Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 29 May 1934

Vol. 52 No. 15

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 57—Industry and Commerce.

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £186,003 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1935, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Tionnscail agus Tráchtála, maraon le Coiste Comhairlitheach na Rátaí, agus Deontas-i-gCabhair.
That a sum not exceeding £186,003 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1935, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, including the Rates Advisory Committee, and a Grant-in-Aid.—(Minister for Industry and Commerce.) Debate resumed on motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(General Mulcahy.)

Mr. Brodrick

I should like to know from the Minister when the slate quarries in this country will be able to produce sufficient slates to meet the demand. I do not see that there has been any great improvement in the production of slates here. There seems to be plenty of room for improvement in the matter of production and, as far as I can see, there has not been any great improvement judging from the number of roofs that we see covered with cement tiles. I do not know what the value of these tiles may be for roofing purposes as they have not been tested over a sufficiently long period, but I do say that you would have much better and much cheaper houses if slates were allowed to be imported until we are in a position to produce a sufficient quantity to meet the demand. Irish industry is not helped very much by the making of concrete tiles. In the first place, the machines for the making of the tiles are imported and, in the second place, the cement used is either British or Belgian. The only Irish article used is sand and the work is done by juvenile labour, which the Labour Party talked so much about a few days ago. In addition to that, the weight of the roofs is very much increased by the use of cement tiles. A tiled roof is about two and a half times the weight of an ordinary slate roof. Then the framework has to be provided to carry that extra weight and the timber for that is also imported. The only benefit derived is from the use of the Irish sand required and the employment of juvenile labour. Everything else is imported. The people who erect the houses have to bear the extra cost. I believe myself that the cement tile roofs are not nearly as good as the slate roofs. I would, therefore, ask the Minister to take serious notice of the matter.

There is also another grievance down the country in connection with this matter. A large number of houses are being built with the aid of Government grants from the Local Government Department, the Gaeltacht Housing Department, the Land Commission and the Board of Works. In several districts the building of these houses has been held up for want of Irish slates. Many of them have been lying for months and months without roofs. In some of them the framework has had to be renewed because it was left so long without being covered. It is most unfair that that condition of things should be allowed to continue. Many poor people who are building houses under these grants and who have spent a fair amount of money on them cannot get the final certificate until the houses are complete. No one is responsible for that except the Government, as the building work is held up owing to the fact that Irish slates must be used and cannot be procured. Then you have the other side of it. If you are a supporter of the Fianna Fáil policy you will get a permit to import British slates, but if you are not a supporter you will not get it. I know that for a fact.

There is also another matter to which I should like to call attention. A large amount of money is being provided here for mineral exploration. I should like the Minister to inquire into the possibility of reviving an old industry in County Galway which existed up to 20 years ago, namely, the brick industry. When the industry was in existence the bricks were made by hand. In some buildings erected 50 or 60 years ago with these hand-made bricks the bricks are as good to-day as the day they were put into the buildings. I learn that there is plenty of clay in the district for the making of the bricks. Fianna Fáil Deputies from the county know that there are quite a number of very small landholders in that district. The average valuation would not be more than £3 or £4. There is also good clay in the district for the making of the bricks. I should like if the Minister would inquire into the matter, as bricks were made in that district up to 20 years ago.

I should also like to know from the Minister what help is being given to the marble quarries in Connemara. We know that years ago big orders were received by these quarries for marble for building purposes. Some of them were carried out and some more were not carried out because the capital was not sufficient. I should like if the Minister would see what can be done to develop those quarries. There is plenty of marble there which is apparently very valuable. Marble from these quarries has been used in the building of churches and other large buildings. If the Minister could give some help to develop these quarries it would certainly give great employment in the area as there is plenty of marble there. I should also like to refer to the question of the labour exchanges.

That is a matter which could be raised more properly on another Estimate.

All the Minister's Estimates are not being taken on this Vote. The Estimates for Unemployment Insurance and Unemployment Assistance are to be taken separately.

Mr. Brodrick

Dealing with the matter of employment in the beet factories, the President, when he was in Tuam some months ago when the first sod was turned for the beet factory there, stated that an Irish colony would be set up in connection with the factory. He stated that provision would be made for the employment of a hundred Irish speakers in connection with the factory and that proper housing accommodation would be provided for them. He said that by having Irish speakers employed there the language would go forward. There has not been a word since about Irish speakers or the Irish language in connection with the beet factory in Tuam. The work there has been proceeding since last January and there has not been even an open shed erected for the accommodation of Irish speakers.

I should like to know whether the President intends to keep his promise or whether that other organisation, the Gaelic League, will be content to sit down and look on at things like that. For the benefit of the Labour Party I might also say that there are 300 men now working there under conditions which should call for inquiry. We had Deputy Norton complaining recently of the conditions under which juvenile labour is carried on in factories here. The Deputy has a Labour representative down near the Tuam factory and it would be no harm if he paid a visit there to see the conditions under which the labourers work. Ever since last January these men have no means provided for preparing their meals. They are asked to work there eight or nine hours a day and they have to provide their own lunch. After cycling ten or 12 miles to work, the only accommodation provided for them is to sit down on the roadside to eat their lunch. On the other hand, if we take the case of the men who came from Belgium, first-class provision has been made for them.

I want to point out that I have no responsibility for the conditions to which the Deputy refers.

It would more properly arise under the Vote for Agriculture.

He is criticising the activities of a private concern.

Mr. Brodrick

When the President did make the statement in Tuam that he would have an Irish-speaking colony there, I at once took it for granted that he assumed responsibility for the factory, and then I expected that the Minister who would deal with the employment end of it would be the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Even though the Minister for Industry and Commerce may say that it does not come under his jurisdiction, I expected that Deputy Norton might take some notice of conditions there through his representative in Tuam. We shall pass on to the peat industry.

As regards the Minister's point that this is not relevant, is it not the situation that the Government claim credit for anything good that private firms may do and that they accept no responsibility for anything that may be considered undesirable in private firms' activities?

I think at the present time what we are discussing is the manner in which the Minister for Industry and Commerce carries out his statutory obligations.

Mr. Brodrick

If the same conditions existed two or three years ago, in any work started by the Government, we should never be finished hearing the howls of the Labour Party in this House. When we come to the peat industry, I should like to know from the Minister in what areas are the schemes being carried out, the acreage of bog that is about to be put in use and the amount to be expended in each area. I should also like to know how the appointments of gangers and engineers are made and what Board works the scheme. I have had several complaints, from the district of Ballymoe, in County Galway, as to the manner in which labour is being dealt with. I have had four or five communications recently stating that people who belonged to the Fine Gael or Blue Shirt movement, as it is called, will not get employment there.

Not from me.

Mr. Brodrick

Your gangers will not give them employment.

I do not appoint the gangers.

Mr. Brodrick

Who does then? Is it the Fianna Fáil Party who, as usual, appoint the gangers?

They are not paid for out of this Estimate.

Mr. Brodrick

What Department deals with it? Is it Deputy Norton? Whoever is responsible, my complaint is that people who are members of the Fine Gael organisation or of the League of Youth in Ballymoe district are not given employment on the bogs that are being opened up and used by the Government there. If it is known that a man belongs to Fine Gael he is told to go home. I can give the names of men with four and five in family, who were sent home because they were members of Fine Gael or the League of Youth. I shall just refer to one case with particulars of which I have been supplied. This is the case of a man, a Blueshirt, with a wife and four children, the eldest of whom is seven years old. He resides in Farm, Ballymoe. This man was working on relief work on a bog road through his own land. He had been working for two days on the scheme when he was taken by the ganger, Quinn, to a man in the district, Ryan, a prominent Fianna Fáil leader, who brought him before Mr. Quinn, N.T., Ballymoe. The national teacher asked him if he was a Blueshirt, and on being informed that he was, the national teacher told him that he could not get any further work until he wrote and signed a letter denouncing the League of Youth and stating that he would cease to be a member of the League of Youth and would join the turf scheme.

Has the Minister sufficient information as to who is entitled to employment down there? I should like to know if the Minister agrees that it is the duty of a school teacher to act as a ganger on a scheme like that. While things like that are happening, we have the Attorney-General telling us to moderate our language when we attend meetings. Here we have an instance where the school teacher, who should have something more important to do than worrying about the turf scheme, is responsible for a condition of affairs in which members of Fine Gael are refused work. I hope the Minister will look into these matters and consider the position under which gangers are appointed. I should like to know whether the men who appoint gangers appoint them because their sole qualification is that they are Fianna Fáil leaders in the district. I should like the Minister to be clear on the matter and to state once and for all that if a man is a member of the Fine Gael or Blue Shirt organisation he will not get work on the various public works in the country. It would be more honest to state the position quite plainly. We shall then know where we are and what to do. The position at present is that the Minister gets up in this House and states that everybody in need of employment will get it but, here, you have gentlemen going around the country who refuse employment to anybody connected with the Opposition Party. I have given only one instance of it, but we have the same thing happening in several places.

I have no objection to the Deputy raising this matter on my Estimate if he undertakes not to raise it again in its proper place.

Mr. Brodrick

I do not want to raise it again, but I certainly will raise it if it is not attended to.

Neither the ganger, the school teacher, nor the owner of the bog are being paid for out of this Estimate.

Mr. Brodrick

I hope whatever Estimate they are being paid out of the matter will be attended to.

I appreciate Deputy Brodrick's sense of righteousness in this matter of employment. I appreciate it at its true value, but I am sorry that it was dormant for about ten years. I am also sorry that the state of affairs which he has outlined is not true. It should be true, if the balance is to be corrected, because for ten years in the part of County Galway which I know, a man who was not a rabid supporter of Cumann na nGaedheal had not a chance of getting the meanest manual labour under the Cumann na nGaedheal régime. I could cite a note out of this year's appropriation accounts in the report from the Comptroller and Auditor-General, regarding a glaring instance of jobbery. They always picked out the factotum of Cumann na nGaedheal in a particular area, and they placed every conceivable job under his control. Down to the very meanest job they made sure that the man who got it would be a man of the right colour. That was notorious in Connemara. Deputy Brodrick has cited an instance, but I could come along and cite instances where, even since Fianna Fáil came into power, a member of Cumann na nGaedheal got a preference in an appointment as ganger to which he was not entitled. Such appointments have now to go through the ordinary channel, and the men have to be registered in the exchanges. As far as my acquaintance with the routine goes, a case has to be made. I gave a recommendation and it was sent from the labour exchange to the county surveyor, who is the official who has most to do with the appointments. Deputy Brodrick has as much influence in the matter as any member of the Fianna Fáil Party. A good deal of what the Deputy has said is "all moonshine."

Like other Deputies on this side of the House, I looked forward with considerable interest to hearing the statement of the Minister last week, because I thought he would have given us some little assistance to understand what the present industrial position is in this country. We know pretty well what it is, but we wanted to hear what the Minister had to say about it. In his opening remarks he told us that there was an increase in the Estimate under two headings that he specified; increased Government employment in certain Departments, by reason of Government policy, and increased expenditure owing to the administration of the Unemployment Assistance Act. These are the two main lines in which he pointed out increased expenditure, so that apparently the principal industry the Minister has set up since he took up office has been the creation of new Government jobs. One had hoped that some explanation might be forthcoming as to what is being done to counteract the position shown in the last issue of Trades Statistics from the Minister's Department. The last issue appeared recently, for the month of March last. We find from that, to take a general figure, which points a moral to all, that the fall in the total trade of this country in two years, since this Government took office, has been from £85,000,000 to £56,000,000. I observe that the Minister is taking an interest in this matter, so I will refer him to the actual figures. The total trade for the year 1931 was £85,737,608, and for 1933, £56,533,257. That represents a fall in actual trade during that period of more than one-third of the total trade.

After being told by the Minister's Party, and by his supporters on many occasions recently, that the main cause of the fall in our agricultural exports was due to the fact that the British people were too poor to buy them, we see by statistics published in to-day's newspaper that there is a constant and steady decrease in unemployment in Great Britain. I had hoped that the Minister would have given some particulars as to the employment he had created. Everybody, even the children in the streets, knows the actual figures as to the number of people who were to be put into new employment by reason of the policy of that Party when they got into office—84,601. The Minister told us in his statement last week that, owing to the new policy of the Government and the efforts they have made to create employment, 20,000 people have been put into employment during that period—not 84,000. But he conveniently omitted to tell us how many people had been put out of employment during the same period. As we know, he found about 30,000 odd people unemployed when he came into office, and he told us, in that plausible manner at which he is so good, a year afterwards, that these figures were all wrong, because the people knew that they had no chance of getting employment from the previous Government and had not taken the trouble to register. Apparently, they took the trouble to register when the new sun dawned, because the unemployment figures increased, and in the second year of a Fianna Fáil Government they had more than doubled what they were when they took office, so that that slackness on the part of people looking for work was evidently cured after two years. At the end of second year of this Government we find the figure averaging about 100,000 unemployed.

Of course, that is taking no account at all of the enormous number of people in agricultural pursuits who have been put out of employment by the policy of this Government during that period. If 20,000 people were put into new employment, we have an increase of 70,000 who have gone out, an increase which no one can estimate, of people who do not register for employment, of numbers of people on the land who have been put out of employment. We have no account either of the diminution in wages received by the working people on the land during that period. I am referring to people who have not yet lost their employment on the land, but whose wages have been reduced, owing to conditions brought about by the Minister and his Government. I am glad to see that the Labour Deputies are amused. It was pointed out by Deputy Belton last week that the Labour Party in this House does not represent the industrial workers of this country at all. Not a single one of them represents an industrial constituency.

Is that so.?

Mr. Rice

No. The Deputy who interrupts represents the County of Wexford.

How many voters are there in Wexford town?

Mr. Rice

I know that the Deputy is very popular in Wexford.

I do not want to hear about popularity. Tell us how many voters there are in Wexford town.

Mr. Rice

The Deputy draws support from all sections of the people. I repeat that neither Deputy Corish nor any of the other Deputies on the Labour Benches represents an industrial constituency. If they think that an industrial constituency would elect them, why not try Dublin.

Why should we when we can be elected outside Dublin.

Mr. Rice

There are enormous numbers of working people who could elect several Deputies in the South City, which the Minister represents, or in the North City. For some reasons they do not do so. Perhaps it is because they prefer a Party to represent them which would look after their bread and butter——

When out of office.

Mr. Rice

——instead of following the policy of Fianna Fáil.

Mr. Hogan

The new housing schemes.

Mr. Rice

Deputy Norton, the Leader of the Labour Party, last week, at all events, while he is prepared to act the part of Sancho Panza to the President in political diatribes, is not prepared to mount his humble animal and to follow the Minister for Industry and Commerce, because he indulged in what might be called a bitter attack on the policy of the Minister. I have not got a copy of the Official Debates yet, but I have an accurate report of some things the Deputy said. He told us last week that at present almost anything anywhere could be a factory. A factory could be started, he said, in a kitchen, 15 feet under ground; it could be in a loft; it could be in a back-yard. It did not matter whether the rain came in from four sides, whether there was no ventilation at all or no heat—under the present Act anything could be a factory. He went on to say that if they were going to have 300 or 400 factories, and more, then at this stage he thought an effort should be made to introduce factory and workshop legislation before vested interests were established. The Deputy was referring to the furniture trade at the time. He said that many old firms in the city were employing mostly male adult labour at trade union rates, and these old firms were being undermined in the open market by certain people that came from places like Whitechapel, started in back lanes with a few young people, sticking together pieces of wood, daubing them over with something they called varnish, and that was what they then put on the market in competition with the old firms.

He emphasised that in the furniture industry a collection of sweat shops have grown up, employing young children at low wages. The Minister interrupted him and said that that was done with the connivance of the trade unions. Deputy Norton denied that, and I think the House will accept Deputy Norton's denial of that statement. Something like 20,000 people— a rough estimate, as the Minister was careful to tell us, was made—have been put into new employment since the Fianna Fáil Government came into office. Does that number, I wonder, comprise all the children who are being sweated in the under-ground factories? Probably it does. There are Deputies on this side of the House who have been visited by unfortunate people who are getting 6/- or 7/- a week in these factories, but who make it a point that it is not to be mentioned in the House, that they are not to be identified, because they will be thrown out of that miserable employment if they are known to have been complaining. These are the new industrial conditions that the Minister has produced for us.

Does the Deputy explain to his callers that the law on that matter is precisely as the Cumann na nGaedheal Government left it?

Mr. Rice

It is not necessary to talk about what the Cumann na nGaedheal Government did. There is one thing, however, of which I am perfectly certain. Those conditions did not exist under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government and would not have been tolerated under that Government.

What power had they to remove them?

Mr. Rice

If these evils had been in existence they would have been very quickly dealt with. The Minister, according to Deputy Norton, was informed of these facts long ago, and yet he has taken no steps to put an end to these terrible conditions. Last week Deputy Norton said—and let the Minister contradict it if he is able—that he brought these facts under the Minister's notice a considerable time ago, but nothing has been done to remedy these evil conditions. The people who complain to us make it a condition that their cases will not be mentioned, because if they were mentioned they would probably lose even that wretched employment. We have foreign employers coming here and sweating the children of this State.

Mr. Rice

In Dublin.

You ought to name them.

Mr. Rice

I will see that full particulars will be sent to the Minister if he gives an undertaking that they will not be disclosed.

Why should they not be disclosed?

Mr. Rice

Because these unfortunate people will lose their employment.

Name the firms. Why are you shielding them?

Mr. Rice

Will the Minister consider the information placed at his disposal by Deputy Norton?

Deputy Norton gave no particulars.

Mr. Rice

Deputy Norton said he had furnished the Minister with all the particulars.

He has not.

Mr. Rice

It is a thing that is well known to everybody, and it is incredible to me that the Minister is not perfectly aware of the facts.

Why not name the firms?

Mr. Rice

Has the Minister taken the trouble to send one of his inspectors to see one of these so-called packing factories?

Where are they? Why not name them?

Mr. Rice

They are in Dublin.

Give the names of the firms. That is what we all want to hear.

Mr. Rice

The Minister will get abundant material for inspection if he wants it, but I do not think he does.

Why are you shielding them?

Mr. Rice

Deputy Norton gave you full particulars.

Not in the Dáil.

Mr. Rice

Does the Minister say there is no foundation for the statement made here last week by Deputy Norton? Is that the attitude of the Minister? I read certain information out to him a minute ago about under-ground factories, miserable wages and working hours from 48 to 60 per week for people getting only a few shillings. Does the Minister say that Deputy Norton invented these things?

I say some of these things, if they exist, are against the law and, if the Deputy has information indicating that anyone is breaking the law, it is his duty to reveal it.

Mr. Rice

Is it not the duty of the Government to put an end to these conditions?

We do not know where these places are.

Mr. Rice

The Minister appears to be very innocent about them. Perhaps if the Minister would speed up the work of producing the industrial directory that he promised long ago, he would find out very easily where these places exist. Deputy Mulcahy pointed out last week that for 15 months the Minister has been promising an industrial directory, but we have not got it yet. I do not think we are likely to get it either. If ever we do get it, it will probably not contain the part of Hamlet; perhaps it will not disclose these ugly and unpleasant facts that were spoken about by Deputy Norton. It is an amazing attitude for a Minister to take up, a Minister who is responsible for trade and industry, for the proper control of factories and for seeing that the laws are observed as to the conditions under which people are employed, to say to us: "Give me some particulars as to where these places are." The Minister knows perfectly well where these places are. He has 11 inspectors going round, and it is quite incredible to me and, I am sure, to every member of the House who does not want to close his eyes to facts, that the Minister is not aware of conditions which the ordinary man in the street in Dublin knows all about.

Getting away from these unpleasant subjects, the Minister said last week that his Government were exploring the possibilities of opening trade with other countries and he said the prospects were by no means pessimistic with regard to certain lines of goods. I congratulate the Minister on being able to manufacture a pleasant euphemism. The prospects, he said, were by no means pessimistic. I would rather take the word of the President —and he did not contradict it—when he told us that the prospects of getting these foreign markets were—I cannot remember the phrase he used— not so bright; that they were, in fact, non-existent. That was the substance of his statement. Of course, the Minister has spread a smoke cloud around all his activities since he took up office. He tells us, with a considerable amount of rhodomontade, of the enormous improvement in the conditions of this country. But the people who live in the country have a very different story to tell. It is no good telling the House that conditions are improving when you have starting you in the face the figures I have read out already as to the alarming decline in the trade of the country in the two completed years since the present Government took office.

We were told by the Minister a considerable time ago, last September, in fact, about the number of industries established. He said the job of the Government had been completed. If that is so, one can only say "God help this country and its future," because looking at these figures, anybody who has any regard for the future of the country can feel nothing but utter despair as to where the country is heading. Deputy Davin, last week, complained about a matter raised by Deputy Brodrick here to-day, as to the condition of unemployment in the country, and the system of preference being given to the supporters of one political party. One would hope, in all decency, that no distinction as regards the expenditure of public money would be made as to persons belonging to different political parties.

I am perfectly well aware that when the Cumann na nGaedheal Government was in office complaints were made by people in the country, that the supporters of that Government did not get their fair share of the work because there was more patronage given to supporters of Fianna Fáil than to supporters of Cumann na nGaedheal. The truth of the matter, of course, was that no distinction was made, because they did not adopt the view of people behind the present Minister who state that the picture painted by Deputy Brodrick was as it should be, that is, that no work should be given to anybody except supporters of Fianna Fáil. The Deputy who said that is an honest Deputy, because he told us plainly what is the policy of the Government. Deputy Davin complained last week about this unfair preference being given to Fianna Fáil supporters. Even Labour has to complain of this. But Labour is in a better position than our people are, because, if there is no Fianna Fáil candidate for the job Labour will get it, but the supporters of the Fine Gael Party are excluded every time. I should like to know whether the Minister has made any inquiry about this matter. Has he received any complaint with regard to the subsidised work at Thurles, to the effect that not a single person who is not a supporter of Fianna Fáil is given any employment on this State subsidised work.

What is State subsidised work?

Mr. Rice

Work getting a State subsidy; it is State subsidised in the sense that this country has to pay for it. It is State subsidised in the sense that new distilleries will be.

It is not State subsidised in any sense that the State has any control over those employed.

Mr. Rice

It is remarkable that the contractors showed no intention of employing anybody but supporters of the Government.

Because they are the best workers.

Mr. Rice

The Minister will I am sure pardon me for laughing. I have no doubt that when the distilleries are built, from which we are to get industrial alcohol, the same conditions will prevail. But it is a remarkable fact that employers carrying on this kind of work, even when they are supporters of the Opposition, seem, for some occult reason, only able to employ supporters of Fianna Fáil.

I have told the Deputy the reason.

Mr. Rice

Yes, that is the best joke I ever heard the Minister make. In industrial alcohol we will have to pay 2/4 in order to get 4d. worth in return. That is another of the industries that is going to set this country on its feet and to put a limit to the state of affairs set out in unemployment statistics. I hope the Minister, in some of his less busy hours, will take an opportunity of investigating some of the complaints made by Deputy Norton last week. I hope he will investigate the complaints made that half-grown children were employed in Dublin at 6/- and 7/- a week and were kept working under insanitary conditions, some for 48 hours per week and some for more.

Mr. Rice

In Dublin.

Will the Deputy name the firms?

Mr. Rice

The Minister can get the cases supplied to him by Deputy Norton. I expect Deputy Norton to know these cases fully.

The Deputy who has just sat down is a lawyer. He was challenged to give some names and he did not give them. A working man once called upon another, and asked him for a subscription of £1 to bury a lawyer. He answered: "I will willingly give £2 to bury two lawyers." And I would give half a dozen to bury half a dozen lawyers.

Mr. Rice

How much would you give to bury a personator?

Mr. Kelly

We will not bury them yet; they are too useful. I listened patiently to what has been said in this debate. I wanted to hear more about Deputy Norton's oration and the Deputy who has just spoken had a good opportunity of telling us more about it. But Deputy Norton has got great publicity for his speech. The Irish Times set it out in great detail. I brought that speech with me here to-day for the purpose of producing it. The Irish Times has the best report of Deputy Norton's speech because I looked at the other two papers and compared them. It is not only the best report but it is set out, I am almost certain, verbatim. I say that because I was listening to him intently. He started by complaining that the Minister had not, in his earlier statement, about the working of his Department, mentioned anything about social reform in any shape or form. He then went on to say that there was a crying need for factory and workships legislation in the Free State; and continued.

"At present almost anything anywhere could be a factory. A factory could be started in a kitchen fifteen feet underground; it could be in a loft; it could be in a backyard."

I see Deputy Rice is leaving the House. That always occurs; they clear out after they make their speeches. They will find their speeches in the Official Report, and they can produce them to their constituents, and that is all that troubles them. They never remain here to hear what is said in reply. The Irish Times gives Deputy Norton as saying, in regard to the furniture industry:—

"Everybody knew that the position in the furniture business was a scandal in Dublin. Many old firms in the city were employing mostly male adult labour, at trade union rates, and these old firms were being undermined in the open market by certain people that came from places like Whitechapel, started in back lanes with a few young people sticking together pieces of wood, daubing them over with something they called varnish, and that was what they then put on the market in competition with old firms."

"Mr. Mulcahy: And getting the Irish trade mark."

Mr. Norton said

"that the new organisation—the Federation of Irish Manufacturers— between whom and the Minister there was a liaison officer, could without hesitation tell the Minister that in the furniture industry a collection of sweat shops had grown up, employing young children at low wages. They had no use for any industry which could not pay decent wages to their workers in decent conditions, and many of these places were carried on in a manner that would not be tolerated even in Eastern countries.... The Minister knows that is not true and some of the trades unions in his own constituency will tell him so."

Deputy Norton made that remark because the Minister interrupted with a statement "with the connivance of the trade unions" and Deputy Norton went on to say that:—

"Many of them had asked the Minister to investigate the matter, and his own Department is chock full of complaints about places of that kind. These places (continued Mr. Norton) were undermining decent rates of wages and were a menace to well-established firms who pay trade union rates. They knew too that there had been a most cruel and inhuman exploitation of child labour in the City of Dublin. Well-educated girls who could not get employment in clerical work were forced to go into these new factories, many of them employed at diabolically low wages, for 48 and 50 hours a week for a few shillings—it was an absolute scandal.

"Mr. Lemass: Probably against the law. Why does not the Deputy supply the necessary information himself.

"Mr. Norton: I gave the Minister the necessary information in my motion in this House eighteen months ago. The Minister knows perfectly well the abuses that obtain. Let him ask one of his eleven inspectors to investigate the conditions, say, in the packing industry.

"Mr. Lemass: They have been set up under the Trades Boards Act, and if employees are not properly paid their employers are liable to prosecution.

"Mr. Norton: The wages are scandalously low.

"Mr. Lemass: They are the rates that the trades unions agreed to.

"Mr. Norton: No, nothing of the kind. The Chairman of the Trades Board (Councillor T. Kelly) who is here behind me agreed to it. It is the chairman that fixes the rates, not the trade unions because the trades unions only accept the Trades Boards as a desperate remedy for a desperate disease. The Chairman behind me knows that the trades unions, if they could, would not touch the Trades Board with a forty-foot pole."

I will read no more. Evidently I am a bad doctor if I cannot help to cure all these terrible diseases. Naturally, as a representative of the City of Dublin for a long period I was more or less indignant at this statement. I was reminded by Deputy Norton's reference to Eastern countries—it is a long time ago, about, I think, the first year of this century—that in my capacity as a member of the Dublin Corporation I had to direct the City Council's attention to a very serious statement concerning Dublin which was published in the current edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. As that particular work circulates amongst people who count in various countries and in various cities I thought it right to draw the Council's attention to the statement in order that, if possible, some action should be taken to have it rectified. At any rate, the statement referred to the moral condition of Dublin, and said that the conditions there were so intolerable and so wretched that they could only be equalled in the lesser known cities and towns of Asia. That was a dreadful statement to make. Of course, it was not true. These people never care whether their statements are true or not, but at any rate, the City Council could not be held responsible as the control of public morals was then, and still is, in the hands of the police. In subsequent editions of that book these statements were taken out. Here in this Dáil, and only as late as Thursday last, we have had Dublin likened again to Eastern countries. The first thing I did was to communicate with the sanitary Department of the Dublin Corporation. I wrote on Saturday last to the superintendent of the sanitary staff. My letter was to the effect that I wanted to know if the staff could ascertain if factories or workshops were established in basements, in kitchens, in stables, in outhouses, in lofts and other places in the city which would escape the attention or the vigilance of the ordinary factory inspectors, if those places were allowed to exist and to employ people under intolerable conditions. To that I received a reply which I will read. It is from the City Manager. It is a report made by the responsible officers to the City Manager.

Mr. Kelly

The 28th May. Are you satisfied, or would you like to see it? It reads: Re attached communication from Councillor T. Kelly, T.D.:

"We, the undersigned, beg to report that it is obligatory on the sanitary inspectors to keep records of the bakeries, factories, workshops, work-places and out-workers' residences on their districts. Supervision of same is detailed in their duties. Where cleansing is needed, repairs required, the provision of separate, ventilated and sufficient sanitary accommodation or overcrowding has to be regarded, action is taken. Through co-operation with the inspectors of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, and upon their reports, improvements are effected. Cases have arisen where workers have been summarily dismissed through attempted enforcement of the sanitary regulations governing factories and workshops. The sanitary staff duly note work-places in what were basement dwellings, but are no longer used for purposes of human habitation. These apartments are of a character where one or a couple of workers may suitably pursue occupations such as boot repairing, furniture making, etc. It is a fact that industrial developments are ensuing through recent legislation. Various types of employment are being created and premises not originally intended for these avocations are being acquired and hurriedly adapted. These are merely multiplications of workshops, etc., which existed under the former British Government. It is the practice, even where prosecutions have to be instituted, to ensure that there is a compliance with the law. Approximately 2,405 of the premises under review have to be kept under regular observation."

That is to say that 2,405 factories and workshops are constantly under supervision by the sanitary staff.

"The school leaving age is 14 after the end of the school term. Mr. Kelly's communication has been submitted to the chief inspectors in the Ministry and Industry Department for their consideration."

I accidentally met one of the superintendents to-day and I said to him, in connection with the report that I have read, would it be possible for young girls or young boys to be employed in these basements in connection with boot repairing or furniture making? He said: "It is not possible. Wherever we found that so we had it stopped at once, necessitating as it did the dismissal of any young person right away." But they have never discovered any young girls being employed in any capacity in basements, workshops or factories which were unfit for their continuance as work places. Every time they discovered anything of the kind the place had either to be renovated thoroughly or else these young people had to cease working there. That shows that there has been actual and constant supervision of all these places. All the reports made by the sanitary staff are submitted to inspectors who act under the Minister's direction.

Now, I come to further complaints regarding the Trade Boards. I am chairman of seven of them. These embrace aerated waters, brush and broom workers, linen and cotton embroidery, shirt-making, sugar confectionery and food preserving, tailoring and tobacco Trade Boards. You will notice that there is no Trade Board in connection with the furniture trade or the packing trade, about which complaints were made by Deputy Norton. In all these Trade Boards the major question discussed is the question, naturally, of wages. Trade Boards are composed of equal representatives of employers and employees. The employees who are on these Trade Boards are representative of the various trades, and are selected and sent there by their trade unions.

I have never yet found any difficulty or ever heard the smallest possible statement made with regard to any antagonism to these particular members of the Boards. Every case was actually discussed in calmness and peace and all questions at variance or any difficulties that existed were discussed in the right atmosphere. Only on two occasions has it been necessary for me to use my casting vote in connection with the wages paid and on both these occasions I gave my casting vote against any reduction in wages. That was because I do not believe, and I never did believe, that it was a sound economic proposition to reduce wages in any trade. I agree entirely with Deputy Norton that a trade that does not pay decent living wages is no good to any country. That was why on the only two occasions on which I had to exercise my casting vote I gave it against reduction of wages. My vote will always be given, as long as I occupy the position I hold, against any reduction in wages. In one or two instances a good case was made for a reduction in working expenses, when it was shown that trade was not as good as one would wish it to be. Nevertheless, it was pointed out that it was not good economy to reduce the workers' wages. Agreement was reached.

In the furniture trade there is no Trade Board established and neither has there been any Trade Board established in the case of the packing trade. Deputy Norton referred to both of these on Thursday last. Here is a Trade Board minute:

"In the case of one of the trades, the Board unanimously decided to specifically investigate the alleged exploitation of juvenile workers, and, after some disagreement as to the actual measures necessary, eventually agreed regarding the formal proposals to be made to prevent such exploitation."

That note does not apply to Dublin nor to any of the trades connected with Dublin on the Trade Boards. Unfortunately, it applies to one of the trades that is fairly extensive in one of the northern counties.

In the case of another Trade Board:

"The Board unanimously decided, on three successive occasions, to fix the actual rates now in operation."

The next note I have is:

"The workers in each trade concerned (except one, in which only unorganised home workers are employed) are represented on the Trade Board by representatives nominated for that purpose by trades unions concerned."

A further note says:

"Before a minimum rate can be fixed or varied by the Trade Board concerned, the Board must issue to each employer in the trade a notice indicating the rate which the Board propose to fix or the variation which they propose to make in an existing rate. Each employer to whom such notice of proposal, which is printed in poster form, issues, is required under penalty to post the notice up in a prominent position in his factory or workshop so that its contents may be ascertainable by his workers. A period of two months is allowed for lodging objections against the proposals before the Board determines whether the proposed rate shall be fixed or the proposed variation shall be made, and the Board is legally required to consider any objections lodged before arriving at their decision to fix or vary."

A further note says:

"No Trade Board has as yet been established for either the packing trade or the furniture manufacturing trade."

In one trade constant attention is given to the question of juvenile workers. That is especially so in the case of the sugar confectionery and food preserving. In that particular trade very great care is taken that the smallest percentage possible that can be allowed of girl workers is allowed.

I do not think that I need take up any further the time of the House in dealing with this matter. I am sorry that Deputy Norton made the case in such strong language, because I humbly submit such language was not justified by the facts. It is well-known in Dublin that a large number of people are now either actually taking small workshops—we can call them factory shops—and many more are looking for sites for these, because of the anxiety to increase industry here, more especially since the Minister's programme has become thoroughly well-known amongst the people, and that we have to become what we were not in the past, an industrial city.

Dublin up to this was, I might say, the great distributing city for all Ireland. It was the city from which foreign goods were distributed. Commercial travellers and representatives of foreign firms were all over the place. Now, owing to the constructive policy of the present Government, we are beginning to make these goods here and, naturally, the people who are thinking of going into the manufacture of these goods are looking around for any sort of place in the beginning in order to make a start. That sort of thing is to be allowed, but there are no such conditions existing in this city as one would imagine from the statements and the speeches made by Deputies on the Opposition. One Deputy on the Opposition was challenged a half a dozen times by the Minister and by Deputy Donnelly to "name one place," but his reply was "Oh, we have Deputy Norton's statement that he gave the information." But Deputy Norton said he gave that information 18 months ago. Now, the information he gave was, I suppose, acted upon. You may take it from me, as a representative of the Dublin Corporation, that we would not allow that state of affairs to exist for five minutes. You may take it from me that our investigations are exhaustive and that there is not a lane nor alley that has not been examined from time to time. We in the Dublin Corporation do our job well.

If there are scandals in connection with workshops it was just as well that the matter was brought up. We will ask the Minister to make a more exhaustive investigation. He is just the man for the job. I believe wholeheartedly in him. If he does find scandals he will deal with them. I will say nothing more about the Minister—he is able to box his own corner— but I do not like statements being made for which there is no foundation. Perhaps Deputy Norton is not altogether responsible. It was, no doubt, his enthusiasm for his work, and probably people are telling him things that when investigated will be found to have no substance. I know the Deputy was only doing what he believed to be his duty. Nevertheless, he should have moderated his language. I do not believe he should bring me at all into the matter. He did not actually mention my name. He said "he is sitting behind me." That is all he said. But, with the usual political propaganda, the newspapers stuck my name into it and then they said "we will get Fianna Fáil into it. We have them. Here we have reports from Dublin City." Deputy Kelly never said a word that day, he never opened his lips, but his name is in here all right as "the man behind me." I am sorry Deputy Norton is not here to-day. I would not like to say a word about him because I know he is a man who is anxious to do his job. If some of these things were true I should like to see them put down. Deputies here may take it from me that every care and attention will be given in this city to protect child labour from being exploited. Unfortunately, the impoverished condition of our people compels them to send their children out to work at a very tender age, if they can get work at all. One of the difficulties of the Minister's job was referred to by Deputy Good the other day. He asked what was to become of the young people who leave school when they come to 14 years of age. Their employment under sweated conditions is not possible; the Labour Party would denounce that state of affairs. What is to become of these young people? Are they to walk the streets and do nothing? That is all the more reason for enthusiastic support of the Minister's policy for encouraging industry here in every shape and form. So long as this industry is going to pay a decent wage and the conditions are as they should be, I am sure we all wish this policy success.

I have occupied the House now for 25 minutes and I think that that is quite long enough. I hope I have made a case in answer to the statements made in this House. I know that I shall not get the publicity that Deputy Norton got, but the Minister will get it for his reply. If I have not said sufficient or if I have left anything out, I am perfectly sure the Minister will supply the deficiency when replying to his critics. I have done my part in this job anyhow.

We, on this side of the House, may be forgiven for feeling a little perplexed at the exchange of compliments that has been taking place on this Vote between the members of the Fianna Fáil Party and the members of the Labour Party. About the time of the merger, which brought into existence the United Ireland Party, it was triumphantly announced by the Labour leaders that they had arranged to resume the constant conferences with the Government which had been such a happy feature of the early days after Fianna Fáil had come into office. One would naturally have supposed that, if conferences such as these had been going on regularly, matters of complaint like those ventilated in the House a few days ago by Deputy Norton would have been raised, thoroughly examined, and dealt with in private. One cannot help asking, "Why was not that done?"

If the Labour Party is exercising any useful influence at all upon Government policy, ought it not to be in just such directions that it should be exercising it? Or can it be that it only cares about such matters when they enable its leaders to come and play politics in this House? It is an unpleasant suspicion, but it is a suspicion that is natural in the circumstances of the case. Deputy Norton's speech has created a great deal of attention. If the statements in it were true, it deserved to create a great deal of attention. If the statements in it were true, they were matters which should have been impressed upon the Government long before in these numerous conferences and not merely raised—I think this was stated by Deputy Norton—in a speech in this House 18 months ago. They should have been the subject of constant pressure. If there is substance in what Deputy Norton says, the Labour Party are very much to blame for not having exerted themselves more effectually in private in their conferences with the Government with a view to getting the position rectified.

Deputy Kelly remarked that the best report of what took place the other day on this Estimate was contained in the Irish Times. That puts it into my head to observe that it is really very inconvenient, in dealing with an Estimate such as this Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce, that we have not got the official records of the House available to-day to enable us to see what was said on that occasion. In the first place, it is not possible for everybody to be present throughout such debates. In the second place, if one is present, it is not possible to remember a long and detailed statement such as was made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I cannot help thinking that means should be found to make reports of such importance available. As Deputy Kelly found out, the debate on this particular Vote was back-paged by the official organ of the Government. The Deputy did not find there as full a description of what occurred as he expected to find, for the reason that the official organ of the Government did not like the attack by Deputy Norton and, consequently, smuggled the whole thing as far out of sight as it decently could. I was present during the greater part of the Minister's speech and I do not recollect his telling us anything to speak of about the Prices Commission which was set up for the purpose of preventing profiteering. If he did, I must apologise. I do not recollect hearing him on that subject. Though I read at least one of the newspaper reports, I certainly did not read anything worth talking about on that subject. When the Prices Commission was decided upon, I remember Deputy Dillon prophesying that it would have no effect whatever, except to provide a certain number of jobs. So far as the public can see, it seems as if Deputy Dillon might have been justified in that prophecy.

Who got the jobs?

That I know nothing at all about. Do not the persons employed in connection with the Commission come under this Estimate?

In case the Deputy is under any misunderstanding, I want to tell him that the persons who act on that Commission are not paid. They are public-spirited persons who give their services voluntarily.

In that case, I withdraw any suggestion I made. Do I understand that there are no paid officials on the Prices Commission?

There are certain permanent civil servants attached to the Prices Commission.

Mr. Kelly

The Chairman of the Trade Board is not paid either.

The Chairman of the Trade Board might reserve his fire until somebody has accused him of being paid.

Mr. Kelly

It might come into your head, incidentally.

At any rate, we have a Prices Commission in existence and a certain number of civil servants have been allocated to it. The State incurs at all events the expense that men are taken away from other work and are occupied on that work. If anything has been done to prevent profiteering, if anything has been done to diminish the discrepancy that exists between what the primary producer gets and what the consumer has to pay, I think that it would be interesting for this House to hear more about it than it has heard. Possibly, the Minister will find time to say something on the subject in his reply.

I notice that the customary confusion of policy with regard to our relations with foreign countries and the Commonwealth is reflected once again in the Vote for Industry and Commerce. Although the items to which I refer are very small, they are amusingly significant. On the one hand, we have increased our subscription to the International Commission for Air Navigation from £40 to £300— because, presumably, our national dignity demanded that we should not just join in one subscription to the British Commonwealth but, as I understood from the Minister, that we should have the honour and dignity of contributing separately, and accordingly, that the taxpayers should have to pay that £260 extra—while, on the other hand, we have an increase in the contribution to the Imperial Economic Committee and to the Imperial Shipping Committee. So that, we are spending more money on Imperial cooperation at the very same time that we are spending more money in order to have a separate subscription to the International Commission for Air Navigation.

The Minister told us that he was rather hopeful of achieving something worth while with regard to the expansion of foreign markets. Naturally, we have heard rumours of that sort so often that we cannot help feeling sceptical about such a statement. Nevertheless, I never believe in decrying something until it is absolutely produced for my inspection. Accordingly, I await with interest further facts from the Minister as to what has been accomplished, or what is being attempted, with regard to expanding the markets for our export trade. In that connection, I should like to know whether regard is being had to anything except our actual trade interests, or whether political considerations are being allowed to creep in in determining the particular countries with which we should endeavour to establish better trade relations than with others. I have seen a rumour in the papers, within the last few days, that something particular is contemplated by way of a new trade agreement with Germany. While I should be very glad to see anything in the way of increasing our trade opportunities with any country, I should like to know whether this agreement with Germany, if it is in fact about to be made, as something that we could not have secured with other Continental countries—in other words, whether Germany had more to offer us than, say, Belgium, France, or any other country. If Germany had not more to offer us, and if we are giving advantages to Germany that other Continental countries would have been glad to have, I should like to know why Germany has been selected in preference to, say, France or Belgium. I am making no insinuations on the subject, because, quite frankly, I am ignorant of what has been going on or what is being done. I am merely making inquiries without desiring to make any accusations at all.

A really adequate debate on the Department of Industry and Commerce would take in almost the whole field of Government policy. It would take in such very large questions as the desirability of whole-hogging protection, the desirability of aiming at self-sufficiency, the desirability of the economic war—even the desirability of capitalism. I do not propose, however, to ask the House to embark on a discussion of that kind, but I think that, perhaps, it is worth while making one or two quite bare remarks about some of these fundamentals on an occasion such as this. Deputy Kelly seems to think that every right-thinking man must perceive that it is his duty to support the policy of the Minister in causing everything that can be produced in this country to be produced here. Now, I do not agree with that proposition at all. I do not propose to go into detail about it, but merely to say that if high protective barriers were really a cure for unemployment and really produced what the Minister for Industry and Commerce calls a storm-proof economic system, there is hardly a country in the entire world that would not have escaped the economic difficulties and the economic storms that, in fact, they have had to-endure during the last three, four or five years. The factor in the situation that Deputies such as Deputy Kelly will insist on leaving out of account is the buying power of the community, and that aspect of the general Government policy which is reducing the buying power of the community and which makes it even less effective than it would naturally be—that policy of high and indiscriminating protection which, on the whole, has done so little for the nations of the world.

I should like Deputy Kelly and other Deputies to realise that when we cast doubts upon a policy of high and indiscriminating protection, it is not because we are merely anxious, at all costs, to find fault with what the Government is doing. The Government have not made a new and epoch-making discovery in discovering the policy of high protection. It is true that it is something that we have not had here in this country since the days of Grattan's Parliament, but we have had it elsewhere, and I suggest that we are perfectly entitled to look at what has happened elsewhere and to draw the appropriate inferences from what has happened elsewhere. I said already that the debate on the Vote for Industry and Commerce is an occasion where I might also talk about such a subject as Capitalism. I certainly do not propose to go into a disquisition on Capitalism, but it may be remembered that when the Government first came into office they said that their policy would be to encourage individual enterprise for the purpose of getting industries started all over the country. Apart from their general disastrous policy of bad relations with England, and of the economic war, and of the political unsettlement created by their imitation Republicanism, I think that, on the whole, the Government are justified in claiming that their attitude towards individuals who have saved money and who wished to employ it for the benefit of the community has been encouraging and benevolent. But, at the same time, it should not be forgotten that they shut their eyes to a great deal of speechmaking, not merely by some allies in the ranks of the Labour Party, but even some of the orations of some of their supporters in the country, and back benchers, which took a line that would be definitely discouraging and alarming to anybody who wanted to take a chance, either from patriotic motives or even from motives of pure gain, and get some industry or other started or enlarged in this country, and I think that the Government should make more attempts than they do from time to time to keep their supporters' minds clearer as to what Government policy really is, and to make it plain that the Government are not aiming, if they are not aiming, at gradually guiding this country away from a policy of individual enterprise into a policy of State Socialism or something bordering upon Communism.

There are one or two points to which I should like to direct the attention of the Minister. In regard to the matter of peat development, one important factor which concerns our county or, at least, portions of our county, is the acquiring of turbary. Large tracts of turbary are still in the possession, in one instance, of the landlord or his agents and, in another, of the Land Commission in these areas. The co-operative turf societies are doing good work, but they are handicapped by the fact that this turbary is undivided, and I should like the Minister to take steps to expedite the acquiring of the turbary in the areas referred to. With regard to the societies, there is the important factor of transport. The societies are up against this problem in relation to the proper development of turf, because they cannot gain access to the different centres, and I would suggest, if it is possible, that the Minister should provide some system whereby loans would be made available to the co-operative societies for the purchase of lorries and other modes of conveyance. It is an urgent matter and it is an admitted fact that if such facilities were made available, the co-operative societies would benefit and the people, as a whole, would benefit.

With regard to the points raised in connection with the Prices Commission, the people we represent are frankly disappointed at its working, because no apparent results are to be seen. Perhaps, the matter being so big and the new system being so complicated, results could not be forthcoming at this stage, but we believe a far better system could be inaugurated if one or two men in each county visited the different towns and reported back to the Minister for Industry and Commerce with regard to prices prevailing at the time. In that way, real work would be done. Commissions, as a whole, are unwieldy, and their work is more or less on the theoretical side. Down the country the people, and we who represent them, realise that if we come down to facts, to the practical side of things, and if men are appointed in different areas or counties, who will keep in close touch with matters in the industrial centres, they could submit prices from time to time and, in that way, do real effective work. The Minister for Industry and Commerce would thus be in a position immediately to rectify the profiteering and the other abuses that are going on all over the country. I mentioned those few points in the hope that the Minister will bear them in mind.

There is one other point with regard to the development of quarries. The system, as it exists, operates against us in that unless the people in the different localities, and particularly the rural areas, provide certain funds whereby borings or testings can be carried out, the Department cannot assist them. It is a well-known fact that people on their own cannot provide the necessary funds. I am referring now to a case which occurred down in our district in connection with the opening of a slate quarry. The inspector who visited the district reported on the area and on the samples of slate, but, naturally, he had no opportunity of giving a favourable report, because no borings were made. The result was that even though his report was not altogether unsatisfactory, it was unsatisfactory from the point of view of recommending the carrying out of further work, and the matter is held over and will not be reconsidered. I would suggest that if any sums of money are made available to the local people concerned, either for prospecting purposes or for purposes of further tests, the Department should give at least a certain percentage of the expenditure for the carrying out of tests in that particular district. I would ask the Minister to reconsider that matter, because that is the only way, so far as the rural areas are concerned, in which the Minister can assist us.

I should like to ask the Minister to state, when replying, if and when he proposes to take cognisance of the findings of the Commission set up to consider the question of ports and harbours. I think it is generally known by the Minister's Department that the small harbours at the moment are suffering considerably, and one of the reasons for that is the fact that we are engaged in an economic war. Owing to the fact that a great deal of the coal coming into the country is coming from continental ports, in large steamers, the trade which used to come into the small ports has been diverted to the deep-water harbours, the result, of course, being that the Harbour Commissioners in the various small ports find themselves scarcely able to carry on. The Minister's attention has been drawn to the Port of Wexford on different occasions within recent months. We hope that he will do something to help to make the harbour navigable. In recent months, owing to the fact that the Harbour Commissioners are not able to do what is necessary on account of lack of funds, trade has been diverted and the harbour is closing up, with the result that cattle boats which were a great source of revenue to the Harbour Commissioners had to be diverted to another port. I think that the Minister has had the report of the Tribunal sufficiently long to enable him to make up his mind to put into effect some of the recommendations made by that body.

Speaking of ports brings me to the question of the unemployment of dock labourers. In consequence of tariffs and in consequence of the economic war dock labourers in small ports have suffered considerably. One would think that, because of the fact that they are victims in those things, the Minister would have made special provision for dealing with them. On various occasions within the last 18 months his attention has been drawn to the position and the plight of dock labourers by the trade unions catering for them, but still nothing has been done. In a great many cases those are only casual workers, and have not been able to accumulate sufficient stamps to enable them to draw unemployment benefit. The Minister may say that they have the Unemployment Assistance Act, but that is very little use to a man who has been in fairly decent employment, and who has suffered in consequence of actions which have taken place in this country within recent months.

Regardless of what Deputy Kelly said, I am going to repeat the complaints made by Deputy Norton in his statement last week. There is no use in closing our eyes to the fact that there are industries to-day receiving the protection of the Government, backed by the people, in which conditions prevail that certainly should not prevail, to say the least of them. There is a firm in my own constituency, the firm of Messrs. Pierce. The Minister asked for names, and I am giving them. That firm has been afforded protection, and rightly so. I state here that there is an undue proportion of juvenile labour employed there. Boys are employed at 7/- or 8/- a week, and they start about the age of 15 years. After about two years, when they should be getting some wages, they are thrown out on the roadside, with the result that in Wexford to-day some three or four hundred youths between the ages of 18 and 21 are left useless and thrown. on the scrapheap. That kind of thing should not prevail. I suggest that the Minister should have an inquiry into things of that kind; that his officers should be more active, and should endeavour to find out what proportion of juvenile labour is employed in those firms. In a great many cases they are employed to do the work of adults. I know a particular factory, also started recently, where men are employed at from 12/- to 25/- a week, and I can give particulars of that case to the Minister. That should be investigated.

Surely industry founded on a basis of that kind is not good for this or any other country. One would prefer to see the tariff wall removed, so that dock labourers or somebody might get a decent wage out of the business. In a great many cases there is no doubt about the complaints of Deputy Norton being absolutely justifiable, and I would ask the Minister to investigate them. I do not want to say any more. I merely want to say that I agree with a great many of the complaints that Deputy Norton has made—I am familiar with them— and I suggest that the Minister should investigate them. I again want to draw his attention to the plight of small harbours, and ask him to put into operation some of the recommendations of the Ports and Harbours Tribunal. That body made recommendations which, in my opinion, would help to develop those harbours, and to put them on their feet.

Deputy Norton referred to Dublin only in his remarks.

I think it was last week that I drew the Minister's attention to the vigilance with which he should watch the agricultural barometer in the country, because in agriculture in this country he would find his only market for the products of the industrial revival. In his reply, which was remarkable for its truculence and overbearing rather than for informed criticism, the only comment the Minister had to make on this was that Deputies on the opposite benches, meaning these benches, should keep their mouths shut for 12 months.

Hear, hear!

"Hear, hear" said Deputy Donnelly. I am not aware that either the Minister for Industry and Commerce or Deputy Donnelly has had such a remarkable industrial or commercial career that he can shout "Hear, hear" to any comment that any members of this House should keep their mouths shut.

Except that, Deputy Donnelly did it for two years on another occasion.

In any case Deputy Donnelly should remember what happened to an industry in his own constituency which was managed by a colleague of the Minister. Deputy Donnelly, too, in speaking, I think, on that Vote asked me had I read Arthur Griffith's book on, I think, the Report of the first meeting of the National Council of Sinn Féin, where he warned this coutnry against being a one-armed nation. A one-armed nation or a one-armed man is much better, stronger and more effective than a no-armed nation or a no-armed man. That is what this country is being brought to, not owing to the policy of the Minister but owing to the manner in which that policy is being carried out. The Minister came to office here at a time when the only market for the industrial products of this country was the agricultural market in this country, and he took up office at a time when agriculture was depressed the world over. Notwithstanding that, he pursued a policy of ruthless protection for industries that might have a chance of succeeding in this country, and for industries that had very little chance of succeeding in this country. His allies, the Labour Party, have had to blow the gaff after two years; they told him here last week that the conditions under which industry was being carried on in this country were revolting. The last speaker, Deputy Corish, hinted and suggested, if not advocated, that it would be better to remove tariffs if those conditions must prevail. It is a good job to find that some Deputy or Deputies who have been supporting the manner in which the Minister is carrying out this national policy realises that. I am not going to confuse the national policy of protection with the inefficiency and ill-considered manner in which the national policy is being carried out. I support the policy, but I do not support the way in which it is carried out, nor do I consider that the time was opportune to carry it out in the ruthless manner in which the Minister is endeavouring to carry it out.

Deputy Corish mentioned a factory in Wexford and complained of the juvenile labour employed there. A Pierce mowing machine at the peak of the war prices cost £24 15s.; to-day it costs £24 10s. Compare the value of the produce of that mowing machine in agriculture to-day, when the price is £24 10s., with what the product of that machine would be worth during the peak war prices. These are things that apparently the Minister never considers. But, if he were running his own business he would soon see that his business would go wallop if he had not a profitable market. He could not balance his own business accounts by increasing taxation or borrowing. He would have to get it out of the produce of his own article, and if the market could not buy that article he would have to stop. The Minister tells us over here that we must shut up, that we must sit down and say nothing and let him go on with his ramp for another year. The Minister thought it was good politics, perhaps, to quote Arthur Griffith when he set out on this campaign. He thought it good politics to tell the country, to quote one of Deputy Donnelly's most recent remarks, that we are and have been a one-armed nation. The Minister set out to give us two arms.

Remember that we are two lots now. We have the Twenty-Six Counties and the Six Counties. I suppose that is part of your policy too.

It may be a good job, perhaps that the whole of the Thirty-Two Counties will not be hamstrung together. The Minister often reminds us about the agricultural depression all over the world. Apparently that is all he knows about it. He says that we are only suffering from the general agricultural depression all over the world. At a time like that the Minister apparently supports the President and his colleagues in starting the economic war to put another burden on agriculture—a war that is costing agriculture practically £4,500,000.

On a point of order. The economic war is not being financed out of this Estimate.

Is the Minister's intelligence so narrow and so circumscribed as that remark of his would seem to indicate?

On the point of order raised by the Minister, the Minister is quite right. This is not a Vote for Agriculture. The discussion of the economic war and agricultural conditions is not, therefore, in order.

I am not discussing agriculture or the economic war, but I am pointing out that the purchasing power of the agricultural community is vital to industrial development and revival in this country. There is no other market for manufacturing industry but the agriculturists in this country, and the purchasing power of the agricultural community is vital to industrial development. If that purchasing power is destroyed where will the Minister sell the produce of the industries that he is fostering? If agriculture is not able to bear the strain of the tariffs that he is imposing on the parts for agricultural machinery what is going to happen? Agriculture will collapse. When that happens all the superstructure on agriculture that the Minister will have built up will collapse with it. If the Minister has not seen that before now he is not fit for his job. On top of that world depression, agriculture that was to buy the products of the industries to be fostered by the Minister was made to bear another load of 30 or 40 per cent. of its value. Perhaps it was with the connivance of the Ministry, or it might have been by accident, that they allowed agriculture to bear that £4,500,000 with a little sop of a bounty thrown in. That depressed the home price of agricultural produce and then the Minister probably saw that he was going to get cheap food produced by starvation wages or no wages at all to help to build up his industries.

But the vital thing that he seems to have neglected is the decline in the purchasing power of the agricultural community, with the result that many factories which were booming for a while are now on half-time, because the people are not able to buy the goods as the Government killed the only market which industry in this country could ever hope to have—at least could hope to have while it is necessary to have a tariff to protect the home market. If the Minister wants any proofs let him check the price to-day with the price ten or 15 years years ago of the mowing machines turned out by Messrs. Pierce. Let him take what it cost those engaged in agriculture to buy parts for their machinery. As a matter of fact, it would be better for a farmer with a mowing machine that is not Irish-made to scrap the machine than to buy many parts for it. In addition to that, there is so much annoyance and delay in getting in parts at the ports that it is entirely uneconomic for him to keep the machine. Why does not the Minister pay some attention to the price of machinery here inside the tariff wall and the price for similar machinery outside the tariff wall? Hardware merchants in this country cannot afford to stock the parts for foreign machines because of the tariffs they have to pay, and because of the want of credit. Here their trade is made doubly hard because no provision is made for credit for these merchants within the Free State, since whole hog protection started. I am not aware of any machinery set up by the Minister to see if we get anything like fair value for our money, from some of those industries. A job that I had on hands required a lot of spade and shovel work. I bought about £12 or £15 worth of these implements and I will give the Minister an object lesson in the value of those spades and shovels when put on hard work. They will bend like the leaves of a book. I am not going to mention the factory at which they were made.

I notice in the Estimate provision for the Statistics Branch. The salaries run to £22,516 for the coming year. Last year they amounted to £23,672. I take it that that Branch looks after all statistics of any interest to this country in the matter of trade. A short time ago I was directed to send a communication to the President. In that communication I made use of certain figures. The figures that I gave were quoted by British Ministers in the House of Commons. I used the figures to show that under the British special duties we had seized from us, for it really was a seizure, sums approximating to £5,000,000. The President, in reply, said "That is all wrong.""My information." said the President, "is that in the year just closed the product of the British special duty will be far below £4,000,000." If they were far below £4,000,000 and he, as head of the Government of this country, ought to have the best information in the country—and if the Statistics Branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce is to perform any function at all it should watch very carefully over any seizure made on the property of this country, or citizens of this country, at any outside country, especially when that property must pass through our ports—if his information told the President that the produce of the British special duties was far below £4,000,000, then it could not be too far below £4,000,000, so let us take £3,500,000. It is not doing him any injustice when he says that the produce of the special duties, according to his information, was below £4,000,000. His information, I repeat, should be the best available information in this country, and I do not see that it could come from anywhere else except the Statistics Branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce which, in salaries alone, is costing this country £22,000 a year. What are the facts revealed by the British Chancellor of the Exchequer?

That is not relevant. The Deputy cannot take advantage of this Vote to answer some communication received from the President.

I am not putting it in that way at all.

It seems to the Chair that the Deputy is so putting it.

I want to be perfectly fair to the Chair, and I know perfectly well that the Chair will be fair to everybody. I am not bringing before the House the substance of the President's communication at all. The President may use figures to contradict the figures I put up. It does not matter what they were about. I submit that these were commercial figures, and this is a commercial Vote we are considering regarding the Statistics Branch of our Department of Commerce. I hold that this Statistics Branch of our Department of Commerce should have absolutely reliable figures for this country, that the spokesman of the Government, namely, the President of this country, could stand over.

The Statistics Branch is not responsible for the use which any person may make of the figures published by it.

Including the Minister.

May I take it that that is a repudiation of the figures quoted by the President.

It is merely reinforcing the point that it has nothing whatever to do with this Estimate.

The President quoted figures——

Not on this Estimate.

He quoted figures outside for the country's information. The Minister for Industry and Commerce says that he is not responsible for figures quoted by anybody, but if these figures the President quoted outside do not tally with the information the Minister for Industry and Commerce has in his Statistics Branch, then the Minister is repudiating the figures given to the Irish people by President de Valera.

I merely said it has nothing whatever to do with the Estimate.

Has it nothing to do with the Statistics Branch? Has the produce of the British special duties nothing to do with our Department of Industry and Commerce and its Statistics Branch? What are the functions of the Statistics Branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce? If we sent over £20,000,000 worth of stuff to Britain, and if Britain seized £4,500,000 or £5,000,000 of that, is the Department of Industry and Commerce, through its Statistics Branch, able at any moment to say how much Britain, in fact, has seized of that stuff? If it is not, then this £22,000 of the taxpayers' money, which is provided here to keep up this Statistics Branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce, is being wasted.

I wanted to show that there was such a discrepancy between the statistics given by the President, and the statistics given by a British Minister, that the latter statistics exceeded £1,000,000, in our favour, those given by the President. If the President got his figures from the Statistics Branch of this Department, relating to the amount which the British had seized from us, is it not an extraordinary state of affairs that all the President, according to this Branch, estimated the British had taken was £3,500,000, whereas the British Chancellor of the Exchequer could get up in the House of Commons and say that they had got £4,552,000, £1,000,000 more than the President claimed they had collected. I hope the Minister, when replying, will say how much the British collected, and will say if it is any part of the function of his Department, as a whole, to watch over the amount seized under these special duties. Can he show returns that will tally with the British returns, or will they tally with the President's statement? We want to have the figures checked by the Minister for Industry and Commerce when he gets the Vote for which he is responsible.

The Minister is responsible for the administration of this Department. He is not responsible for the use made by anyone of the statistics emanating from his Department. That is quite a different matter.

I agree. No man could carry statistics in his head, and the head of any Government could not answer for everything that arises in the various Ministries or sections of it but, when about to quote figures, naturally, he inquires from the Department concerned. Until I get a repudiation by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, I must take that, in the ordinary course of business, the President did that.

What the President did has nothing to do with the administration of this Department by the Minister.

Very well. When replying I should like if the Minister informed the House, and the country, if his Department—and I presume it would be the Statistics Branch—has any record of the amount collected on our produce by the British through the Special Duties. These Special Duties were imposed to collect payments that were agreed to in the Ultimate Financial Settlement of March, 1926. The British state that they have collected £4,552,000. I should like to know if the Minister's Department has kept books to show, when this economic-trouble is ended, that we can stand over our figures, and if we can tell the British when we meet to settle this trouble, "You have collected so much from us. There are the books." If that has not been done, why not? If it has not been done by the Department or by some other Department they should immediately resign in shame for leaving books that should contain such vital figures for this country in the hands of the British, that the Minister and his colleagues are prepared to call the enemy. If it is a war they are the enemy. I think it is time we had some comment from some responsible person here, either to contradict or to accept the statement made by the other side that they have collected £4,552,000. I would besurprised if the Minister's Department has not kept the necessary records. If so, will their figures tally with those given by Mr. Chamberlain up to the 31st March last? If the Minister does not answer, or if he says that that is not the business of his Department, then I will only have to raise this matter on the President's Estimate.

That is not a bad idea.

No. I want to get the information and I am going to pursue this. No truculence or bouncing on the part of the Minister will put me from it. The time is past when the Minister is going to get away here with bluff and bounce, because we have to pay for it, not the Minister.

Do not let your promotion go to your head.

There is no danger of promotion going to the Deputy's head.

Not in agriculture.

Mr. Kelly

The first speech from the Front Bench is not a success.

I leave it to the Deputy with his knowledge of agriculture to deal with it. He will be promoted, not to the front bench, but to a special bench before the Speaker, and he will distinguish himself, if he does not extinguish himself. Coming to peat, Deputy Kelly, if he has not spoken already on this Estimate, will I am sure have a chance of displaying his special knowledge on this question. There is a great discrepancy in the figures in this year's Estimate compared with last year. Salaries, wages and allowances for 1934-35 amount to £6,845; Travelling Expenses, £2,000; Incidental Expenses, £150; General Publicity and Organisation Expenses, £20,000, compared with a total of £22,000 last year. I noticed from reports of some of the week-end orations by the Minister for Defence, that it took 300,000 fat cattle to buy the coal needed by this country, and that we were going to change all that by cutting the throats of the calves and by cutting turf. These are the economics of the Minister for Defence. Anybody who knows anything about turf knows that that proposal is laughable. Only a man without any knowledge of turf, such as the Minister for Industry and Commerce or the Minister for Defence, would make such silly remarks, in order to try to get political Party capital out of it. When the Bill dealing with turf was before the House it was claimed that stone turf, in good condition, filled in bags, could be delivered at the nearest railway station for 10/6 a ton. Now, anybody who knows anything at all about turf knows that good stone turf cannot be delivered at the nearest railway station at 10/6 a ton, or, if it is, then the adult labour producing it does not get 1/6 a day. Anybody who has had any experience of turf knows that, weight for weight, coal is four times as valuable as turf for heating purposes. That applies even in the case of the best of turf. We know that turf is being hawked around Dublin at approximately the price of coal. The bogs have been there for centuries and they have not been developed. It took our Executive Council to go down on a Saturday afternoon and make a tour of the bog at Allenwood.

Why did you not go, too?

I would have gone only a certain thing happened that prevented me from going. If you are having another set-to I will be delighted to get an invitation and I will go. I should be delighted to have an opportunity of finding out if my views in relation to peat development are right or wrong.

At any rate, there are no politics in the turf industry.

There is certainly hard work in it. So far as this wild-cat scheme is concerned a sum of £22,000 is to be spent for organisation expenses. A terrible lot of the election camp followers will get jobs out of the £22,000.

The Government has nothing to do with it.

The Government has nothing to do with it? The Minister need not think that I am going to assume he is as innocent as he poses to be. The Government has all to do with it. The Government, as a Government, may have nothing to do with it I quite agree, but the political party behind the Government has all to do with it.

That is the first time I heard the I.A.O.S. called a political party.

You often called it that yourself, even before you got on those benches. Before you occupied any seat in this House you called it that, and you cannot deny it. It is strange how, when there is a change over, alleged political organisations become non-political and vice versa. It was rather peculiar that at that great function the gentlemen opposite had in Allenwood there was a sumptuous repast served out to them in the middle of the Bog of Alien, cooked with British coal. Will any Minister or Deputy on the opposite benches deny that? They cannot. British coal cooked the repast.

On a point of order, it was not paid for out of this Estimate.

That is what I was endeavouring to ascertain.

No, it was not paid for out of this Estimate, nor, I suppose, was the petrol that was used bringing the Minister down paid for out of this Estimate.

That is right.

Therefore, I cannot talk about that little incident in Allenwood. The petrol that the Minister used in his car to take him down there was not paid for out of this Estimate and how dare I talk about it! However, I have said enough about it to make the Minister think over it. If I said any more I might confuse the Minister and I might give him an opportunity to adopt his usual dodge looking for the weakest and the easiest way out. I am not going to give him too many choices. Perhaps he will tell us what method of book-keeping his Department is doing recording the British special duties, and maybe he might tell us how much the British have taken from us. I would like to know from the Minister if the Statistics Branch, which is costing us £16,500 in salaries and £6,000 by way of bonus, have to keep an account of the goods the British have seized from us by virtue of the special duties, and also if they have worked out a graph or prepared any return indicating by how much the general level of wholesale food prices in the Saorstat has been reduced by virtue of the British tariffs. Finally, I would like the Minister to comment on the prospects of our trade with Britain, especially those articles produced here and that are in competition with Danish produce. What hope has he, from the knowledge gleaned from his Department, of the success of our trade in the future, considering that the Dane has 20 per cent. of a money exchange advantage over us in the British market?

I wish to make a few further remarks on the subject of industrial alcohol. I have already asked the Minister if this undertaking is to be run as a separate undertaking, as a commercial concern, and if a balance sheet will be published indicating the trading results. The Minister stated that it would take 1/9 to produce a gallon of industrial alcohol at the factory. Some doubt has been cast upon that figure, but even taking that figure, some additions would have to be made to it. I suggest that to the 1/9 that the Minister has stated as the cost per gallon of industrial alcohol at the factory there will be 8d. excise duty, so as to bring it to the same comparison as petrol. That would total 2/5. Something, presumably, must be allowed to the merchant who is going to distribute it for the Government. Whether the Government do it themselves or distribute it through the ordinary channels, I suggest that another 4d. would have to be added to the price, thus bringing the amount to 2/9, as against 1/7 which is the present cost of petrol. I am afraid even that is not the whole of the story, because when alcohol is used with petrol it requires to be blended. There would have to be blending machinery installed at certain points and, presumably, the Minister would have to arrange for somebody to be paid for this service. When that is done I do not know how the petrol can be mixed with alcohol and the constant supply of petrol mixed with alcohol maintained all over the Free State. It might be quite all right if all the petrol sold in the Free State was mixed with a certain proportion of alcohol because then the carburettors of motor cars could be adjusted. If there was a considerable admixture of alcohol special engines would have to be installed in our present motor lorries. That brings one to the question whether the whole game is worth the candle.

I notice the Minister has not referred to a mixing of industrial alcohol with petrol. I wonder if that is what he has in his mind. I think it is not at all certain that that is his purport, or that is the ultimate object he has in mind in manufacturing this industrial alcohol. I think the public ought to be informed at the earliest possible moment what is the position, because people are wondering if the purchase of new cars should be postponed until this question is settled. Various other distributors, who would have undertaken the sale of this product, are wondering how far the Government are going to fall in with the necessities of the motor industry. I would suggest to the Minister that at the earliest possible moment he ought to let us know, officially, whether he intends this alcohol to be used for the supply of motor spirit to cars, and in what way he is going to arrange for this, because it will entail a considerable dislocation down through the large industries in this country. I would ask the Minister specially to deal with that point when he comes to reply in this debate.

I listened to Deputy Tom Kelly when reading out the onslaught that Deputy Norton made on the conditions of employment in the City of Dublin. I listened also to remarks from my own side of the House. I think it only fair, so that there should be no misunderstanding, to point out that these denunciations did not refer to the general businessmen of the Free State. The majority of our Irish industrialists, during long years of success, have behind them a record of decent wages being paid, and decent conditions being observed, in their agreements made with the respective trade unions. It would be an absolute scandal to national justice if it was to go out to the world, or to those interested in our position here, that Irish businesses were conducted under the scandalous conditions which have been mentioned here. It would be untrue, and if there are exceptions to the general rule they are very few. If demanded, the names of those who are exceptions to the list of excellent employers in this country, should be published in some form or another.

Deputy Norton comes into this House and plays a kind of Punch and Judy show. When he goes down to the constituencies he refers to the general economic conditions of the country, and the great benefits accruing and the building-up that is being done, and he declares: "We are fighting with one hand and building up with the other, and that as long as Fianna Fáil cooperates with us we will co-operate with them." I would like if the speech which he made here, in reference to the furniture trade, and which was referred to by Deputy Kelly, were made in his own constituency. Then this Punch and Judy show would stop, and all the clap-trap and humbug that he uses outside the House would be exposed and the people in the country would understand that Deputy Norton has one speech to make one day, in which everything is prosperous, and another another day, as circumstances demand, in which everything is decaying. I am interested only, in the few words that I wish to address to the House, in the industry of the country as a whole. I do not want to go outside that. We have tariffs up to the skies, all round the country, and we are told that we have the highest tariffs existing in the whole world. I hope that some effort will be made, in 1934, to concentrate upon industry being established in the local towns in the different counties in Ireland. Powers should be sought, and secured, that would give most advantageous terms to enterprising people ready to start factories in our country towns. At the present moment, everything is being done in the interests of centralisation. Attention is given, almost exclusively, to cities like Dublin, Cork, Waterford and, I presume, Limerick. If that is so, it will serve to make these cities more influential in attracting business from the smaller country towns. Business will not be able to prosper anywhere except in the bigger distributing areas. In these circumstances as time goes on, enterprising people will feel it more incumbent upon them to drift towards the cities and by degrees our country towns will decay and fall away. Nothing will be left in them except huckster shops, which cannot give employment, and cannot contribute to the uplifting of those towns, or contribute in any possible way towards the rates necessary for the upkeep of those towns, whether they be towns governed by commissioners or by other kinds of local authorities. At the present time there is a tendency to concentrate everything in the City of Dublin and in other large centres of population. In the counties where we have large numbers of unemployed efforts are being made by local committees with a view to having some little local industry started.

Will the Deputy move to report progress?

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again at 7 o'clock this evening.
Top
Share