be paid by the creameries which are now being purchased. To provide for the surplus book debts over liabilities to these creameries he has allocated the sum of £8,000. That accounts for £31,500, and the other £5,000 is to provide for contingencies. Where can contingencies be in that Estimate? He knows the cost of his creameries; he knows the maximum value of the book assets he is purchasing. What does he want the other £5,000 for? Has he some other creamery up his sleeve that he is anxious to purchase?

Mr. HOGAN

No.

took the Chair.

Then I submit that the Estimate ought to be reduced to £31,500 and that there is no need to ask this House to vote £36,500 on account of this transaction. As I said, we are not anxious to hold up this scheme. We are aware that it is a scheme for which we have no responsibility, that the House assented to it before we came here. We feel, nevertheless, that on the figures we have submitted, on the statements regarding the facts, even of this present transaction, which have been submitted to the House by Deputies, there is a strong case for a committee of inquiry. Admittedly neither the Minister nor any other person can divulge to prospective purchasers what money he has paid for the property. Consequently these facts could not be divulged in this House. But I suggest that we can refer the whole thing to an impartial committee which would enquire into the transaction. Then if the Minister is justified let him have the credit of that justification. If, on the other hand, the transaction is found to be an unsound one let him be condemned for it as soon as possible and let us not wait until we find that any damage that has been done is irreparable, and the Minister comes again to the House with another bargain, another transaction, conceived in the same way and rushed through with the same imprudence, leaving the Irish taxpayer to bear the burden.

Most of the Deputies who have spoken from the Opposition Benches have prefaced their remarks by stating that they knew nothing about creameries or about the dairying industry, and that any information that they had which would lead them to criticise this Supplementary Estimate was given to them by people who knew more than they did, and we are faced with the proposal that the House should set up a committee of Deputies who know nothing of the dairying industry to inquire into the transaction that is involved in this Supplementary Estimate. I certainly would not vote for the setting up of a Committee of Inquiry composed of men who have admitted in their speeches that they know nothing about the business we are discussing. Deputy MacEntee, of course, can whitewash himself by saying that the House assented to it before he came here. I suggest to him that that is not the way to get over his responsibility. I think whether he himself had responsibility at the time or not or whether he will not take that responsibility, that his colleagues, whose business it was to be here when that matter was going through, are responsible.

Mr. DE VALERA

That matter has been settled by the electors.

My information on the matter is that if this Supplementary Estimate is not voted by the House, it will have the effect of holding up the starting of creameries in my area. That information has been given to me by one of the officials of the organisation who is responsible for the starting of creameries in my constituency. I would like to hear from any Deputy from my constituency on the Opposition Benches whether that is not so. I think that some of the Fianna Fáil Deputies who represent my area are acquainted with these facts. The Supplementary Estimate is required now and should be passed and an inquiry could be discussed afterwards. This Dáil is the supreme Court of Inquiry in the country. In Committee on Finance you have an opportunity of raising any matter you wish. You have a number of opportunities in the course of the debates and you can make any charges you like and I suggest it would be depriving the House of the right of criticism to take this matter away from a Committee on Finance and to refer it to a secret committee outside the House. If you set up a committee of inquiry composed of men who know little or nothing about the business, they will meet in private and bring in a report here and the whole thing will have to be thrashed out again here. That is not desirable and it is a waste of time. If there are charges to be made, of somebody having made something more than he should out of this, these charges should be made here before the whole Parliament. I will not take the responsibility of opposing this Estimate because I realise that this would hold up the starting of creameries in my own area. Voting for this Supplementary Estimate will not prejudice me from discussing, at a later Stage, whether a committee should be set up. It will be possible, if necessary, for a committee to go into this matter at a greater length. But the two proposals should not be confused, namely, voting for the Supplementary Estimate, and the question whether the House considers it advisable to set up a committee of inquiry composed of men who know nothing about what they are talking of.

I come from a place where creameries are 20 miles apart. Some Deputies here know the distance between these creameries. They are 20 miles apart. People in my constituency have made an effort to make home-made butter. The effort to make it has not failed but the effort to sell it has failed. They are paying one penny a gallon to a carter to bring milk a distance of six, seven or ten miles. The people are still making more profit by bringing milk to a creamery at that cost than by making butter at home. The whole cry of the people in that area is "Get us creameries." Whether the Government made a bad bargain or not with the creameries is their lookout. Our lookout now is that we come right in here to work the machinery like men and not to find fault with this, that and the other thing. I was not a member of the Dáil when the original Estimate was brought in, and this other Deputy, Deputy MacEntee, was not here either. But that rested with himself. I say it is up to every man in this House to help this scheme to go ahead and to work it in the interests of the poor farmers who are in a bad way. They will never do much good by barking at each other. I say there should be no divisions here and that we should mix up and down and be united. The past five years has made history that will not be soon forgotten. If this thing is kept up and if you have two armies of politicians pulling against each other our children and our grand-children will curse us for bringing the country into a bad position. Let us work this scheme now. It is a scheme in the interests of the poor farmers, and I suggest that every Deputy in this House should put his best into the work that is before him. The people in Cork have plenty of creameries but in the West of Ireland we have no creameries, and what is worse we have not the money to build them. We want this Estimate passed so as to enable these creameries to be started. Consequently I say it is up to the House to pass this Supplementary Estimate.

Mr. DE VALERA

I would like to make clear what our suggestion about the committee was. The term has been misunderstood when the Minister speaks of deferring this matter for six or eight months. It is quite clear that as the original date was the 3rd December there was no immediate urgency and, therefore, time would be permitted for the setting up of a committee, representing the different Parties, to go into the details of this whole transaction, and to get from the Minister most of the details which are denied us here now. Without these details we are not in a position to pass anything like a sensible judgment on this transaction. It has been said that this matter was opened before we came here and that we have only come in for a small part of the transaction. We do not want to be in the position of assenting to this Vote without knowing what we are doing. We agree with the general principle. What we are anxious about are the details, because we recognise that these details may mean a great deal of hardship if they are not properly carried out. Then also we are anxious that nothing of this kind should be done again, and that we would not be led on step by step with new transactions taking place and have Deputies here in the position that they would only have to assent to what is being done or break up what is being done. What guarantees have we that some other company, like Lovell and Christmas, will not come in and that a large sum of money will not be again asked for? Have we any guarantees that the same sort of thing will not be permitted? Are we going to allow foreign companies to come in here and to exploit one of the chief industries of the country? Questions of looking after the employees have also been mentioned. Our point is that as this was originally down for the 3rd December there is no immediate urgency and that in the interval between now and 3rd December a committee would be able to examine these charges and let us find out if there is any truth in them.

Varied charges were made to me and I cannot raise them here because I am not able to substantiate them. I cannot get definite information whether these charges have a proper foundation or not. There are charges even of corruption, and I cannot make charges of corruption unless there is something definite on which I can go. We make the suggestion of a committee in order that we may not be committed to vote in the dark. Even the Minister, for his own sake, should consider the matter. If there is going to be public confidence in this scheme, and if it is going to be work which will be undertaken in the country's interests, then the Minister, in his own interests also, should allow the committee to be set up if time permits. We are not going to hold up the scheme at this stage by insisting on a committee, which probably would require six or eight months to report.

MINISTER for AGRICULTURE

It has been said that this scheme was rushed, and it has been said that before introducing the original Estimate I should have given to the Dáil, outlined in detail, my whole policy for the re-organisation of the dairying industry. That is exactly what I did. A number of Deputies from the Fianna Fáil Benches stated that I should have dealt with the whole transaction in the very greatest detail, and not only dealt with the transaction involved in the purchase of the Condensed Milk Company, but that I should have also put the transaction in perspective, showed where it stood and what its significance was upon the whole dairying policy of the Department of Agriculture. Whether I did or did not do that, it was exactly what I intended to do in the very long and detailed statement which I made when I was introducing the Estimate. I venture to say that it was one of the longest and most detailed statements made in the Dáil for years. It could not have been more detailed, and it dealt specifically with the points raised on the opposite Benches. It dealt specifically with the whole creamery and dairying policy of the Department of Agriculture, with the exact position of this purchase in regard to that policy, and with the steps which we proposed to take to carry out that policy. That was given in the greatest detail in that statement, and that statement is available. It is in the Dáil Official Reports of Thursday, 15th March. In addition, practically every detail of the transaction is set out in the Agreement of Purchase which was circulated to the House, or rather, which was placed in the Library on that day, and which is still there for any Deputy who cares to read it.

I feel that what Deputies are trying to get at is this: this is a very detailed transaction, a very complicated transaction, and Deputies want some method of simplifying it. It cannot be done. You cannot simplify the complex; you are up against one of the inevitable things of life in that. If the transaction is complicated in the least degree, if it raises a great many considerations, you cannot simplify it for any Deputy. A committee will not simplify it. You can only get the facts. If you want to put yourselves in the position of judging upon the merits, you can only do so by studying in detail all the information contained in the opening statement that I made when introducing this Estimate, and all that is contained in the Agreement at present in the Library and available for every Deputy. That is the really troublesome job. It will take any Deputy a fortnight to get inside the documents, especially the Agreement. There is no other way of getting information. When you ask for a committee with the vague idea that you can get information easily in that committee, that is wrong. You can only get the information in the way I set out. If there are any other points on which Deputies want information they can secure that information by way of question and answer. They can fill in any gaps by way of question and answer, and in that way they can get every aspect of this transaction.

I do not want to go back on our policy, to outline again to the Dáil what our policy is. It is quite clearly set out there. I want to refer to one or two aspects of it. Some Deputies on the benches opposite stated that the creamery owners were the landlords of the dairying industry. They said proprietary creamery owners were the landlords. We were told that a position might arise which one Deputy says has now arisen in connection with the Land Act of 1923. That Deputy went on to say that only the interests of the landlords were being looked after under that Land Act, and the argument is that it may very well be in this transaction that only the interests of the landlords of the dairying industry are being looked after and the farmers' interests are ignored. I am amazed at Deputy MacEntee putting forward the extraordinary doctrine that what the Government should have done when things came to a crisis, as between this big company owning 150 creameries and the co-operative movement in the same counties, was to announce to the company that if they intended to continue competition, for every £1 they would put down the Government would put down £2. That is a most extraordinary doctrine to advocate. I think I anticipated that point in my statement. With the permission of the House, I will read a paragraph of the statement I made:

"This competition reached a climax in 1926. On the one hand the company had revived Cleeve's, installed about £80,000 worth of new machinery and transport and, in addition, had re-established good-will at the cost of about £100,000 in trade losses over the whole period. On the other hand, the co-operatives were still holding on and even developing, but had used up most of their resources both in cash and credit in the task. This position could not remain static. Where there are two big interests competing within a small area for the same supplies and selling in the same market there is almost certain to be a trade war, and that is inevitable when one of them is composed of a number of independent units varying in their circumstances and without any common spokesman who could make an agreement on their behalf. The competition had to go on, and more money for the purpose had to be found by both sides. This was perhaps an easier task for the company than for the co-operatives. The principal shareholders of the company are Messrs. Lovell and Christmas, Ltd., who are amongst the three biggest wholesale grocers in England. They had already put big sums into the business, and I have very little doubt that if there was no other alternative they could find more. Most of the creameries concerned, however, could get no more from the Joint Stock Banks and, as they had to find money or get out, during the latter half of the year 1926 urgent applications were sent in to the Department of Agriculture by the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society on behalf of a number of societies involved in competition with the company.

"Looked at from any point of view, such applications raised very grave issues indeed. These issues were being examined in all their implications by the Department of Agriculture, and it was in this state of affairs that in November, 1926, I was informed that the company was ready to sell its interests. The company had, presumably, also taken stock of its position, and while I am sure that the finding of fresh credits was not a serious problem for it, I am equally sure that the report of the Banking Commission on Agricultural Credit just published raised considerations that it could not afford to ignore. In the light of these facts, it seemed to me that there were three possible courses open to the Government—(1) to refuse to interfere either for or against either side, and to confine itself simply to keeping the ring"——

A few Deputies on those Benches advocated that.

"(2) to refuse to consider the company's proposal and, instead, to provide working capital for the co-operative creameries, so as to enable them to compete with the company"——

That is Deputy MacEntee's suggestion, and

"(3) to consider favourably the proposal of the company to sell. I need not delay to consider the second possibility."

The second course is the one advocated by Deputy MacEntee. It is reduced to a matter of alternatives, either to let the fight go on or to buy. The point of view put forward by Deputy MacEntee, and also by Deputy O'Reilly, is a point of view that I protest against. The State has to take into account not only the interests of the purchasers, but the interests of the vendors. It is an extraordinary thing to have responsible people coming forward suggesting that the State is entitled to come in simpliciter and finance one business against another. That is a suggestion that has been made. It is also an extraordinary thing to me that any Deputy should have said that the same canons which we have applied for a very long time to land purchase should be applied to the buying out of the businesses of the few men in the country who had the enterprise to start something other than distribution. It is particularly surprising to me to find it coming from the Party that advocates tariff reform and is very anxious to have an industrial as well as an agricultural arm in the country. What do you think would be the effect of that? Consider for a moment the effect of our approaching this problem in the same way as the Land Commission approaches the question of the purchase of land. Suppose we went to Messrs. Lovell and Christmas or the Newmarket Dairy Company. I may say that in that connection I was rather anxious to hear the views of Deputy Flinn, but he did not speak. I would like to have heard him. However, I take it that he agrees with these principles and that the Cork business men are coming round to those views at last. They were not always their views. What would you think of the State coming to the proprietors—people who had built up a legitimate and successful business, many of them from practically nothing—and saying: "High State policy demands that you be compulsorily acquired on a land purchase basis"?

Compulsorily acquired on the basis of the Shannon scheme.

Mr. HOGAN

Let us keep off the Shannon scheme at the moment. I say compulsorily acquired on the land purchase basis, on half their market value. The effect would be that no one would invest a shilling in business in this country, and rightly so.

The Minister forgets that that is the policy in the Shannon scheme, and if it applies to one industry it applies to another.

Mr. HOGAN

I am not aware that the Shannon Board has taken over private enterprise.

We will hear all about the Shannon Board in its own good time.

Mr. HOGAN

Analogies are misleading, especially when they are misunderstood. You hear that sort of thing in the country from people who ought to know better. It is a wrong point of view. It is absolutely inconsistent with anything like progress in business enterprise. The interests of my Department should be the interests of the farmers. By reason of the fact that it was carried out by the Department I was acting as a member of the Executive Council and, so far as we were the agents of the Government, we could not face the problem of taking over the property of the Condensed Milk Company or the property of Mr. England, or the property of the Ballymakera creamery. We could not face the problem on the lines of taking over at the lowest price. A State cannot bargain like that. Once the State intervenes it becomes a question not so much of the lowest price, but of fair compensation. The lowest price is whatever price is inserted in the Act of Parliament passed for the compulsory acquisition of the Condensed Milk Company. The biggest thing that could be done in this country would be to transfer the dairy industry from the proprietary concerns to the farmers, retain the goodwill of these concerns, and retain a sense of security if business is to flourish. That was my aim.

Certain members of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society and of the Department of Agriculture negotiated with Messrs. Lovell and Christmas for five months, and we came to a price of £365,000. I could have said that there was nothing doing. What would the effect of that have been? Once we entered into a bargain the Condensed Milk Company had to sell because the negotiations took place over a long time. Their rivals knew that they were selling, and if we withdrew at that stage—this may be regarded as a peculiar statement—it would have been most unfair to them. I do not believe that they could carry on their business, and we would be responsible. I am satisfied that no private individual or company could have bought them at £365,000. I am satisfied, with Deputy Heffernan, that if we took certain steps it would have been unjustified and unfair, and—I will not indicate it more closely—we could in a year or two have bought more cheaply, but we must look at it from the point of view of fair compensation. Once we got in we could have held our hand and left it between the companies and the co-operators. Deputies on the other side would know what would happen. One Deputy stated that the co-operative creameries were bankrupt, not good, corrupt, and so on.

Another Deputy—Deputy Maguire— stated that the co-operative societies would have wiped out the Condensed Milk Company. You cannot argue with a prophet. I have my opinion as to what would have occurred, namely, that competition would have gone on for two years more with appalling waste both to the Condensed Milk Company and the co-operative societies. It would have been impossible to put into operation the two Acts which are absolutely essential for the re-organisation of the dairy industry, namely, the Co-operative Act and the Agricultural Credit Act. I will not argue the question on the basis as to whether this is the lowest price that could possibly be got. We could have got them for £50,000. We could have got them for nothing by passing an Act of Parliament, but we did not want to do business on those lines. Once we arrived at a price, the question was whether that price was fair to the purchasers. In my opinion, there could be no question about it. We will save the creamery industry of those three counties £50,000 by closing the redundant creameries, and £50,000 would be the interest on a sinking fund of twice £350,000. For every halfpenny a gallon extra paid for milk—farmers supply creameries with about 3,000 or 4,000 gallons—the farmers in the parish would lose £5,000 a year. I will give the latest figures with regard to this year's milk prices. There are certain areas in the country—Kerry is one of them—where you have keen competition between the proprietors and the co-operative societies, where you have redundant creameries, and where two or three creameries deal with supplies which could be well dealt with by one creamery.

I have a statement here regarding a typical co-operative society in such an area—I do not say it is Kerry—where there is still congestion as regards creameries. The average price per gallon for each month so far this year was 4.8 of a penny., 4.8d., 4.9d., 5.4d., 5.5d., 5.6d., 5.2d., and 5.4d. That was in an area where there is congestion between co-operative and proprietary creameries. Now, take the prices given in a different area. They are: 6.5d., 8.4d., 6.5d., 5.8d., 6d., 5.8d., 6.4d., 7.3d. In other words, in the first area, where you have redundant creameries and where you have a situation which existed six months ago in Limerick, the average price per gallon is from 4½ to 5d. The highest figure is 5.6d. In the other area the average price is from 6.5d., to 8.4. There is a penny difference, and that means about £10,000 a year; for there are about 13,000 gallons which would be the milk average supplied to one central and six auxiliary creameries.

A DEPUTY

Is the yield of milk and the butter fat equal in those cases?

Mr. HOGAN

I cannot tell you that, but I am assuming it is—that the cows in one district are likely to be of the same quality as in the other district. They are shorthorns.

The DEPUTY

There is often a great difference.

Mr. HOGAN

Yes, between two cows, but when you take the cows of 15 or 20 farmers in one district, and the cows of 15 or 20 farmers in another district, all being shorthorns, there will not be a great deal of difference. I do not want to overstate the case. These figures are extraordinary to me. I was surprised to get them. There may be other reasons, which I do not know, that make for that big difference, but I am perfectly satisfied that by the closing of the creameries alone we are saving the farmers of Limerick, Cork and Tipperary three times as much as would pay the interest and the sinking fund in ten years of the whole transaction. There has been talk about the redundant creameries. There is no question about it that a transaction like this cannot be put through without certain grievances, legitimate grievances, or what the people concerned would think legitimate and feel very keenly about. I do not know whether Deputies from these three counties will agree with me, but my view is that probably the most contentious issue in any part of the countryside in these dairying counties is the site of the creamery. There has been more serious disturbance on that one problem than any other economic problem. That being so, that is why you have redundant creameries. It is jealousy between certain sections of farmers who are in one area, and all wanting the creamery nearer to themselves, that is responsible for that state of affairs. Does anyone think we could possibly solve this problem of redundancy by consulting each dairy and asking "Will we close your creamery"? We have gone on losing money for the past twenty years owing to this redundancy. Remember that every auxiliary put up costs £600 a year to run.

In a couple of parishes there might be three auxiliaries where one would be sufficient, or there might be two central creameries and two or three auxiliaries where one central and three or four anxiliaries would do. They have gone on losing that money. They would be quite willing to stand the losses. When the bank overdraft gets too high they get into trouble. When the banks will not advance more money they come to the Department of Agriculture and say: "Lend us more money." We could go on having redundant creameries on that basis for ever. We must do what the Danes, the people of New Zealand and the other great dairying countries have done. When you say that we should consult the suppliers of redundant creameries, who are the suppliers to be consulted? You have to consult not only the suppliers of a creamery but the suppliers of the other creamery with which it is to be linked up. You cannot leave an auxiliary in the air. It must go with another creamery. If you ask the suppliers of an auxiliary creamery did they want it closed they may say "No," and then you must go to a central creamery and ask them: "Are you willing to carry this auxiliary?" They may say "No, we are not willing to spend £600 a year on this; it is only a half a mile away." It is impossible to deal with this question of redundancy on the grounds of consulting every interest and party. They would not agree, and the industry is strung up because they would not. The farmers of these three counties are carrying £80,000 a year overhead expenses rather than reorganise themselves properly. Do not blame the Irish farmers for that. That was the position in every other country in Europe. It was dealt with in Denmark by the State. It is inevitable if you leave cooperation to itself and do not control it by legislation. That is what we propose to do. Deputy O'Kelly quoted Mr. Ryan. The Deputy admitted that he did not know much personally about creameries. He said: "Here is a man connected with a Tipperary creamery, a big man in the creamery industry, and a Cumann na nGaedheal candidate on two occasions," and he quoted him as saying that we gave £365,000 for this concern and £70,000 for the Newmarket Creamery, and that we gave this money for a few old tin sheds. I do not know how much Mr. Ryan knows, but he is a man in the way of knowing all about the dairying industry, and he has stated as a fact something which is untrue, and which he knows to be untrue, when he said that we gave £365,000 for one concern and £70,000 for the Newmarket Dairy Company. No one knows better than Mr. Ryan that is not so. He knows the details of these transactions probably as well as any member of the Dáil. He comes along and says we gave this money for a few old tin sheds. We gave it to a company handling 24,000,000 gallons of Irish milk, and that could not be done in a few tin sheds. I think Mr. Ryan also said on the same occasion that he was not a politician and never would be. He was suffering from depression, as he had been up twice as a candidate and had been beaten.

Do not put him up any more.

Mr. HOGAN

Statements have been made by some Deputies about bankrupt co-operative creameries, and statements have been made by other Deputies that the co-operative creameries would wipe out the proprietary creameries. I do not want any wiping out. The statements are inconsistent. The co-operative creameries are very far from bankrupt. At present, 90 per cent. of them are in a sound financial condition. I ask Deputies to remember, and I warn them, that it is very bad business to be talking about the co-operative creameries as bankrupt. I heard that talk before. I heard it from proprietors. I know a certain amount about proprietary creameries, and I know a certain amount about co-operative creameries and their financial condition. It does not lie with one to throw stones at another, and it does not lie in the mouth of anyone to abuse the co-operative creameries.

Does the Minister mean that we are to take our hands off anything he has put his hands on?

Mr. HOGAN

No. I mean that responsible people should not indulge in general denunciation of the co-operative creameries as being bankrupt.

I do not think any statement was made about their all being bankrupt. I did not say they were all bankrupt concerns. I said some of them were.

Mr. HOGAN

You made exceptions.

I said in the majority of cases they were well looked after and in others they were not.

Mr. HOGAN

A Deputy talked about creameries being bankrupt because of corruption and jobbery, etc. That sort of loose talk gets us nowhere. It is merely injuring the whole industry, and Deputies should not indulge in it.

The Minister stated that the co-operative creameries are in a sound financial position.

Mr. HOGAN

Ninety per cent. of them.

I assent to that, but how does the Minister reconcile that with his statement on the 15th March last that the creameries, which he now says are perfectly sound financially, would have great difficulty in finding the accommodation necessary to fight the attempt of an English firm to secure a monopoly of the industry?

Mr. HOGAN

I was going to make that point, but the Deputy has been good enough to make it for me. If ninety per cent. of the creameries are in a sound financial position to-day that fact and that figure are due to the purchase of these creameries.

Will the Minister tell us what was paid for the Mallow factory?

Mr. HOGAN

I will not. Let us get on.

I want to warn Deputies that the Minister revels in interruptions, but I would rather that the Minister was not interrupted.

Mr. HOGAN

It is an easy thing to say what Deputy Maguire said: that the co-operative creameries made these bargains, and even if they made them voluntarily, even if they purchased the creameries we have bought, they got real good terms—that they were only asked to subscribe share capital; that they were lent money for the purpose, and that that money was not repayable for eight years. That is all true. They got them on very easy terms undoubtedly. But remember that this transaction is not through yet; that a change for the worse in the times would change this transaction very much. The necessity for proving that you are infallible in business, which I find myself labouring under always in the Dáil, is too much for me. It may be that even with the best business acumen, even after making all possible allowances, and doing everything we could do, the creameries will still have a difficult job to carry on. If they have, Deputies should not come here and say: "I told you so."

This is the best we could do for them. We gave them very good terms. We made them economic units in the sense that we gave them all their own milk supplies and a chance to carry on. Even yet there is no business that could not be wrecked, and a lot will depend on the sort of co-operation we get from public representatives. If a big number of Deputies made up their minds that they were going to wreck the scheme, went down to the creameries and suppliers yet to be dealt with and suggested to them that their business was to kick up a row and force the Government to give them the creameries at a cheaper price, and so on, I daresay trouble could be made. But that has not been done up to the present. It is very much to the credit of the farmers that they took no advantage, good, bad or indifferent of the very difficult position we found ourselves in when we had purchased the Condensed Milk Company. We got ourselves deliberately into that position in their interests. At the same time, they could have abused that position. They have not done it. They met us up to 99 per cent. I deliberately refuse to say 100 per cent.—there is one exception. They met us fair and square, and we have met them fair and square. If Deputies try to suggest to them that this scheme should be wrecked and say, "We shall show what great businessmen we are by forcing the Government to give them at a less price and make the taxpayer pay more," it will not go through. If this scheme was carried out in Denmark it would be written up in the English "Times": it would be written up all over the world. It would be said, "Who would do it but the Danes?" There would not be a party in Denmark but would make use of it for propaganda. It would be pointed out in this Dáil as an example of what a go-ahead and enterprising people they were. But because it is done in this country everybody is out to find fault and show how much better he could have done it.

One other point. There may be charges of corruption—I am sure there are. I am perfectly certain there are suggestions of corruption in connection with it. I do not mind whether there are or not—I mean that personally that leaves me quite cold. I am not going to do anything which I think will injure the working out of the scheme in order to prove that there has been no corruption. I am quite satisfied that the dairying farmers, the people whom you meet in the Munster Society, whom you meet running successful creameries, will know that this is an absolutely genuine transaction. I am not going to take any steps merely to prove to all sorts of evilly disposed persons that there was no corruption.

As to Deputy de Valera's point about what guarantee we had that other firms will not come in, my idea was to buy the Condensed Milk Company, which controlled 115 creameries, with the goodwill of the Company, some of whom are Irishmen, and some English grocers, who handle a big portion of our produce and always will. That left us with 40 or 50 more proprietary creameries. I only hope that we will be able to buy those creameries on the same basis as we bought the Condensed Milk Co. Someone said that of course we treated the English firm well, but that we are not going to treat the remainder, the mere Irish, as well. I failed to buy any of the others on the same terms—I thought I would have. I thought that once we had bought the Condensed Milk Co. it would be easy to buy the others, but I found the opposite to be the fact. These creameries that I am asking this Vote for are slightly dearer. I will come to an agreement here and now with anyone if they can buy any of the proprietary creameries in Kerry on the basis of £3 per cow, or £1 per gallon, which is the same thing. They will be doing real good business, and they will find us financing the transaction at once. That is the general belief on which we bought the Condensed Milk Co. They will not do it. That problem is there to be solved, and I do not know how it is going to be solved. If it were once solved; if we had the rest of the creameries, the Co-operative Bill passed and a body elected, of course by the co-operatives themselves, controlling within that Act the co-operative movement, then it would be quite simple to deal with any other proprietary interests that attempted to come in. They would not come in. If they had been bought out and an Act passed regulating the establishment of creameries, so long as co-operatives wanted to set up new creameries they would have to get first option. We intend to stop that under the Co-operative Act.

With regard to the Deputy's point that this would not hold up the liquidation, I say it would. If there were a committee sitting for the purpose of seeing whether certain creameries were bought too dear, sending valuers down the country, getting witnesses, here, there and everywhere, undoubtedly it would be impossible to sell the existing creameries we have in hands until that committee had ceased its work. If you had a committee with valuers going through the country, as they would have to go, with the Dairy Disposals Board and the officers of the Department giving evidence of value before them, how in that atmosphere could we sell the balance of the creameries? It would make it extremely difficult. I cannot for the life of me see what the inquiry is to go into. I admit that it is a peculiar transaction and that the House has to take a lot of chance, but it is because the Dáil, unfortunately, has been asked to undertake a commercial transaction. If once Deputies admit we had no option but to undertake that, they must let us carry it out as a commercial transaction. Deputies want to know about every penny that was spent. Deputy Corry wanted to know what I am hiding. I am hiding nothing. If the Deputy says he wants to know how every penny of the money is spent, I suggest the Deputy can ascertain that with regard to every creamery that has been sold. Three-fourths of the creameries are already sold, and others will be sold next week, and as they are sold he can check the prices. You will find some waste, some extravagance. You will find things that will have to be changed here and there. That is inevitable in a big transaction. I am not saying that you can have a hundred per cent. efficiency. If you find the situation warrants it and are able to show it to the Dáil that in the transactions that took place there is something wrong, let us have an inquiry by a committee. At the present moment I cannot see any reason for an inquiry, and I would ask the Dáil not to accept the proposal for such an inquiry.

Will the Minister deal with the question of the staffs in the redundant creameries?

Mr. HOGAN

With regard to the redundant employees, I think we have treated them well. In addition to the compensation we have given them, and it has been pretty liberal, it is to be remembered we have kept a very large number of the employees on the books on full pay for a period varying from two to four months. I admit there are certain cases of special hardship. My position is this. I think the compensation is fair, as a general rule, but I admit there are certain exceptions to that general rule, that there have been certain hardships and, in fact, a good many. I am quite willing to arrange that the Dairy Disposals Board meet any organisations concerned and discuss amicably these cases with a view to seeing whether some special treatment can be given to these cases in an ex gratia manner.

Could not the employees of the old creameries be employed in the new?

Mr. HOGAN

So they are, but they are not all absorbed Some of them refused employment for various reasons.

With regard to the remark of the Minister about this thing occurring in Denmark——

The understanding was that the Minister was concluding. Does the Deputy desire to speak?

I only wanted to refer to the remark of the Minister about what would have happened in Denmark. I am not a farmer and do not know much about creameries or about milk, but I was informed that milk was the only thing included in my daily and nightly menu at one time. A remark was made by the Minister that if this scheme were carried out in Denmark it would be referred to here as a great work, carried out by a go-ahead country. I beg to point out that if this colossal scheme were carried out by Denmark, the Minister responsible for carrying out the scheme would not adopt a Mussolini attitude and refuse to tell Deputies what the bargain was all about.

Is the Minister in a position to say whether he received special representation with regard to the Ballycanew Creamery in the County Wexford and what is the actual position?

Mr. HOGAN

That is not a dairy belonging to the Condensed Milk Company.

No, but I understood special representation was made to the Minister in regard to it.

Mr. HOGAN

I think it does not come within this scheme.

Question—"That the Supplementary Estimate (Vote No. 52, Department of Agriculture, £36,500) be agreed to"— put and declared carried.
Ordered for Report this day.
The Dáil went out of Committee.
Question—"That the Dáil agree with the Committee in the said Resolution"—put and agreed to.
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