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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 4 May 1933

Vol. 47 No. 5

Trade Loans (Guarantee) (Amendment) Bill, 1933.—Second Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on motion: "That the Bill be read a Second Time."

The Minister explained last night what was the extent of the changes with regard to this Bill but, so far as I could hear him, he failed to give us any reason for the main change which is being brought about by this measure he introduces. First of all, I should like to refer to some of the matters that are not the subject of any important change. Recently, I saw, in relation to this Bill, an advertisement in a partisan newspaper that there were £1,000,000 being given for industry. For the sake of accuracy, it might have been added that it was the same old million, with very little exception, and, secondly, it might have been added that, whereas, previously, there had been a guarantee year by year as measures went through that, if the million pounds had been used for industrial purposes, there would be no hesitation in providing other sums, the so-called million that is being provided now is over a five-year period.

The Minister made a certain amount of play with the change which, apparently, he considered an important one, so far as the new Bill is concerned, that, for the future, individuals rather than corporations or rather than, as the old Act had it, bodies corporate or incorporate, can get loans or guarantees. I do not know if he has been advised, as he said he was on that point, that any difficulty had arisen because my experience of the working of the previous Acts was that there was no difficulty whatever when a good individual came along with a good proposition, in having him associate himself with other people sufficiently to enable him to come within the four corners of the old Acts and to become a body corporate or incorporate in order to secure the facilities that were offered. There was, however, as the Minister pointed out, quite a good reason for having an association rather than an individual, when that matter could be so easily arranged, the beneficiary under the Act and it was that you had a continuance and, secondly, that, as you could get two or three people to join rather than a single person, it did mean that you started off with, prima facie, a better case than if there was only a single individual and that you got, when that could be secured, a sharing of the liability and you got, where it was a matter to be looked to, an increase in the security that was being looked for under the previous Acts.

An additional change to which the Minister drew attention was that there was to be a new type of advisory committee. We are to have, for the future, a permanent chairman and there is to be a panel of business men. It is quite possible, if there is going to be a rush of applications, or, rather, a rush of good applications, under the Acts, that it is better to have a larger number from whom to draw than the old limited committee, but even that benefit has its disadvantages because, undoubtedly, the people who served before got to know, after a certain amount of experience, what were the types of cases likely to be brought before them. They had no difficulty in associating them in the different categories, which could be ruled easily enough, in certain numbers, so that even although, in the end, that may be an advantage it will not, if there is going to be a number of applications, be a completely good thing.

The Minister has told us that another of the changes is that, for the future, no loan under £500 can be granted and his explanation was that, previously, it was difficult to explain to individuals why a loan of under £500 could not be granted. Certainly, he found it very difficult last night to explain to the House what was the benefit in having the upper limit of £500 put on the loan. It seems to me that there are cases where even a small loan might be an advisable thing, and, if the Minister feels that the explanation given to the House last night was sufficient to get the House to pass the upper limit of £500, it ought to be sufficient for the individual applicants likely to come before him looking for loans. I do not think there is much case to be made for the £500 limit and I think that very few serious cases will come before this new committee where the money sought is under the £500 mark. There is a second matter and what it amounts to I do not know. The Minister said that the old type of trust deed is going to be done away with, if, and when, a loan or grant is made, and that the new procedure is going to be something in the way of what he described as an ordinary debenture mortgage deed which he, apparently, thinks will be an easier matter to arrange. I do not know that there was ever much difficulty in drawing up a trust deed. At least, I cannot see what the difference is. The difficulty about a trust deed was that it had to be associated with the particular circumstances of each case. The debenture mortgage deed will also have to suffer certain changes, according to circumstances, and there will be exactly the same delay on the part of the people drawing it up as there was about the old type of deed which was requested.

These, however, are minor points. The big thing is that, for the future, the prohibition on the amount of money, where it was going to be used by way of working expenses, goes and, for the future, the Minister may either give money or guarantee money whether it has against it fixed assets or not or whether it is specially applied for as working capital or not. He put one side the old condition with regard to the exclusion of working capital and he said that, of course, it was recognised that there was something to be said for having fixed assets against the money that was loaned. He pointed out—at least I thought that was the implication of his words—that in fact, in a case which had failed, the amount secured by the fixed assets in the end came to a very small fraction of the money guaranteed, and, remember, that used to be one of the points on which there used to be argument in the House—that there was too much rigidity about fixed assets and that the moneys that were loaned against certain fixed assets were rather circumscribed, rather limited, in relation to the value put on the fixed assets. Anybody knowing anything about the working of this Act must realise that you have to look on a fixed asset not as it appears at the moment when put before you in connection with a scheme that is being promulgated, but how it is likely to appear at the time when the concern is going to be wound up and sold more or less as scrap.

Of course, there is another side to this and it is an aspect on which the Minister gave no explanation. It is not so much the securing of fixed property against the money which the State puts out that was the value in excluding a loan or grant by way of working capital. It was quite a different thing. It was the only hold which the State had on the people who came before them as applicants for their aid to ensure that they would put money of their own into the concern. This disappears and, surely, it is at the base of all this industrial development work. In what circumstances can the Minister envisage an applicant coming before him with a good proposition about which he will not be able to get either his friends or his bank or some of the small investment corporations, either here or in England, to put up the cash?

If he fails to get either that man himself or his friends, or the bank which knows him, or some of the small investment corporations to put up the money, what special money of that individual have you tied up with the working of the concern? Quite a number of them depend on individual effort and individual attention. It comes down to what way the business is being run, and the success or failure it meets with depends on whether the man running it turns up at a certain hour in the morning to see how the business is going, whether he attends during certain hours of the day, and also on the energy he puts in and the attention he devotes to the ordinary working of the business. Is he likely to do that better when he has a few thousand pounds of his own involved, or when he has several thousand pounds belonging to his near relatives involved or when he is entirely dependent or nearly entirely dependent on State grants? That is the value of the exclusion of the working capital. It was not thought that we would get the State loss fully met by any fixed assets, but rather that if you threw the burden of meeting it on the individual when you got him to put up the working capital, you definitely tied up his interest with the successful working of the concern. That, to a certain extent, disappears now.

I should have expected that, in proof of the necessity of removing that exclusion, the Minister would have given us one or two cases, known to him, of unsuccessful applications where there was a fair prospect of success and where the only thing preventing the starting of the undertaking was that the individual could not get money of his own or money from his friends or relatives or from the bank. I do not know of any case in the years from 1924 on, in which the previous Acts were working. I knew of many cases where they made that representation to us, but when fully examined there was no case, in my memory at least, where a suitable case was made of being prevented from the successful management or the good operation of a concern because of the fact that the individual had unreasonably withheld from him banking facilities or ordinary financial facilities. We are now taking this step of ear-marking a million pounds put up here under the control of the Minister, either guaranteed or given out, and for working expense possibly, under conditions in which the individual himself will not put up a shilling. I have heard no case made here as to why that very big step should be taken.

The Minister stated, with regard to the old Acts, that they were not availed of to the extent anticipated. That is hardly the correct way to describe it. It was rather that there was not discovered to be present here the circumstances which necessitated this type of thing in an industrialised country. It was not so much here that there were not facilities, but rather that facilities ordinarily available to industrialists in other countries were withheld here. It was simply that there was no great field for the investment of money in this country and, despite all the talk at the beginning, in which I joined myself, as to the neglect of the banks in not giving sufficient facilities to industry, I realised, as the years went on, that if there was any criticism of the banks to be made it was rather that, without sufficient examination into the circumstances, they had given money to individuals who were not likely to make a success of industry because of their lack of knowledge and experience, with the result that when certain industries collapsed the consequent repercussion was very bad. It is my opinion that it would have been far better to have had a tighter rein on such enterprises and a better examination of the individuals who did get money from banks and who eventually lost not alone their own money but the banks' money, because they had not the capacity or experience to run a business successfully.

The results of the old Acts, however, should be viewed from the angle of the question put by Deputy MacDermot last night. There was less than a half a million of the old million pounds used. There was only one loan which was fully repaid of all the loans made, and that was a very small loan of less than three thousand pounds to a co-operative society, which was repaid in less than two years. With that exception, however, there was not what would be called a first-class result from any of the applications granted under the previous Acts. Now, as to what operated against success, it certainly cannot be said here that it was because the particular concerns involved were examined in any light-hearted way or because moneys were granted without pretty good examination of the likely results.

There was certain criticism of the administration of the Acts in this House, but it was almost entirely upon the point that in an Act which set out to preclude the granting of money for working capital it looked as if in certain cases money had been granted for that purpose; but there was never any complaint that money had been given out without proper examination. It was rather the reverse. The complaint was rather that the schemes were gone into too critically; that there was too much delay and that the people had to get too much in the way of financial backing either from their friends or from other sources before the State came in. The complaint was that we required too much in the way of proof of the likely success of a concern before money was granted. Despite this, it can be said quite definitely that if one leaves out the loans that were made to public utility concerns, there has not been a successful loan yet. I think the standard of success is this—has there been any concern other than the two or three concerns who got moneys mainly for the development of harbours, which has been a success so far as repayment is concerned? Has there been a case of a company keeping its commitments up to the schedule first arranged? I doubt if there is a single case. Is there one of the concerns, other than the public utility concerns, where the moneys, for which they guaranteed to recoup the State in the way of repayment of capital advanced and interest on that capital, have been fully paid up to this date? I think they are all in arrear. Most of them, in the earlier years, came in and got a renewed scheme of repayments and some of them even fell behind on the new scheme.

I also informed the House, in regard to these old cases, that in the main the concerns operating on Trade Loans (Guarantee) moneys have had not alone that facility but are also nearly all in tariffed industries. Not only have the concerns involved been engaged in industries specially protected by tariffs but they have had the special facility of the granting of money at a low rate, and yet it is not possible to deny what I have said that with regard to most of the concerns that have been operating on Trade Loans (Guarantee) moneys, there are arrears in the matter of either the repayment of capital or the payment of interest on the outstanding capital on the original scheme, as agreed when the grant was being made.

Arising out of what the Deputy has just said, I should like to know what was the normal rate of interest charged.

The rate varied from time to time.

Could the Deputy say what was the average rate of interest?

The average rate of interest would be at least about five per cent. It was not as low a rate as we thought might have been granted considering that there was a Government guarantee behind these schemes, but still it was the most that could be got either from a bank or from the individual investing corporations for these concerns. Now, if these are the circumstances and, in the main, what I have said cannot be denied, I wonder what is the likelihood of success about granting these new moneys, particularly when you are not going to harness up the interest of the individual concerned to the necessity of his providing the working capital. There was a field for investment in so far as there were tariffed industries before, but it will be said now that there is a bigger field because there are more tariffs. Have we got to the point as regards industry that people will not go into industry unless they get, first of all, almost prohibitive tariffs to prevent competition from outside; secondly, unless they get a Government guarantee or loan of money to provide the fixed assets, plant and machinery of the concern they are going to establish; but that in addition, even in a tariffed industry, they require that the Government should give them money that is ordinarily called working capital? If that is so, then it does mean that there is something particularly uninviting about industry in this country.

The question of interest has been raised by Deputy MacDermot. At this moment I think banks, certainly abroad, if not banks here would welcome any industrialist who came along and offered to use the money which banks all over the world have in profusion and which they are ready to lend at very low interest rates. In fact, I think, it will be admitted as an ordinary axiom that the reason why the rates for the use of money are so low is because no use is being made of the terrific amount of money which is lying idle. If in these circumstances in these times, with money provided at very low rates of interest in this country, when everything that one can think of is tariffed, and under the scheme which previously allowed a Government grant against fixed assets it is not possible to get industrialists to start here except you give them all the money, working capital as well as money to provide fixed assets, then certainly there is something still to be investigated about Irish industry.

Is there a proper field for investment here at all? If there is why is it there is lack of confidence? Why is it there has been this extra approach with facilities to would-be industrialists? When all that is answered we have to think of the State side. What security is the State going to have in future that there is going to be any individual effort put into the business started under the conditions I have described? I think if there was any criticism to be offered on the old Acts it was, not that there was too much in the way of close examination of the people concerned, but that in attempts to get industry going after the 1921-22-23 period—all these bad years— certain chances were taken with industries because there was State money at the disposal of the Department. I certainly think that if the test on which the committee had been obliged to rule their decisions was this: what would they do with their own money, that we would not have even the £350,000 or £400,000 of State money granted but that it would be much more nearly one-third of that. But we did take chances—unsuccessfully. If we are to go on the experience of the old Acts I would have expected that there would be a new code almost definitely tied down to public bodies, harbour authorities and local authorities, and that for the provision of certain works of the public utility type there might have been a fair amount of money put at their disposal and possibly an easing of the conditions under which that money would be granted to corporations of that type. But when we get from bodies, corporate or incorporate, into the provision of working capital. I think under the circumstances it is a step in the wrong direction. However, it is a gamble the result of which we shall have to wait and see.

The Minister talked of "other safeguards necessarily imposed by the Department of Finance on the provision of public money" and I wish he would develop the point. What are these? Certainly any finance department of any government in the world would be expected to rule very narrowly and rigidly indeed against the provision of money for working capital. Does the Minister mean that, although he is taking out this provision about working capital, in fact the limitation is going to be there because of these safeguards which necessarily will be imposed by the Department of Finance, or is it merely referring to the type of examination which will still have to be conducted with regard to the applicant's previous experience of industry and as a business man and so on?

When the 1924 Act was before the House and on two or three occasions in later years when we renewed that measure I was asked to make a certain declaration. I gave that declaration the first year and I repeated it, I think, any time it was asked of me. It was to this effect: that I bound myself, if my advisory committee recommended clearly and definitely against the loan, that I would not grant the loan; that if they recommended definitely against the guaranteeing of moneys to a certain applicant that I would not give the guarantee. The House was full of suspicion about the way in which the money was to be administered. They felt it was not going to be administered rigidly enough, and that too much power was being given. I definitely bound myself to abide by the decision of the committee, if the committee were adverse, and that I would not always accept the decision of the committee, but that it would have to be subject to other examination. What I did say was that I gave myself liberty, if I thought the committee had not properly understood the application, and if I thought the application should be amended, to get the applicant to renew the application, possibly to put it in a new form and, indeed, to help the applicant as far as I could to get over whatever difficulties were put before him by the committee. Still there was the over-riding guarantee that I gave that, if, notwithstanding my efforts through the applicant, the committee still recommended against the grant or guarantee, I would not give the grant or guarantee. Does the Minister take any such stand with regard to the committee as that, or is he going to regard the advisory committee just as a body to make representations to him which he will decide upon thereafter? The Minister always has to be responsible, of course, but I think the Minister should indicate to the House whether he feels he is going to be more conservative or more liberal than this panel of business men whom he is going to choose and from whom the committee will be drawn.

The Minister has spoken of small-scale concerns and how they are unsuitable for making public issues. That is quite clear, and in so far as there is any attempt made to get a group of industries, say, of the small-scale type which will be in the country spread all over the country, it is a desirable thing.

Merely to say that the small-scale concerns are not suited in their nature to public issues does not finish that question. There are bodies known as investment corporations. They may not be here in any great numbers, but there are financial facilities of this type to be got elsewhere and there are even financial facilities of that type to be got here. There may come a time when we will be able to say that experience enables us to pass this judgment, that the provision through investment corporations or banks for financial facilities is not sufficient. But nobody can say that at the moment. It would be useful if the Minister told us of any small concern which failed to get a start by reason of the fact that finance of this type was withheld from it at the beginning and it was faced with the unsuitable alternative of trying to look for a public issue itself or else the alternative of not starting. I know of none prohibited in that way. Before we begin to give close consideration to the financial provisions that are here we should have some examples to prove the sort of contention that underlay the Minister's statement, although it was not very specifically put.

I am understanding Section 6 (3) as meaning that the returns that were required in the past will be given in the future, not merely with regard to loans and guarantees entered into prior to the passing of this measure, but even to the guarantees of the new money. I take it we will get the ordinary report. If that is so, then there is no change made as far as that part is concerned. I would prefer to have this measure going back to the old type of the twelve months Act, renewable by special legislation. Where we are entering on this rather dangerous type of experiment, it would not be a bad thing to afford Deputies an opportunity of reviewing the moneys that would be granted during the previous twelve months before we would decide to renew the measure for a further twelve months. The returns laid upon the Table do not afford such an opportunity. They give people information on which questions may be based, about which motions on the adjournment may be made and eventually, in a glaring case, a special motion might be tabled.

A renewal of the Act from year to year would give the House an opportunity on the Second Reading, such as now, of finding out what happened during the preceding twelve months and deciding whether or not there was any change required in the conditions under which these moneys were granted. To that extent I disagree with the Minister's view that it is better to have this running for a five-year period. It is a smallish point, but unless he is going to afford some machinery for discussion at least once a year there will inevitably be some discontent. I am sure he himself will admit that in the early years of this experiment it is better to provide some such opportunity as I have alluded to. If the Minister is not going to provide it in any other way, he should go back to the old scheme of having the Act annually in operation for the ensuing year only. It does not prevent anybody promoting a scheme. Anybody interested in industry has seen that the Acts are carried forward from year to year without any trouble.

Could we not discuss the subject on the Minister's Estimate?

It is very doubtful and at the very best it would not be so satisfactory as if we were afforded an opportunity of concentrating all our points when the proposal would come before the House to renew the legislation for a further year. If the Minister will say that on his Estimate from year to year some part of it could be selected so that the expenses of this committee could be discussed as a special item and attention drawn to various parts of it, I would not have such a great objection.

I hope we will have from the Minister a statement as to the moneys previously guaranteed. I want the Minister to tell us how much of the money guaranteed was given to public authorities or a public utility service and, as regards the residue, will he tell us how much is in the hands of concerns that had to get the original scheme of repayment altered to meet their new conditions? Will he finally tell us how many examples he has had of cases which impressed him as being suitable cases and which failed because the individuals, either through their banks or friends, could not get the amount of money required for working capital?

When the 1924 Act was before the House I was one of the sceptical ones referred to by the last speaker. Not without some experience I stated that there was no country in the world that I knew of where credit is so easily obtained as in this country. A short time ago an inquiry was made into the number of shops in this State and figures were produced to show that in proportion to our population we have more shops than any other country in Europe, thus showing that anybody who wants to start a shop has no difficulty whatever in getting credit. Knowing that fact, I was sceptical as to the usefulness of this particular measure.

What has been the experience of the working of this Act? The Minister was good enough last night to give us some figures. Under the original Act the Minister was empowered to circulate up to £1,000,000—the same amount, speaking from memory, as he has within his jurisdiction under this particular Bill. That was nine years ago. Every effort was made during those nine years to give facilities under this Act. It must be remembered that during that period we were recovering from war conditions, when money was not at all as easily obtained as it is to-day. Conditions to-day are very much easier. As the last speaker pointed out, one of the difficulties the banks and other institutions of that character have at the moment is to make use of the money at their disposal. An extraordinary fact in connection with the monetary history of this country and adjoining countries is that not for a couple of years has money been as cheap as it has been during the last six or eight months and as it is to-day.

What has been the experience of the House and of the Department of Industry and Commerce in relation to the previous Act? The Minister told us last night that advances were granted to the amount of £380,000 out of the £1,000,000.

The correct figure is £340,000.

I did not get the figures very accurately.

The figures I gave last night were merely general figures. £340,000 was the total guaranteed and £215,000 is the amount advanced from the Central Fund.

Could the Minister tell me exactly how much of the £215,000 has been written off as a bad debt? That is the £215,000 out of the £340,000?

I could not give the figures at the moment.

There is the result of nine years' trading! A sum of £340,000 has been guaranteed and £215,000 of that is absolutely gone.

Mr. Kelly

We know who got it.

Now, Deputy Kelly is always in a position to give information that is useful and if he would give it to the House when he rises to make his speech, after I am finished, the House would be delighted to have that information. If the Deputy would make his own speech and leave me to make mine we would get on better.

Mr. Kelly

I am sorry I interrupted Deputy Good.

I am always glad to have useful interruptions if the statements made in them are afterwards supported by facts. This is an alarming figure that out of a guarantee of £340,000, a sum of £215,000 has been lost to the State. If these advances had been made by any of our banks, what would be the position of the banks to-day? We have £215,000 lost out of £340,000. What is to happen under this new Bill? What has happened under the old one? As I understand from the Minister, every demand, every claim, every application, if you like to put it so, was scrutinised by the Advisory Committee and the Minister only recommended advances when these advances had been approved by the Advisory Committee. And even after scrutiny 75 per cent. of the money has been lost! What does this Bill do? Take Section 5. It is an extraordinary section. It reads as follows: "Wherever the Minister for Industry and Commerce could, after the passing of this Act guarantee under Section 1 of the Act of 1924 as amended by this Act a loan proposed to be raised by any such person as is mentioned in sub-section (1) of that section as so amended, the said Minister may, if he thinks fit, with the sanction of the Minister for Finance and subject to the limitations imposed by the Principal Acts as amended and extended by this Act, himself grant such loan..." There we have the words, "himself grant such loan." I think, speaking from memory, the Minister told us last night that it was the Minister for Finance made these loans. I see from this section that it is the Minister himself. However, that is not very material.

Now I come to deal with the extraordinary words. The Minister "himself" may "grant such loan upon such terms and conditions as to time and manner of repayment, rate of interest, security and other matters whatsoever as he shall with the sanction aforesaid think proper." In other words, in the future, as I understand this particular section, the same scrutiny as has been exercised in the past with such unfortunate results, will not be necessary. We have the words "the Minister himself." The same language is not used as in the ordinary Acts. We have instead the extraordinary words "the Minister himself." It reminds one of a certain king that one read of years ago in French history of whom it is related that he constantly repeated "The State is myself."

Will the Deputy point out the exact difference, so far as the State is concerned, in guaranteeing a loan and making a loan?

I am dealing with the words "the Minister himself." It is an unusual provision. For the first time I see it used in this Bill. If the word "himself" were left out the Minister would have the power that he desires. Whether it is to emphasise the fact that he has the power I do not know, but at all events, we have the words "the Minister himself" for the first time in a Bill. But the extraordinary thing about it is that he is to have the overriding power of passing over a recommendation that may be or may not be made by the Advisory Committee who, I presume, will scrutinise these claims or applications and he may grant these applications on such terms as he may think proper. The only overriding factor is that the Minister for Finance must agree.

The Deputy has not read the section at all.

I am afraid I cannot put any other interpretation on it. If the Minister can put any other interpretation on Section 5 I think it would be very desirable for the information of this House that he should do so. I think it is unfortunate from the point of view of the trading community that credit facilities should be made too easy. We must recollect that in trade we have people who are not prepared to take risks, because they think it is undesirable to take risks. If capital or credit facilities are too easily granted, we may get into industry people who go into it for the purpose of taking risks which those people who have been engaged in that particular industry for long periods and in some cases, for a number of centuries, do not think it desirable to take. The result will be that a very serious injury will be done by the encouragement of undesirable people in industry.

As far as I know industry, and I know something about it, for any sound proposition that is put forward in this country there is never any difficulty in getting whatever capital is necessary to start it. But if you have an unsound proposition put forward it is only desirable that difficulties should accrue. I think the experience of the Minister's Department in connection with the grants made by his Department will show the truth of that statement. Doubtless, these propositions— I know something about them—were put up to the banks before they had been put up to the Minister. In saying that I am not speaking with any particular knowledge, but knowing the way that business works I am sure that these propositions have from time to time been put up to the banks and these propositions have been turned down by the banks. Then they come along to the Minister and he has an extraordinary experience. Having such experience, and I do not blame him personally for it——

This money was lost before I was appointed Minister.

The £340,000 advanced has been almost all lost. Now we are going to widen the powers. We are going to take in possible traders to whom the advantage of this particular Act was refused in the past. Is their experience as a result of their action likely to be any improvement on what we had in the past? Therefore, I say to the Minister while anxious to do everything that one can to develop trade and industry to move cautiously along these lines.

I am opposing this Bill because I believe it will result in substantial loss to the Irish taxpayer and it is not calculated to do good to Irish industry. In talking about the results of the previous measures Deputy Good has just mentioned the figures taken from the speech of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. But these figures do not really tell the whole story, because in addition to them we have learned that a substantial portion of the £125,000 which is not to be regarded as lost—Deputy McGilligan said about 90 per cent.— was lent to public bodies and not to industrial concerns at all.

In addition to that, we have had, the statement from Deputy McGilligan that, in his opinion, there was not a single loan to an industrial concern that had turned out 100 per cent. satisfactorily, that there was not a single case where payment of interest had been made according to the original schedule. We had, perhaps, a more significant statement than any of these from the Minister himself last night. He said that even in those cases where the loans had turned out relatively satisfactory, the persons who borrowed had stated that they had found the burden far heavier than they had anticipated. There is a lesson to be drawn from that. The losses that have been incurred are, no doubt, partly due to the feeling of the late Government that risks had to be taken for the sake of achieving a great object and that purely commercial considerations were not always allowed to carry the day. In addition to that, I question whether the form of financing allowed by former Acts and which is allowed by this Bill is one that is healthy for the type of industry that is being assisted. We know that one form of financing granted by the banks— short-term financing—is absolutely essential to industry and is of a thoroughly healthy nature. But I suggest that long-term loans are a very doubtful boon to the sort of industries we have here, that what they really want, in cases where they are entitled to assistance at all, and what would really do them good are not long-term loans but increase of capital. It is a matter of taste and a matter of opinion as to whether the State should go into industry at all. I maintain that by making loans under a Bill like this it is going into industry but I further maintain that, if the State is to go into industry at all, the most useful way in which it can do that is not by making loans but by positively investing in these concerns—by having, perhaps, an investment corporation in some way under the control or the ægis or authority of the State. Then a struggling or infant industry would not be weighed down by fixed obligations which had to be met year after year. Whatever money it got would only expect to be remunerated to the extent to which the capital of the man himself, or the company itself, was being remunerated.

Allusion has been made to the fact that in this Bill, for the first time, the door is being opened to loans for working capital. That, in my opinion, is a very objectionable feature of the Bill and a feature that lends weight to what I have just being saying. It is most undesirable that loans should be made to people who have not got working capital. It is a case of saying to the person who is borrowing "Heads you win, tails I lose." The man or company takes your money and, if they lose it, it is just a lost opportunity to them and nothing more. But you have lost your money. On the other hand, if the loan turns out a success, you get nothing but the agreed rate of interest, which is not adequate remuneration for the risk undertaken. It is for that reason, in addition to the reason that they do not want to be out of their assets over a long period, that they have got to keep their assets liquid, that banks refrain from such business. It appears to me that this Bill is taking risks to an undue extent with the taxpayers' money and that it is doing that in order to confer a false kindness on the sort of industries we have here. In my opinion, in nine cases out of ten in the future, as in the past, the result is likely to be that the people who have money advanced to them will find that a burden has been placed upon them which they cannot carry.

I think it would be just as well to get the history of the various cases that arose under the Trade Loans Act clearly stated because some misunderstanding may be created by the speech delivered by Deputy McGilligan and the statements, based upon that speech, made by Deputy Good and Deputy MacDermot. Up to the year 1929, a number of applications for Trade Loans Act facilities were considered and decisions made to grant these facilities. From 1929 up to the change of Government—1932—no applications were granted. The idea that anybody who could not get financial facilities otherwise because his scheme was too unsound to justify the giving of them could get those facilities under these Acts on the security of the State is entirely contrary to the facts. A very large number of applications are received. Most of them are, at first sight, outside the terms of the Act or of a kind not likely to be recommended by the Advisory Committee. They do not even go to the Advisory Committee. Up to May of this year, 161 cases went to the Advisory Committee and 95 were rejected by that Committee. When an application is rejected by the Advisory Committee, that ends it.

Deputy McGilligan said that he had committed himself publicly not to grant any application which had not been favourably recommended by the Advisory Committee. He was not giving away anything when he said that. I do not think that there is any Minister or anybody ever likely to occupy a Ministerial position who would not be prepared to give that guarantee because if he has at any time to come to the Dáil to justify the expenditure of public funds to make good a guarantee, he will certainly desire to be in the position of being able to say: "The giving of the guarantee was recommended by the Committee." That is the practice and it will continue to be the practice. Sometimes, we disagree with the decision of the Advisory Committee rejecting the application but, in such an eventuality, we would consult with the applicants, endeavour to get the application into the form desired by the Committee and send it back as a fresh application to the Committee. But unless there came a favourable recommendation from the Committee it would not go further. Even when the Committee make a favourable recommendation, it does not mean that the guarantee is given. Of 64 cases recommended by the Advisory Committee, the guarantee was only actually given in 19. Subsequent to the examination of the application by the Committee and its recommendation, there came a further detailed examination both in the Department of Industry and Commerce and in the Department of Finance. My experience has been that any case that gets through all the obstacles to the point of securing the end aimed at is a good case except certain considerations enter into the examination of the application that should not enter. We have had reference made here to the fact that out of £340,000 guaranteed there was a loss of £215,000. Nothing has been lost since then. I have looked through seven cases.

How much has been advanced since 1931?

I will give the figures later. Our predecessors stopped giving guarantees in the middle of 1929, and from that date until 1932 no guarantees were given. Any guarantees given since then were given within the last few months. I will give the position in respect of these cases. The guarantee was made good in respect of six cases. It is not easy to look at the circumstances in which guarantees were given, and to decide what one would do in the circumstances, because one cannot get a complete picture from records, sometimes. From my experience of the way in which the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Act was administered during the past 12 months I say deliberately that there is only one case which would have had a chance of success, if it had been under examination in 1932, and not under examination in 1926 or 1927. That was the Allihies Copper Mines where failure was due to the fact that the bottom fell out of the market subsequent to the mines coming into production. The price of copper, which was £83 10s. a ton in 1929, fell to £30 a ton in 1931. In each of the other cases I have never been able to satisfy myself why the guarantee was given at all, or given in the particular form in which it was given, and I am certain that nobody who examined all the facts in relation to these cases would decide to give the guarantee, knowing quite well that the probability was the guarantee would have to be made good.

They were all recommended by the Advisory Committee.

I am assuming that is the case, not necessarily the present Advisory Committee, but by an Advisory Committee appointed under the Acts. The responsibility for the decision, however, does not rest with the Advisory Committee, as I pointed out, even where the Advisory Committee makes a recommendation on the information available to it. In the majority of cases the guarantee is not given, and the recommendation of the Advisory Committee in that regard is not accepted.

Will the Minister say if the Advisory Committee was aware of what Deputy Good stated that this information was put before the banks and that they refused?

I am afraid I cannot answer that question. There are only two cases where any arrears of principal and interest payments are due and outstanding at the moment. It is correct to say that in certain cases the original schedule of repayments was modified, or, in some cases, the State agreed to release from its charge some part of the assets to enable the concerns to acquire additional facilities from banking institutions. In all cases except two payments in the agreed manner have been maintained up-to-date and, as I stated, some firms are prospering remarkably in consequence of the assistance given under the Acts. In some cases production has been quadrupled and employment quadrupled. Apart from the two cases I quoted, where there are certain arrears of principal and interest, I do not expect that any of these cases will not in due course discharge their liabilities in full.

Is there any thoroughly successful case in the Minister's mind besides Urney Chocolate?

I would say the majority —Urney Chocolate, Killaloe Slate Quarries, Swiftbrook Paper Mills, Carrick Slate Quarries, and a number of other concerns—are all thoroughly successful cases. There is no reason to anticipate that there will be any default in payment of principal and interest in these cases. There are two cases where there are arrears. In one case the position was created by a fire which disorganised the programme of the concern and postponed the date at which it would earn the profits it anticipated. It is earning profits now, and will be able to do so for a considerable time to come. In the other case there may be some reason to doubt its success. It certainly has not got to the point where we would be justified in exercising our right to take possession of the assets for the purpose of selling them, and reducing our liability in that regard.

Some applications have been granted since I was given responsibility in this matter. There are, in addition, nine cases where a decision to give a guarantee has been arrived at, but legal formalities associated with the giving of a guarantee have yet to be completed. There are five other cases under examination, and likely to be granted, and six cases which have been definitely rejected. There are also three cases under examination and likely to be rejected.

Let us get to the position with regard to the Acts. Our experience has been that the Acts are capable of doing a considerable amount of useful work. We had a rather extraordinary speech from Deputy Good. I am quite sure when he was delivering it he did not see the contradictions in it. He said that the outstanding characteristic of the present position is that there is an abundance of credit, and that any industrial firm that wanted financial facilities could get them, almost for the asking, from the banks. Deputy McGilligan talked of the banks being full of money and looking for someone to lend it to. Deputy Good proceeded to warn us of the dangers that would arise to the State where credit facilities were easily available, and talked of undesirable people coming into industry, being induced to come in by easy credit facilities, disorganising industry in consequence, and to the detriment of those already engaged in industry. The Deputy cannot have it both ways. If credit facilities are easily procurable at the present time, if the banks are, in fact, full of money which they are anxious to lend, we are not worsening the position by the continuation of this Act, or by putting the State guarantee behind certain loan applications. I do not know that the position is as good as has been described. It is true that the banks have shown no reluctance to lend money to people to start shops and to engage in other activities of that kind. I am not quite so sure that they have shown the same anxiety to facilitate persons engaged in industrial concerns here. Certainly I have not seen any evidence of such anxiety where the concerns are new. Existing firms can get credit facilities of a certain kind, but new concerns have to establish themselves, at their own risk, and over a long period, before the ordinary facilities which will be given, probably without question in other countries, are made available here. I am collecting evidence upon that point and, if, as is possible, some further legislative proposals come before the Dáil, we may have something interesting to show.

I do not know if the Minister objects to my interrupting him at this point. I wonder if he is alive to the fact that successful bankers are always enormously influenced by the personal factor, and that they hesitate to give facilities to people that they do not know by experience for a certain period of time. That is what influences certain bankers with regard to new enterprises.

Quite. But that does not explain why existing concerns which have been getting facilities for a number of years should have their facilities reduced now. However, there is no necessity now to go into that particular point because it does not arise under this Bill. We think it desirable, in certain circumstances, where there is a thorough examination of all the conditions by business people and officials of the different Departments of State, that people should be facilitated in getting a loan by putting the State guarantee behind them as an additional security to the lender. Giving the State guarantee makes it possible to get a loan upon better terms than would be otherwise available. Deputy MacDermot referred to the constant complaint about persons who received facilities complaining of the burden imposed upon them by the obligation to pay the loan in the manner fixed and the rate of interest decided upon. I have never been able to understand why our predecessors allowed the position to continue in which persons who were getting loans backed by a State guarantee, should pay rates of interest as high as those complained of. In some cases loans were only made available at 6½ per cent. I think that was a situation that our predecessors cannot congratulate themselves upon. The State's liability in respect of interest on loans recently guaranteed is 2½ per cent. The person who gets the loan may have to pay a higher rate of interest, of course, but the figure that I have given is our liability. If there is default we have only to pay 2½ per cent. which is very different from 6½ per cent. which was the rate of interest on loans previously guaranteed under the Acts.

Is the rate of interest 2½ per cent?

If the Deputy borrows a sum it is guaranteed at the rate of 2½ per cent. He would not get that rate.

Are the loans guaranteed at 2½ per cent?

I said the State liability in respect of these loans is 2½ per cent.

What is the average rate for the loans?

The statement I have made in respect to loans that we have guaranteed is that our liability for interest is 2½ per cent. The rate may fluctuate in the future. I do not say of course that it will not. Undoubtedly the interest now is substantially lower than formerly. That is the reason why we had a much larger number of applications this year than last year. The applications were also influenced by the new industrial position.

The rate of interest fluctuates with the prevailing money rates?

Of course. But I think the State can always contemplate borrowers, whom it guarantees, being able to get money at a rate of interest certainly lower than the Irish banks rate.

Has the Minister come across cases of applicants who have been refused by the banks and who, in the opinion of the Minister or his officials, had a good business proposition to put up?

I could not answer that question straight away. The type of loan that we have been able to guarantee up to the present was not the type of loan that, generally speaking, the banks of this country ordinarily give. I do not want to misrepresent the position in any respect at all. The ordinary position of the banks is that they cannot tie up their funds in long term loans; that is the only type which is guaranteed under this Act.

Not only here but in England and America and all throughout the world the same rule prevails in banks.

The same exists in Great Britain, but there are other institutions that exist in Great Britain that do not exist here.

What prompted my question was the point made by Deputy Good about people, not risking much of their own capital, going into business, and dislocating the old established businesses.

What I want to say, in that connection, is that the change which this Bill effects does not alter our practice in that regard. We have taken it as a general rule that we should not issue a guarantee for a loan greater in amount than half the capital of the new undertaking. In other words we require people, seeking a guarantee, to raise as much as we are raising, that is up to 50 per cent. of the total to be invested. There will be variations arising out of different cases. One type may require a larger investment in fixed assets than in working capital. Another institution may require a very large amount of working capital in reference to fixed assets, but fifty-fifty is our general practice.

I was going to express the hope that 50 per cent. would be the maximum.

It is not the maximum although we have very rarely departed from it. That would still be the rule even though this change in respect to capital is made. The position is we are giving a guarantee on the amount borrowed for the erection of fixed assets. The other party must put up the working capital. There is no reason why that should not be reversed. If the other party had the total amount to expend in the case of fixed assets why should not we guarantee the balance of the capital? That has happened sometimes. People may have bought the machinery, built the buildings, acquired the land and then found that they had under-estimated the case of the total capital required in the under taking. A man may say I want £2,000 or £10,000 or £20,000 additional for the business. Our answer to him must be this: "If you came to us before you paid for your machinery we could give a State guarantee that would enable you to get that money but as you bought it first we cannot help you." That is obviously an anomalous position. In such a case, in future, we will be able to give a State guarantee when we think it desirable, but we would not as a general rule contemplate any variation of the fifty-fifty arrangement that operated before.

In a case like that if the applicant wanted £20,000 more he would have to find £10,000.

If £40,000 represented the total capital we would give a guarantee of £20,000 on the condition that the applicant put up the other £20,000.

May I ask the Minister if his Department carries out any investigation or keeps an eye on the working of those industries to which he referred where there is fifty-fifty invested with private capital?

All these concerns are required to furnish yearly accounts to the Department. In the ordinary way we would not interfere so long as things were going well and payments of interest were made as they arise.

As to the technical side of it——

If in certain cases we found that things were likely to go wrong we might put a Government director on the board of the concern so as to try and safeguard our position. Occasionally there has been a Government director on the board from the beginning, but, although some people think otherwise, that is not a desirable practice.

You would not think so?

I am quite certain it is not. It is much better to leave the responsibility for the success of the enterprise upon those who are actually running it. Deputy McGilligan spoke at some length upon the significance to be placed on the fact that the original Trade Loans Acts were not availed of to the extent which he anticipated in 1924. Under the original Act a million pounds could have been guaranteed, and over a period of seven years only £340,000 was, in fact, guaranteed. He asked questions; he said, "Is there a field for investment here? Is it that there is a lack of confidence in the industrial possibilities of this State?" I do not think it is either one or the other. I think the fact that people have been reluctant about investing capital in Irish industry has been largely due to the absence of any easy means of doing so.

Hear, hear!

I was struck by the fact that in last year, following the conversion of the British War Loan, I received a very large number of letters from people throughout the country who had found themselves with money in their hands to be invested, asking me to recommend industrial concerns here in which they could invest it. I was not prepared to make a recommendation to them, naturally enough, because it would mean taking certain risks——

Wise man!

——and leaving oneself open to criticism if the investments were not a success. At the same time I was aware of a number of industrial concerns that wanted new capital invested; others that were not prepared to seek accommodation under the Trade Loans Act or could not get accommodation by any other means, which, because of their nature, wanted additional capital to come in in the form of invested capital left in the business to be remunerated only on the proportion of capital. There is at the moment no machinery existing to bring the two classes together. Such machinery might be established by private enterprise. It has been established in England. If it is not established by private enterprise certain steps, official or semi-official, to bring such an organisation into existence may have to be taken. That is a matter which is under examination at the moment.

Would not that make the Bill quite unnecessary?

No. In addition to the type of concern that wants accommodation by way of invested capital there are other concerns that would prefer to get accommodation in this way. I can give as an obvious example a business which is owned by an individual or a private company. They do not want to share the ownership with anybody else. It has been associated with a particular family over a number of years, and they prefer to keep the ownership in their own hands. They want to extend, and they want to get the finance which will enable them to extend. They can get it under this Bill. They would not be willing to accept it in the form of invested capital. You will come across both cases, and both types of facilities must ultimately be made available.

I suggest to the Minister that such a concern, if it was prepared to give the necessary publicity to its business, its figures and so forth, could get capital in the form of debentures without involving any loss of control at all.

Quite. What we propose is, in certain cases, to enable them to get money at a cheaper rate or with greater facility, by putting the State guarantee behind the debenture.

The Railways Bill is a very bad advertisement for the investment of money in debentures in this country.

That is your gratitude!

We will see how that works out. On the various points that have been raised on the Bill itself I want to say that I think the Bill should operate for five years. At the present time the Trade Loans Act is continued from year to year, and each year it was announced that it would end next year. That was a most unsatisfactory position. Applications were rushed at one period of the year. If the applicants found that the examination of their case was taking longer than it should they began to get impatient, and pointed to the fact that the Bill was going to expire on a particular date. Sometimes decisions might have been made with undue haste, or sometimes applications might have been withdrawn because there appeared no prospect of getting them through in time. They were renewed when the Bill was renewed by the continuing measure. Either we intend the Bill to operate for five years or we do not. If we intend it to operate for five years there is no reason for having to introduce a separate Bill each year to secure its continuation. I think there is ample opportunity available for Deputies to discuss any matters that may arise under it. It certainly could be discussed on the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce; it could be discussed on any of the Finance Bills, or on a special motion. If there appears to be a strong opinion that some other definite opportunity for discussion should be created we could consider the idea of having a separate Estimate——

If I might interrupt the Minister, raising a question on the Estimates is, in my experience, not satisfactory. There is no obligation on the Minister to reply, and in many cases where questions are put that particular undesirable side is availed of.

I do not think that that is likely to be the case, if it is merely a discussion that is wanted. If it is an opportunity for preventing the Bill continuing that is desired they can always introduce, as a Private Members' Bill, an Act to discontinue it.

Will the Minister take that course of making a separate Estimate?

I would not like to answer that straight away. There may be difficulties in that connection, and the Department of Finance would have to be consulted because they are responsible for the preparation of Estimates in the last resort.

The Minister will look into that?

Certainly. As I have said, however, I think that there are ample facilities available for discussion on matters of that kind. Ordinarily speaking, discussion would not arise except some guarantee had to be made good or circumstances were known to exist which made it likely that a guarantee would have to be made good. On the other question which was raised here as to the wisdom of extending the Bill so as to enable loans for working capital to be given, I think we may as well say it, the sole reason why the limitation appeared in the 1924 Act was because a similar limitation appeared in the British Act of that year. There was a very definite reason for inserting that limitation in the British Act. At the time, the British policy was one of deflation. When the Act was introduced without that limitation quite a number of people stated that it was devised to enable the Government to give effect to a policy of inflation.

In 1924?

Certain people stated that they feared that the British Government would use its power to guarantee loans under the Trade Facilities Act introduced in the British Parliament for the purpose either of checking deflation or assisting a policy of inflation. Circumstances have entirely changed since then. Whatever may have been the merits of the arguments used in the British Parliament in 1924, at the present time the general opinion of everybody who has given voice to views on world conditions appears to be that the fall in prices has certainly gone far enough, and that the aim of Governments and economists must be to secure an all-round rise in prices; so that even if the power to guarantee loans were deliberately used for the purpose of conducting an inflation policy in Great Britain, it would not be regarded as bad in these days. Certainly it does not arise here. To carry out a policy of inflation we would have to inflate not merely the currency of the Free State but the currency of Great Britain as well. We would have to guarantee very much more, certainly much more than £1,000,000, before we could have effected any appreciable result on British currency. The circumstances are such however that it is well to get rid of that limitation because there are obvious cases, such as those I have mentioned already, where it might be considered desirable that a guarantee should be given.

Deputy Good is somewhat perturbed over Section 5. What is the position under Section 5? I said that Section 5 would be probably inoperative but in theory the position exists that a person might get a guarantee for a loan from the State and yet actually not get the cash. If a bank says: "It is not our function to make long term advances whether they are guaranteed by the State or not" and if there is no financial organisation in the State prepared to make these long-term advances, then the Deputy can see quite well that even though the State is prepared to guarantee the loan, and even though the scheme for which the loan is being guaranteed is the soundest possible, the applicant might have nevertheless to do without the money. If such circumstances should arise there must be power to make an advance instead of giving a guarantee. At the present time there is no reason to anticipate that that section will have to be used. The Standing Committee of the Banks has stated the willingness of the members to take up, generally speaking, any loan that is guaranteed by the State under these Trade Loans Facilities Acts.

Would the Minister then have any objection to the elimination of the section?

I have said the section should exist. It was a flaw in the original Act. The recommendation to insert such a section was made by an Inter-Departmental Committee which has been examining the matter and I see no reason why we should disagree with the recommendation even though the power is only required in theory. It should be there, having regard to the fact that the Act is one only for five years. So far as the liability of the State is concerned there is no difference. Wherever the Minister for Industry and Commerce can guarantee, under Section 1 of the Principal Act, a loan, he can also make an advance instead and where he can guarantee, Section 1 brings in the Advisory Committee, brings in the sanction of the Minister for Finance, brings in all the checks that have been in operation up to the present, the criticism of which has been that they are too severe. Even Deputy McGilligan is prepared to admit now that the number of checks, safeguards and restrictions upon the power given to the Minister under the Act are too severe and have led to delay and very frequently the failure of the industries that were applying for assistance and had to wait too long to get it. Wherever the Minister can give a guarantee, after having had the recommendation of the Advisory Committee and after having got the sanction of the Minister for Finance, then instead of giving a guarantee he can give a loan, but the liability as far as the State is concerned is just the same. If the firm concerned fails, if it is unable to pay the principal or the interest as repayment becomes due the State has got to make good the difference and whether it loses in consequence of the failure of the borrower to repay the money lent to him by the State or in consequence of the necessity of having to repay the amount of the loan which the borrower had received from some outside organisation, it makes no difference. The loss to the Exchequer is quite the same.

Section 6 is designed to ensure that the fullest possible information, all the information that heretofore had to be given in respect to loans guaranteed under the Principal Act, will also have to be given in respect of loans guaranteed or advanced under this Bill. It merely carries into the new Act the same obligation for the fullest possible publicity. These were the main matters dealt with.

There is one question which I should like to ask the Minister. It is with regard to the amount of money made available, this £1,000,000. Is that entirely new money or has some of it been guaranteed already?

The amount advanced upon guarantee under the original Act was £340,000. Now we are putting up the limit by £1,000,000, so that the total that may be guaranteed, without amendment of the Act, is £1,340,000 by the end of the five years. I have stated that it may be necessary, assuming that we give a large number of guarantees or guarantees for particularly large amounts within five years, to amend the Act by deleting £1,000,000 and substituting another figure, as is done from time to time in Housing Acts but ordinarily speaking, assuming everything remains normal, £1,000,000 should be the maximum amount we will be called upon to guarantee within five years. In legislation of this kind where a maximum is stated, once you get to the maximum you can bring in amending legislation but I do not think that will arise here having regard to our experience of the other Act under which only one-third of the maximum was guaranteed in seven years.

Has the Minister any normal period in his mind as to the length of the loans?

At present they are in or about twelve years. There is nothing in the Act which prevents us guaranteeing a loan, say, for 40 years. That has been done in the case of loans secured by harbour authorities where they were able to get money for that term but the attitude of the people who are lending money on State guarantee at present is that they do not want to lend money for longer periods than twelve or fourteen years. The normal period is twelve years but we could guarantee it for twenty years. There is nothing to prevent us guaranteeing it for twenty years if anybody can get a loan for that term, but I do not think that is possible unless the loan is secured from some organisation like the Industrial Trust Company.

The normal period is not shorter?

That disposes of any suggestion that this Bill is necessary owing to the failure of the banks to provide money.

The position is that the guarantee has been increased by £340,000?

That may be said. The maximum amount that may be guaranteed in five years has been increased by that amount. We merely take £1,000,000 because it is a round figure.

I should like to ask the Minister does he consider that a loan to a harbour authority is really a loan that ought to come under this kind of Bill. This is a Bill for quite a different purpose.

I question whether harbour authorities should be given loans of this sort.

I am inclined to agree with the Deputy. I think that a harbour authority which is proposing to raise money by loan should be able to get money on terms without the assistance of a guarantee. If it cannot, there must be something wrong with the purpose for which it requires the money.

This debate has been all about big money. I have not been the Bill and I do not intend to read it. In fact I have not read any Bill since I came into this House. It is all big money that has been spoken of here and consequently I would like to know whether under this Bill a craftsman of ability and ambition, if he wishes to go out on his own, will be facilitated. Would the journeyman tailor, the journeyman electrician, the ordinary carpenter or the ordinary man who has to put out his hand on Friday night or on Saturday for his week's wages, if he wishes to strike out on his own, be facilitated under the Bill?

Loans may be granted under this Bill for a manufacturing undertaking, that is, an undertaking the principal object of which is the manufacture or production of goods or articles for sale but we fix a minimum figure of £500. No loan for any amount less than £500 will be granted. The reason for that is that the expenses associated with the giving of a guarantee are relatively increased as the size of the loan sought diminishes and below £500 it would be, I think, undesirable for anybody to get a guarantee, having regard to the expense of getting it which would, in fact, mean that the rate of interest charged would be exorbitant.

Mr. Kelly

Would the Minister consider the reduction of the figure to £250?

I do not think so. My feeling is that it would not pay anybody to get a loan of £250 having regard to the expense he would have to incur in getting it.

With regard to this Section 5, the Minister said, quite rightly, I think, that any such advance was subject to the qualifications specified in Section 1, but it occurred to me as peculiar that the sanction of the Minister for Finance is repeated whereas the other qualifications are not repeated.

What it says there is "wherever the Minister...could guarantee a loan." The Deputy has got to consider everything happening which gets the application to that point —the application being made, being referred to the Advisory Committee, being recommended by the Advisory Committee, the recommendation being accepted by the Minister for Industry and Commerce and being approved by the Minister for Finance. It, then, reaches a point at which the Minister may give a guarantee. If, at that stage, he decides, instead of giving a guarantee, to make an advance, he has to go to the Minister for Finance for sanction.

That was just the point I was raising. There is no difference whatever, as the Minister said himself, in the liability the State undertakes. Why should it be necessary to approach the Minister for Finance again? He has had to approach him to get his sanction for dealing with the application——

He has the money and an advance could not be made unless his sanction was got.

That brings me to another question. Where is the money to come from? Is it from the Contingency Fund?

From the Central Fund.

It could not be provided by an Estimate?

No. It would come from the Central Fund. One reason why we can assure Deputies that Section 5 is not likely to be availed of is that, at present, we could not borrow and lend money at rates as favourable as persons can get money on the State guarantee under these Acts at present.

Is it discretionary with the Minister for Industry and Commerce to say, at that final stage, whether the State will guarantee a loan or give a loan?

Yes; it is in his discretion, subject to the sanction of the Minister for Finance.

By what machinery would they give the loans?

By making an advance. Under the original Act, there was power to make an advance, but, in that case, there was another condition, namely, that the giving of the loan was likely to effect a reduction in the cost of living. The introduction of that phrase also gives a picture of the idea that then operated, namely, that the cost of living should be brought down as a result of the operation of this scheme.

Did I understand the Minister to say that, in a guarantee, the State's liability would be 2½ per cent?

Yes, that is our liability in respect of any guarantees we have given to date.

Will that hold in future?

That will depend on charges and interest rates.

It will be discretionary with the Minister to say whether the State will give a loan or a guarantee. Did I understand the Minister to say, also, that there is no material difference between a guarantee and a loan, so far as the State's liability is concerned?

Am I to assume from that that the State can loan money at 2½ per cent?

If it loans money at 4 per cent., say, is the State's liability not 1½ per cent. greater than if it guaranteed it?

That is so, I suppose.

Question—"That the Bill be read a Second Time"—put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, May 11th.
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