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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 24 Apr 1931

Vol. 38 No. 3

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 31.—Office of the Minister for Justice.

I move:—

"Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £26,931 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1932, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Dlí agus Cirt.

"That a sum not exceeding £26,931 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1932, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Justice."

This Estimate is substantially the same as that for last year. The increase of £650 in the principal section of Sub-head A1 is mainly due to the normal increase caused by annual increments of salary. During the absence of the Secretary of the Department, as Chairman of the Tariff Commission, an allowance of £100 is payable to the first Assistant Secretary, and of £50 to the second Assistant Secretary. Provision has also been made for the payment of £150 to a part-time official of the Department of Local Government and Public Health to act as pharmacist. This post has been found necessary for the proper control of the importation and sale of dangerous drugs. These increases are, however, offset by a saving of £330 in the Accounts Section of the Department. The increase of approximately £150, in Sub-head A2, is caused by the necessary increase of the salaries of the Film Censor and staff, in consequence of the additional duties and responsibilities caused by the introduction of "sound" films. A saving has, however, been effected in two posts by the resignation of two officers and the filling of the vacancies by officers at lower salaries. There is a considerable saving shown on Sub-head A3, by reason of the fact that it has not been considered necessary to provide for additional staff in this section.

As has been explained on previous occasions, Ministerial control of the various services of the Department including police, prisons, court officers, etc., is exercised through this staff. The District Court Branch, which is shown separately, controls the work of the District Court Clerks throughout the country and checks the receipt of all fines paid in District Courts, Circuit Courts and High Court. The accounts branch, also shown separately in the Estimate, is responsible for the payment of the salaries and expenses of the Gárda Síochána, the prisons, the District and Circuit Court staffs, the Land Registry and Registry of Deeds, and the Supreme Court and High Court of Justice. All the accounts work connected with the activities of the Department is performed by this Branch.

The only staff provided for outside Dublin is in the Immigration Office at Cobh. A full-time officer is required there to carry out the provisions of the Aliens' Restriction Act and he is assisted by a part-time assistant who is paid an inclusive allowance of £100 per annum in addition to his salary as District Court Clerk. The Immigration Officer also superintends the arrival of boats at Galway. In addition to the provision of £1,572 in Sub-head A2 for the Film Censor's Office the expenditure in connection with this service is estimated to amount to £545 as shown in note (J) on Page 107 of the Estimates. The fees received in stamps (i.e., the fees charged for film censorship) are, however, estimated to amount to £2,750 so that, allowing for overhead charges such as the time of the staffs in various Departments who are occupied in connection with film censorship, and for provision for insurance of films and machinery, consequential damages, etc., this service is, in fact, self-supporting. The items of expenditure provided for in Sub-heads B, C and D are self-explanatory and do not call for any comment.

I move that the Vote be referred back for re-consideration. We cannot congratulate the Minister on effecting any sort of reasonable or expected economies in his Department during the past twelve months nor can we congratulate him on producing an Estimate that indicates any substantial decrease in the coming year. If the Minister had any desire to effect economies we believe he could do so. We stressed that point last year when the Estimates were before the House, but notwithstanding that no attempt has been made by the Minister to effect any real savings or any real economies. If the Minister had taken the trouble of getting a committee to go in and examine carefully into the working of the Department, he would find that considerable economies could be effected and that a considerable saving could be obtained. However, it seems like beating the wind to expect that the Minister would do that.

I propose, in particular, on this Estimate to refer to the policy of the Minister's Department. When discussing this Estimate last year attention was called to the many glaring examples where members of the C.I.D. had acted illegally and, I might say brutally in dealing with citizens of the State. When we complained of that and pointed out to the Minister that many of those persons who were responsible for those crimes had been decreed and judgments obtained against them, the answer the Minister gave the House was one of encouragement to them, one of encouragement that they should act illegally. He went so far as to say that the taxpayers of the country would have to pay the decrees and expenses of the illegalities for which these people were responsible. Since then many more cases have arisen, where prisoners were brutally assaulted, where other people were seized without proper authority, and where it was proved in the judgments that those people acted illegally.

You will have the Minister, I presume, at the conclusion of the debate on this Estimate, stating that these illegalities must be encouraged, and that the taxpayer must again pay for whatever those people have done. In cases that have arisen within the last twelve months, the defence invariably, and I think without exception, put up by these members of the C.I.D. was that they were acting under orders. But when we were discussing the Estimate last year we tried to get some particulars from the Minister as to who issued these orders, whether he accepted responsibility for the issuing of these orders, whether he was, in view of what had happened and in view of the judgments of the courts, going to take any steps to notify members of the C.I.D. that they were not to adopt similar methods in future. It is quite evident to the House and to every citizen that no such orders have been issued, and that these people, feeling that they have been encouraged by the statement of the Minister on the Estimate last year, have felt that they are on a loose rein, that they are entitled to do what they like, that illegalities would be encouraged, that they are entitled to arrest citizens, throw them into prison, assault them, and so long as they have not to pay the expenses or the cost, so long as the Minister is sheltering and encouraging them, they feel it is their duty to carry on in that way. I would like to know from the Minister is it his policy or the policy of his Department that they should act in this way. The Minister is well aware that they are acting and have acted during the past twelve months in that way. Is it the policy of the Minister that they should continue to act in that way? Will the Minister on this Estimate state that all those decrees that have been obtained and expenses incurred during the past twelve months must be borne by the taxpayer?

If not saying it in so many words, at any rate the meaning of it was that the taxpayer had got no value for the money. I wonder is that his policy still? Is it the policy behind which any responsible Minister or Government would stand? Would any Government stand behind it except the Government that holds itself responsible to a certain section of the community, that has its followers to encourage them to give a loose rein to the C.I.D. in order that they can terrorise and carry on all those other things through the country so that eventually there will be a junta in office? It does not end at that.

We have heard a good deal in this Dáil about the independence of the judiciary and about the independence of the courts. We have heard it from the platforms throughout the country, from election hustings, and so on, that the judiciary stood between the people and the Executive, and that the judiciary was independent of the Government. We recognise, and everybody must recognise, that the only protection for the people of the country is the independence of its judiciary, and I think it is very difficult, if not impossible, to find in the records of any other government where a judiciary has been interfered with. But in the last few weeks it was disclosed in a court here in Dublin that a circular was issued, from the Minister or his Department, marked confidential, to the justice presiding in that court, complaining that the fines and the penalties he was inflicting were not sufficient. It was also disclosed on that occasion that it had been the practice to issue similar confidential communications to justices as to what they were to do in cases. The case I refer to was one in which a prosecution was brought under an Act passed here on the motion of the Department of Agriculture. Why were those communications marked confidential? Why all this tripe talk about the independence of the judiciary? While these people are mouthing about the independence of the judiciary we have been issuing secret documents to their judges, telling them what they should do. Who can have confidence in the judiciary when there are those secret communications passing between the Department of Justice and the Justices? I hope at least that when the Government goes out to speak on platforms it will not mouth phrases about the independence of the judiciary. It is a good thing that this was disclosed, because there is no way of getting at information of that sort. There is no way of finding out a thing like that. We may have suspicions here and there, but if we hinted at anything like that in this House, if we had not evidence for it, the Minister would get up indignantly and say: "How dare you say anything like that, where is your evidence?" and deny point blank that such a thing happened. How dare anybody think that a Government which calls itself a responsible Government would do such a thing? The independence of the judiciary!

We know that thing has been going on definitely for twelve months according to the statement made at that time —confidential documents telling the justices and the judges what to do. "We are not satisfied with the fines you are imposing." If it is some unfortunate person who is brought up for some trivial offence where the Government have some spleen against him who knows what private documents are going out telling the judge that he must do so-and-so. Where is this barrier between the Executive and the Court if a thing like that can go on?

When the Courts of Justice Bill comes before the House one provision, I hope, will be that the District Justices will be on an independent footing the same as the Circuit and High Court judges and that you will not have this underhand thing done by the Minister and his Department telling the Court what to do, to fine somebody so much, put another fellow into jail for 3 months and so on. Did anybody ever hear of a responsible Government doing anything like that? Did anybody ever hear of a dictatorship doing anything like that? They set up some sort of drumhead courtmartial but they do not tell it you are bound to sentence so and so to death or to do so and so to somebody else. Did the Minister ever read of a Government doing what his Department has been doing for the past twelve months with their confidential documents to the judges? That is, I suppose, law and order. That is what we should expect from people mouthing about law and order. That is the way to get respect for law. Can there be any respect for law or can there be reasonable and ordered conditions so long as that practice continues? As the Minister knows from his experience if a client consults a solicitor and afterwards interviews a counsel one of the last questions that will be asked is: What do you think of the chances? Who can tell what are the chances? Who can tell what way the law is going to be administered if you have a judge with a secret document from the Department of Justice telling him not to do what the statute law lays down but to do what the Minister or his Department thinks should be done in a particular case? It has reached the position that certainly no self-respecting citizen can have any respect for law that is administered in that way and I think until that method is ended and until we have heard the last of this unfounded, blatant, tripish talk about law and order we will have no order or no responsible government.

I hope when the Courts of Justice Bill is brought in that some protection or some clauses will be inserted that will be some protection to the people of the country against that kind of underhand secret communications to judges and secret interference with judges and justices on the bench. That is a matter which should have been dealt with long ago. The courts of Justice Committee went to considerable trouble and sat a long time and the Minister was in great trouble during the time it was sitting in getting his Rules of the Circuit Court through. Those Rules have been held up waiting for a Bill. We moved that they should be held up until the report of the Committee on the Courts of Justice Bill was brought in. The Minister very reluctantly consented to that. He felt there was an urgency in having the Rules introduced. It is a considerable time since the Committee has reported. That report is with the Minister's Department and so far we are waiting for the Bill that was so often promised. I am afraid it will be like the Town Tenants Bill.

I told the Deputy long ago that it was impossible to have the Bill before the autumn.

I was not aware of that. I do not see what reason there is for holding the Bill up until the autumn. There are enough draftsmen employed to deal with it. They have the report and the recommendations of the Committee, and the Minister should have had ample opportunity of examining them and introducing a Bill. He knows that there is almost chaos as a result of the large number of appeal cases that are held up, some of them for eighteen months or two years, waiting for the Bill. They cannot be dealt with in the meantime. As it is proposed by the Committee's report to make drastic changes, it is a matter of extreme urgency that the Bill should be put before the House.

I did not catch what the Deputy said. He said that the Rules should be put before the House. Did he use the word "rule?"

No, I said that the Rules should follow the Bill. I do not think that the Rules should be put before the House. Perhaps a few months afterwards a Bill would be introduced which would fundamentally alter the Rules as they would apply to the Act.

The Circuit Court's jurisdiction is left unaltered.

The system of appeal is going to be altered.

That is not dealt with in the rules.

A number of other matters are to be added to the Circuit Court jurisdiction. A question was asked recently by Deputy Corry about a Peace Commissioner down the country who committed an assault and was fined £5. At the time the Minister stated that he did not think it would be in the public interest to have this man removed from the Commission of the Peace. He was asked if he was aware that the District Justice had referred to the case as perjury. The Minister said that he was not aware of any such thing. When asked if he would inquire, he said no. That statement was made in the House, and I think, at least, the Minister should have made inquiries into it. Does the Minister think that is going to strengthen respect for the law as administered and as it should be administered by any decent Government, and not as it is administered by this Government? Does he think, even to keep up a semblance, or a show, or a pretence, that the law is being impartially administered, that it will help the pretence to keep an individual like that in the position of Peace Commissioner, and not only that, but to refuse to make any inquiry as to the offence he has committed? This is one of the things that one would think the Minister, at any rate, would do for the purpose of this show business, to inquire into it, and that he would take some action with regard to it.

[Deputy Fahy took the Chair.]

On this Estimate last year we pointed out that this Department is the centre of several Departments, that it covered Votes 31 to 37, and included something over two millions, or one-tenth of the total Estimate. Therefore, we would expect from the Minister, when he was introducing the Vote, a fairly detailed account of the work of this Department, which is the connecting link between various Votes, so that the House would be given some opportunity of forming judgment as to whether the work is well divided and whether there is not an undue amount of expenditure. We are left with a few detailed statements about a few sub-heads, and we have no indication as to how the work is distributed, or whether the Department is being run on extravagant lines or not. From the silence of the Minister we must assume that there is a great deal to be covered up. The conclusion that we arrive at admittedly must be correct, that there is a considerable amount of extravagance in the Department. Deputy Ruttledge has referred to the policy of the Minister in reference to the detective officers. We can take two cases and compare the attitude on them. One was a case about which I asked a question in the House, where damages were given against certain detective officers who were dismissed. There was another case, a very glaring one, in the city of Dublin. It occurred on the 20th February, 1930, and the action was tried on the 3rd and 4th of March of this year. In that case several persons took actions against certain detective officers. The first of them was Gerald Dempsey, who was arrested without any charge and who resisted arrest. He was dragged out and was asked his name, although they knew it very well. He was threatened and was told that there was a nearer place than the Red Cow or Clondalkin. He was stripped to the shirt in gaol, and was left without blankets or bedding of any kind. He was allowed out next morning at 10 o'clock, and was asked if he would go back to Cleevers Hall, where he was arrested. He said that he would. He was then told that he could make his will before going back there. Another of the plaintiffs was Mr. Joseph Vaughan. He smashed the glass, as most of these men did, in the cells as a protest against being arrested without any charge being made, as it had been held by the Judge in an earlier case that they were entitled to make such a protest. The detective officers tore off his clothes, took away all the bedding, and left him in that condition for a considerable time. He was released the next morning at 11 o'clock. When asked his name he replied: "You know my name." They said: "Oh, we all know it, Joe," showing that the conduct of the police was sheer farce. The next was Mr. R. O'Brien. He was dragged out of the hall and one of the detective officers used obscene language. Detective Coughlan caught him by the hair. This is his sworn evidence in the court, on which he got damages. Mr. Holden corroborated, and said that Detective-Officer Corry struck the witness in the neck, and when he was in gaol he was given blankets which were actually verminous.

Mr. Hamilton, another of the plaintiffs, was taken in a lorry and the tail-board of the lorry broke and he fell out. No attention was paid to the fact that he was hurt by it, and he was kept in jail until 11 o'clock next morning. Mr. Thackaberry was actually stripped, and he was asked by one of the detective officers whether he wanted to be made another Robert Emmet. All these people obtained damages from a jury in Dublin. It came out in the evidence that Detective-Officer Corry and two other officers had in the previous March a case of a similar nature against them, in which damages were given for £75. When the judge asked one of the detective officers in the witness box why they arrested these men, he said he had instructions. Whose instructions? Who was the person who gave these instructions? Was it the Minister for Justice? Was it the Commissioner of the Gárda or the Head of the Detective Department? If so, is the Head of the Detective Department under the control of the Commissioner of the Gárda at all? I understand he is not. I understand he is acting in some independent capacity and I want the Minister to clear up the matter. The judge in charging the jury said there had been no evidence of any felony being committed and so the jury awarded damages. Yet we have not heard of any of these detective officers being dismissed from the force. Is it because certain detective officers were operating in Waterford that they are to be made victims and dismissed from the force, and the detective officers in the City of Dublin who do very much more outrageous things are not dismissed from the force? Here we have men committing repeated acts, one of whom had damages given against him a year or so previously and yet he was not dismissed the force. The partiality of the Department of Justice is such as to render it impossible for anybody to have confidence in that Department or in the administration of justice in this country. Does the Minister think that by allowing that sort of thing to go on that he can get the conditions which we all desire in this country?

There are other matters on this Estimate to which I would like to refer. One is the administration of the Censorship Act. It is not working out as satisfactorily in a sense as we had hoped. There are certain papers, and in particular the "Irish Times," which seems to be determined to defy the operations of that Act. It goes out of its way to publish lists of books which are censored. It helps in an abuse to which I think the Minister's attention should be drawn, namely to sell in the Saorstát those books from Belfast and other places. I have heard several complaints saying that this makes the operations of the Censorship Act nugatory. I hope that the Minister will use all the powers he has to prevent an abuse of that kind. We in this country want to have the highest quality of life and we cannot ignore the fact that at present there is in other countries a flood of a kind of neo-paganism of which any decent pagan would be ashamed. There is a kind of literature poured out in other countries and in order to protect this country and keep it in a normal condition the Censorship Act was passed.

I hope the Minister will exercise all the powers he can in order to make the Act effective. I know that the Minister will answer that we on the passage of the Bill prevented the use of certain societies in Dublin for the reading of books. But then that was to have been done on a voluntary basis and we argued at the time that in the end the Government would have to pay those people and it was not a proper way to go about it to allow at first any particular society to do that. That work should be the work of a Government Department. Surely the Minister has at his disposal policemen and officers of that kind? He has the detective force, and if that force were used to get hold of books of this kind it would be far better than using it on the work in which it is at present engaged. The Minister is laughing. I suppose he is laughing at the idea that the present detective officers would be sufficiently competent to deal with such work. But there is no reason why he should not get persons who would do it. I know of individuals who have gone out of their way in the public interest to look for books of this kind and they told me that they have found books that should not be allowed into the State at all.

Why should they not send them to the Censorship Board instead of informing you?

They probably will.

I have not heard that they did.

It is only quite recently I heard of it. Some efforts at least should be made to try to make the operation of the Act more effective. Another Department of the Censorship is the Censorship of Films Board. There is a campaign in the interests of certain trades against the Censor of Films, and this campaign sometimes amounts to persecution. In that case every assistance should be given to the Censor of Films. It is a shame that an officer like that, who seems to be giving general satisfaction, should be attacked in the way in which he is attacked. I do not think that that Department is sufficiently manned. I think the officer is overworked, and that a little more expenditure should be sanctioned in the Department by giving the Censor of Films an assistant. That might considerably relieve him of some of the work, because I do believe he is an overworked officer. That may also give more satisfaction to the trade, because sometimes there is an accumulation of films, and I suppose that is inevitable. No one can question the rapidity with which the Censor works, and the way in which he carries out his duties. I suggest to the Minister that it would be well for him to look into the matter.

In reference to the amendment to the Court of Justice Act, I hope the Minister will speed up that as much as possible. After all the Minister worked us very hard on that Committee, and it is hardly fair now to allow the matter to wait so long when the Committee work has been finished. There are already some glaring instances in the Court, as pointed out by Deputy Ruttledge. It is all very well for the Minister to say that the Rules of Court should be brought into force apart from the amending of the Courts of Justice Act. I do not see how that can be done, particularly when the system of appeal is to be changed.

The Deputy surely knows that the appeals rules are a separate code from the ordinary circuit court rules.

But they have a bearing on them. You want to have your complete code of rules.

I wanted to have my circuit court rules, and the Deputy is one of the persons who held them up.

Of course I did, and rightly so, and the profession thanked me for it. Of course the Minister is not a solicitor, and that is the trouble in the matter. There is a whole lot of detail. One likes to know where one is with the rules of court. I would like to have them ship-shape, and fit in with what is in the new law. There is one matter to which I hope the Minister will pay special attention, and that is with regard to sheriff's fees. I hope he will carry out an examination as to the exorbitant amount of sheriff's fees. He could do it either in administration or he could do it through the Act afterwards. It was outside the purview, and it was held to be outside the terms of reference of the Courts of Justice Act Committee; rightly or wrongly it does not matter now. But the instances that came before us were very glaring, particularly in the matter of the defaulting annuitants. It was these fees which inflated the costs so much more than any other costs in these cases. When speaking of costs I am referring to the sheriff's fees. There is one other matter to which I want to refer, and that is the Criminal Law Amendment Committee of Inquiry. I move to report progress

Progress reported. Committee to resume later this day if the Land Bill debate concludes before 2 o'clock.
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