Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 1 Apr 1937

Vol. 66 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Vote 45—Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed).

Séumas O Cadhla

Dubhairt an Teachta O Diolúin go raibh an chéim oideachais níos ísle anois ná mar bhí sí sul a tosaigheadh ar mhúnadh na Gaedhilge ins na scoileanna. Má's fíor sin, ní ar an nGaedhilg atá an locht. Is féidir oideachas do thabhairt tré Ghaedhilg chó maith agus is féidir é do thabhairt tré aon teanga eile. Má tá aon locht ar an mhúnadh sna bunscoileanna nó sna meán-scoileanna, ní ar an nGaedhilg atá an locht sin. Má cheapann aon duine go bhfuil munadh na Gaedhilge ag déanamh dochair do chúrsaí oideachais, téigheadh sé go dtí Loch Garman nó Cill Manntan nó áit ar bith eile mar iad nuair a bhíos na feiseanna ar siúl agus feicfe sé go bhfuil na páistí a théigheas i gcomórtas ag na feiseanna úd níos léigheannta, níos foghlumtha agus níos cliste ná mar atá na páistí in áiteacha nach bhfuil an Ghaedhilg dá munadh go maith ionnta. O bhliain go bliain feicim tuairim dhá mhíle páistí ag dul i gcomórtas le cheile tré Ghaedhilg ag ceann de na feiseanna seo in gach ádhbhar scoile, agus is léir go bhfuil na páistí seo níos cliste agus níos mire in a n-intinn ná mar bhí na páistí fiche bliain ó shoin.

Rinne an Teachta O Diolúin clamhsán mar gheall ar Ghaedhilg a mhunadh do na páistí nuair a théigheas siad ar scoil ar dtús. Dubhairt sé go rachadh sin chun aimhleasa do chúrsaí oideachais. Má's rud é go n-eireochaidh linn an Ghaedhilg do thabhairt ar ais mar theanga na tíre, is éigin tosú leis na naoidhneáin. Dá óige a tosuightear ar theanga fhoghluim, 'seadh is fearr. Sé sin an aois is fearr chun teanga fhoghluim. Dá mba rud é nach mbeadh an Ghaedhilg dá múnadh go dtí go mbéadh na páistí san dara nó san tríomhadh rang, ní eireochadh leo leath cho maith agus d'eireochadh agus an Ghaedhilg a bheith dá foghluim acu sa chéad rang. Nuair múintear an Ghaedhilg ins na scoileanna ón céad lá a théigheas na páistí isteach ionta, bíonn na páistí seo i ndon cur le n-a gcuid Gaedhilge go dtí an lá fhágas siad an scoil. Tá an Teachta O Diolúin amú nuair deir sé nach ceart an Ghaedhilg do mhúnadh do na naoidhneáin san scoil. Tá taithighe agus cleachtadh agam ar an gceist seo. Nuair a thagas páiste cúig nó sé bliana d'aois ar scoil, tosuigheann an múinteóir ar Ghaedhilg a mhúnadh dho agus ní dheineann sé aon iarracht ar aon ádhbhar eile a theagasc. Nuair a múintear an Ghaedhilg ar feadh bliana nó dhó, bíonn na páistí i ndon—má múintear an teanga i gceart—ádhbhar eile fhoghluim tré Ghaedhilg. Sin é an córas atá ag an Roinn chun na páistí do mhúnadh. Má múintear i gceart ar dtús iad, beidh siad i ndon ádhbhair eile do thuigsint agus a fhoghluim tré Ghaedhilg.

Rinneadh gearán mar gheall ar "bonus" nó brabach marcanna a tugtar do na mic léighinn ins na meán-scoileanna de thoradh freagra do thabhairt ar na ceisteanna tré Ghaedhilg. Dubhairt an Teachta O Diolúin nár cheart agus nár chóir an brabach sin do thabairt dóibh thar ceann mic léighinn a fhreagras i mBéarla. Má tugtar "bonus" mar sin ins na meán-scoileanna, 'sé mo thuairim go bhfuil sé lán-tuilte ag na mic léighinn atá i ndon ceisteanna ar stair, tír-eolas nó ádhbhair eile mar iad d'fhreagairt i nGaedhilg. Na mic léighinn atá ábalta ceisteanna d'fhreagairt tré dhá teanga, tá siad nios foghlumtha agus níos léigheannta agus oideachas níos fearr ortha ná na páistí nach bhfuil ach teanga amháin acu. Ar an ádhbhair sin, ní aontuím leis an Teachta nuair deir sé nach coart an "bonus" seo do thabhairt. Dar liom-sa, ba cheart an "bonus" a árdú agus i bhfad níos mó marcanna do thabhairt ar an tslí seo, ní amháin ins na meán-scoileanna, acht ins na scrúduithe i gcóir na seirbhíse puiblí a bhíos ar siúl ó am go h-am. Taobh amuich de'n cheist gurbí an Ghaedhilg an teanga náisiúnta, is fíor go bhfuil sí níos oiriunaighe mar ádhbhar scoile ins na bun scoileanna ná matamaitic, Algébar nó aon ádhbhar eile. B'fhearr liom buachaill atá ag fágáil scoile a bheith i ndon a smuaointe do nochtadh tré Ghaedhilg agus tré Bhéurla nó a smuaointe do bhreacadh ar pháipéar in dhá theanga na gan é bheith i ndon sin a dhéanamh ach i dteanga amháin. Bheadh oideachas nios fearr aige, agus saol níos leithne roimhe. Bheadh an saidhbhreas oideachais ar fáil aige agus é ag fágáil scoile, rud nach mbeadh ag buachail nach mbeadh ach teanga amháin aige. An buachaill a fhoghluimeas an Ghaedhilg i gceart agus é ag dul ar scoil, beidh an t-eolas sin aige go dtí go bhfaighidh sé bás agus beidh sé ag éisteacht leis an nGaedhilg agus ag méadú a chuid eolais ó lá go lá agus ó bhliain go bliain. Beidh sé i ndon an Ghaedhilg do labhairt agus na giotá Gaedhilge sna páipeáirí do léigheamh.

Maidir le matamaitic, agus ádhbhair mar í a raibh an Teachta O Diolúin ag cur síos ortha, cá bhfuil an duine a bhfuil eolas aige ar na h-ádhbhair seo tar éis a bheith scartha roinnt bliain leis an scoil? Tá a chuid eolais ar na h-ádhbhair seo dearmadta aige; ach, mar adubhairt mé, beidh sé ag cur le n-a chuid Gaedhilge ó lá go lá agus beidh eochair eolais aige cho maith.

Bhí an Teachta O Súilleabháin ag clamhsán agus ag gearán mar gheall ar na "gearrtha" rinneadh ar thuarastal na múinteóirí. Baineadh 10% díobh fé'n sean-Rialtas agus anois, tá an gearradh ó'n 6% go dtí 10%. Dubhairt sé nach raibh siad i ndon an t-airgead d'fháil cúig bliana ó shoin, agus dá mba rud é go raibh go leor airgid acu, nach ndéanfadh siad an gearradh sin. Ar an dtaobh eile, dubhairt sé go raibh an t-airgead le spáráil ag an Rialtas atá againn anois agus go mba cheart tuarastail na múinteóirí árdú go dtí an sean-fhigúir. Chualamar go raibh an tír lán de shaidhbhreas agus go raibh an t-airgead go flúirseach ag muintir na tíre agus nach raibh aon deacaireacht airgead fháil i gcóir aon rud fiúntach. Ach le cheithre bliana, tá na Teachtaí ar an dtaobh eile a rádh go bhfuil an tír scriosta ag an Rialtas, agus go bhfuil bochtannas agus ganntannas in ngach áird de'n tír, o Bhaile Atha Cliath go Gaillimh agus ó Dhún na nGall go Corcaigh. Ach tá áthrú tuairime ag an Teachta O Súilleabháin. Deir sé go bhfuil an t-airgead chó flúirseach sin gur ceart don Rialtas árdú páigh do thabhairt do na múinteóirí i dtreo go mbeidh an tuarastal céanna acu a bhí sul ar ghearr an sean-Rialtas é. Tá súil agam nach gcloisfimíd feasta an clamhsán céanna o na Teachtaí ar an dtaobh eile den Teach —go bhfuil an tír scriosta ag an Rialtas atá againn fé láthair.

Is soiléir anois don té is daille againn go bhfuil an Ghaedhlic ag dul ar aghaidh ins na bun-scolta, ní amháin san Ghaedhaltacht ach ar fud iomlán na tíre. Sé mo bhárúil má cuirtear an obair so 'un cinn mar atá rún ag an Roinn Oideachais a dhéanamh go sabhálfar an teanga san líne seo a bhfuilmíd ann. Agus má tá sé amhlaidh biodh an buidheachas ar na múinteoirí a chuaidh i gcionn na hoibre go fonnmar agus a chuir a gcroidhe ann go hiomlán.

Mar mhaithe leis an obair náisiúnta seo, tá súil agam nach mbeidh an Rialtas truaillighe no ceachardha leis na múinteoirí scoile. Tá buidheachas Gaedheal na tíre tuillte go láidir aca as an saothar éifeachtach a rinne siad leis an Ghaedhlic a tharraingt ó bhéal na huaighe agus í a thárrtháil don náisiún. Is maith an scéal atá ag an Aire go bhfuil airgead ar fáil le scolta úra a thógáil ar fud na tíre. Ní bréag nach bhfuil scoltacha úra a dhith go cruaidh i n-áiteacha. Níl dadaidh níos mí-fholláine do pháisti agus do mhúinteoirí ná scol dorcha gan díon agus sean-urlár tais agus boladh bréan ag éirighe as. Neadracha do aicídeacha na sean scolta so, agus beidh lúthgháir ar na daoine go bhfuiltear ar tí tighthe úra a thógáil na n-áit. Labhair mé cheana fhéin gur cheart faithchi imeartha bheith i bhfasda le gach bun-scoil. Tá súil agam nach dearn an tAire dearmad air so. Anois an t-am aige nuair atá Roinn an Talaimh ag roinn talta ar fud na tíre.

Is mór an crádh-chroidhe bheith ag amharc ar an aos óg ag imeacht uainn nuair a fhágas siad an scol. Tá na mílte aca ag imeacht uainn anois 'na srút amháin go Sasan. Níl céird aca ach an spáid no an sluasaid no an piocóid. Tá sé mar a gcéadna leis na cailíní. Níl eólas ceart aca ar thigheas agus ní bfuighe siad ach obair chruaidh mhaslach. Má tá ortha a mbeatha a shaothrú ar an choigcríoch, nar chóir dúinn iad a ullmhú níos fearr? Níor chóir go mbeadh siad ar an rang deireannach agus ar an pháighe is ísle i dtír ar bith. Ní hé mo bhárúil go bhfuilthear ag déanamh oiread as ba chóir do cheard-oideachais, go háirid ins an Ghaedhealtacht. Ba chóir go mbeadh níos mó scolta againn agus níos mó múinteoirí oilte againn i gceardoideachas.

Mar dubhairt mé cheana is crádh-chroidhe bheith ag amharc ar na buacailli agus na cailíní seo ag imeacht uainn.

Ní comhartha é go bhfuil an tír ag dul 'un cinn mar ba chóir, acht sin ceist eile, agus creidim go mbéidh lá eile againn air.

Gearóid Mac Partholáin

Ba mhaith liom tagairt do dhéanamh do cheist an dhá phúnt. Ar an gcéad dul síos, tá orm a rá go bhfuilmuid sastá leis an Scéim sin ach go bhfuiltear rócúramach i dtaobh na gcoinníollacha. Is ar son Gaeltacht an iarthar atáim ag labhairt agus tá's agam go bhfuiltear ag clamhsan mar gheall air. Ceapann na daoine san áit sin go bhfuil na coinníollacha ró-ghéar agus nach bhfuil siad ag dul i dtairbhe don sceim. Is dóigh liom nach ceart sin agus gur cóir gan bheith ró-chruaidh ar an mbreac-Ghaeltacht. Tá dochar a dhéanamh annsin. Nuair a fheiceas na daoine ag a bhfuil an Ghaedhilg go measardha maith, daoine a cleachtuigheas í, nach bhfuil aon chúitwamh le fáil nuair a thagas an cigire, iompuigheann siad in aghaidh na Gaedhilge agus deintear dochar mar sin. Admhuím go bhfuil mor-obair déanta cheana chun an Ghaedhilg do choinneáil beo sa bhFíor-Ghaeltacht agus, in áiteacha in a bhfuil Béarla ag na daoine, tá siad ag iompú arís ar an nGaedhilg. Tá eolas agam féin ar chúpla áit in a bhfuil an scéal mar sin. Cúis athais domsa é sin. 'Sé atá uainn ná an Fhíor-Ghaeltacht a mhéadú agus an Bhreac-Ghaeltacht a thabhairt isteach ann agus is féidir a lán do dhéanamh fé'n scéim seo.

Táim ag iarraidh ar an Aire an scéim do bhreithniú. Tá's agam gur chuir daoine áirithe clamhsán pearsanta isteach i dtaobh na ceiste seo. Maidir le Gaeltacht an iarthar, sémo thuairim go bhfuil scrúduighthe na Roinne ró-ghéar. Má dhéanamíd comparáid idir Gaillimh agus Tír Chonnaill, feicfimíd go bhfuair níos mó páistí an deontas seo i dTír Chonnaill ná mar a fuair i nGaillimh, gidh go bhfuil níos mó cainnteóirí dúthchais i nGaillimh ná i dTír Chonnaill. Tá 20,000 cainnteóiri dúthchais i gConntae na Gaillimhe níos mó na i gContae Tír Chonaill agus breathnuíonn sé aisteach nach bhfuil an oiread paistí i gContae na Gaillimhe ag fáil an deontais is tá i dTír Chonaill. Taisbeánann sin nach bhfuil páistí na Gaillimhe i ndon an deontas do bhaint amach. Cúis ghearáin é sin ag na daoine agus iarraim ar an Aire í do bhreithniú.

Rud eile, tá árd-mheas agam ar an obair atá á dhéanamh ag Coiste na bPáistí agus ba mhaith liom dá gcuideochadh an tAire leis. Tá's agam gur thug sé roinnt airgid do'n Choiste anuraidh agus go bhfuil ar an Meastacháin £1,000 curtha i leath-taobh dó i mbliana. Isé an gearán atá agam le déanamh nach bhfuil an méid ceart airgid curtha i leath-taobh le haghaidh na scéime seo. Obair thábhactach 'seadh an obair atá á dhéanamh ag an gCoiste agus ba cheart tuille airgid a thabhairt dóibh. Feicimíd na páistí ag teacht ó Bhaile Atha Cliath go Conamara agus an saol a chaitheas siad ann déanann sé maitheas dá sláinte agus dá gcuid Gaedhilge san am chéanna. Iarraim ar an Aire, ma's féidir leis é, níos mó airgid a thabhairt chun cabhrú leis an scéim seo.

Maidir le tithe scoile, níl na bainisteóirí i ndon níos mó a dhéanamh ná mar tá siad a dhéanamh agus iarraim ar an Aire an cheist seo a bhreithniú freisin.

I wonder if the Minister's attention has been drawn recently to a report of the Juvenile Advisory Committee—the advisory committee that sits on juvenile employment. The figures in that report are rather alarming. It is stated in the report that, roughly, 6,000 young persons, of both sexes, registered for employment at the labour exchanges during the last year and that, out of that number, employment was found for 782 young persons—in other words, less than 1,000 out of 6,000 registered applications. That is a very serious matter both for the State and for the fathers and mothers of those young persons. A well-known writer has stated that the city which does not attend to its best assets—that is, the young persons —would soon find that these young persons would become a liability. I think we are beginning to find that out ourselves. We find that many of those young persons are going to other places of employment and that, owing to the low standard of their education, they are not able to find employment, and then they get into bad company and into all the other incidental troubles, because they are not trained properly at home.

Now, I have drawn the attention of the Minister concerned to this particular problem for a number of years, and I should be glad to know if anything is being done in our technical schools with regard to that matter. These boys could be trained for particular occupations and I should like to know whether anything is being done in that direction. These girls, as is pointed out in that report, could be trained in domestic economy. We have schools of housewifery which are for such people. Of course, it is an expensive method, but still it would be better, even if it is expensive, to give these young people a thorough training in such a course of housewifery for six or nine months, and then let them get occupations, as they easily can with that training, and get occupations, let me say, at a very good wage. We find that young girls trained in those particular schools can come on for ready employment and employment at good wages.

My object in this is that I should like to point out to the Minister that something could be done in the matter. Roughly, something like 3,000 are registered for employment, and something like less than 400 have found employment. These are facts to which more attention ought to be given than is given at the moment. I suggest that to find that there are over 5,000 young persons in our city without employment in one year is a very serious matter, and I should be glad to know if the Minister and his Department would see if anything could be done with a view to remedying that situation.

There is another matter to which I should like to draw the Minister's attention. For many years the members of this House have been drawing attention to the over-crowding in our city schools. The Minister said, in the statement he made yesterday— or, at least, in the translation of his statement—that that problem had disappeared very largely: that families had been moved from the city to districts outside the City of Dublin, and that thus the problem of over-crowding in the schools had been relieved. Now, as I understand the matter, it seems, from the Minister's explanation, that these families had been removed to outlying districts and that arrangements had been made to transport the children from these outling districts to the city schools. Of course, there are, so far, no schools in these outside districts to accommodate the children, and therefore, as far as I can understand, they had to be transported back to the city schools. As I understand it, the reason for that was that the children were running wild in these outlying districts. I believe that they were running wild in such districts as Crumlin. In fact, it was reported at one time that there were up to 4,000 children in these districts for whom there were no schools. The Minister has made arrangements to transport these children to the city schools, but I cannot see how that has relieved the problem of over-crowding. Of course, the managers have found that there is a very great difficulty in finding the necessary money, but I suggest that these problems should be kept constantly before the attention of the Minister and of his Department, and, if the money cannot be found by the managers, I suggest that it ought to be found in some way so as not to have the children growing up without any education at all. It is hard enough, as we all know, to find employment for young persons who have education, but it is practically impossible to find employment for them when they have no education. These are matters of which I have spoken on many occasions and to which I may have to refer again, and I am sorry to have to say that, so far as I can see, no remedy has been found.

Mr. Hogan

I am afraid, Sir, that my thoughts in connection with this matter will seem somewhat disconnected and somewhat incoherent, because I did not intend to speak on this matter at all; but when I heard what seemed to me the somewhat foolish talk with regard to the subject of education and the teaching of Irish in relation to education in this country, I thought it would be better to say something in this House with a view to getting rid of the sentimentality that has been wrapped around this whole question of education and the teaching of Irish in this country. I thought I should like to point out what it really means to a great many people in this country and what is the viewpoint of the average parent in this country towards the problem. My object in speaking is to see whether there is the same good result coming from education since compulsory Irish, if you like to call it such, as there was before. I know, of course, that I am leaving myself open, possibly, to the charge of being opposed to Irish—of being opposed to the spreading of the national language as a vernacular. I am not; far from it; but I think we ought to consider what is the position of the child during the school-day and during his school life entirely. We repeatedly talk about a fair day's work for the average worker, and we make tremendous efforts to secure that the average worker, in whatever industry he may be engaged, gets a fair wage for a fair day's work; but what is the average day's work for a child at school? Is it not rather 14 hours' work a day than anything else? I suppose I shall be asked whether or not that is because of the teaching of Irish. Admittedly, I say that it has something to do with it. The point is that you have an over-loaded programme. A child goes to school at 9 or 9.30 in the morning, and comes home at about 4.30 in the evening.

During all that time, the child is hard at it in school and then comes home with a load of home exercises which he has to do and, possibly, if he is lucky, he gets a half-an-hour off when he has finished his exercises. In the main, however, for the average child, it is a question of from school to bed and from bed to school, and I suggest that that is not likely to improve either the mental or the physical well-being of the children. You are likely to create a mental calibre in the child which will make him unwilling to undertake any further study in after life. You will give him a distaste for reading, a distaste for study.

What subject can you drop out of the programme in order to make it less loaded? There used to be a saying some years ago that the old national school gave an education on which you could build almost anything, on which you could build a very good superstructure, but I do not think that you had all the subjects taught in the old national school that are being taught in the present national school. I do not know if it is necessary that children should be rushed into learning algebra as early as they are at the present time. I think there is a good case for having the whole school curriculum examined to see whether there is not overloading of the programme and a consequent overloading and overworking of the child's mind. The object of this programme is to preserve the Irish language and to make Irish the vernacular. That is a very good object, and we are all quite agreeable to it. I said here some years ago that I was rather doubtful if the effort that is being made to make Irish the vernacular in the Gálltacht, or the Pale if you like, is not something that is wasted. Irish is the natural vehicle of thought in the Gaeltacht. It is right to continue it there and spread it out, but Irish is not the natural vehicle of thought for children in the Gálltacht and, whatever you may say to the contrary, the children are only learning by rote the Irish language at the present time in the Gálltacht. It is quite true that they can carry on a simple conversation in it up to a point, the ordinary simple conversation that any adult might indulge in with a child he might meet for four or five minutes on the road. But it is not right to say that more Irish is being spoken at the present time than ever before because of this programme or policy. It is quite possible that more Irish is known or that more Irish is being read, just as it might be also quite true to say that there is a better knowledge now of the French language in the Free State than ever before and that probably much more French books are being read than ever before. That does not, however, mean that more French is being spoken in the Free State than heretofore. In the majority of cases the children regard Irish as a subject to be dropped once they reach their own homes. That is because it is not the natural vehicle of their thoughts.

I want to present the parents' point of view in this matter. You see boys and girls coming home with what seem to be riddles in arithmetic and riddles in elementary algebra. They work these out according to formulæ, but they do not try to reason them out at all. They know the formulæ all right, but they do not try to reason out the solution of the problem at all. If you were to take some of the Irish words in these formulæ out of the text in which they found them, there are ten chances to one that they would not understand them at all, that they would be so many Egyptian hieroglyphics to them. The child is overworked in the school, and in the home, in endeavouring to carry out this programme. We are not expected to restore and redeem everything in this generation. It is quite true that we have no right to lose or to renounce anything, but there is no compulsion on us to redeem or revive everything in this generation. If we do not make the primary schools the medium upon which we can build a good national life, then the whole national structure will suffer. We praise the methods of our Civil Service. We praise the personnel of that Civil Service, and the personnel of the staffs of our public bodies, but these organisations have been built upon a system of education that is not on all fours with what we are doing at the present time.

It is to be regretted that it is at this time, when the child is overworked in endeavouring to restore the language, and when the teacher is overworked in a desperate effort to revive and preserve the language, that it is thought well by the present Government, as it was thought well by the previous Government, to refuse to give justice to the teachers in their demands. I noticed that Deputy Professor O'Sullivan heard the bones of his skeleton rattling in the cupboard when he endeavoured to refer to that subject yesterday. I suppose the Minister for Education to-day hears the bones of his skeleton rattling in his cupboard. He makes no attempt whatever to endeavour to help, or to do common justice to the people upon whom that terrible responsibility rests, upon whom he is imposing that responsibility of reviving the language in a place where that language has ceased to be spoken for hundreds of years. That is a very heavy responsibility imposed on the national teachers in the country. It was imposed, not alone on the teachers, but upon the children attending national schools. Whilst I would not be prepared to agree with the sweeping statements made by Deputy Dillon yesterday, I think a case can be made—and the facts, as they must be apparent to the Minister, make the case themselves—for an investigation of the whole position, an investigation as to whether the child is able to bear the strain put upon him, and whether common justice is being done to the teacher in this endeavour to bring about a revival of the language. We are building the whole structure of the nation on the national schools, and unless we do justice to teacher and pupil in the national school, we are going to have a very bad superstructure.

I welcome the speech of Deputy Hogan. Such a statement in this House is really refreshing coming from Deputy Hogan, who is himself a fluent Irish speaker. If I had given utterance to such statements I would, no doubt, be called an Imperialist. Deputy Hogan has run a tremendous risk in expressing himself as he did and I admire his pluck. There appears to be a reluctance, a diffidence if you like, on the part of public representatives in this country to give their real views when speaking on the question of education. Deputy Hogan has now given us in this House his honest and considered views, views to which I subscribe and to which I have given utterance in this House previously. Many public representatives, as I have just said, have refrained from giving their real views, and particularly at the approach of a general election, for fear by any chance they would antagonise that powerful body known as the Irish National Teachers' Organisation. I have resisted the cuts in the teachers' salaries. A great hardship has been inflicted on them of late, and has now come to be known as the falling averages question. That and the absence of fixity of tenure are to my mind the greatest hardships that can be inflicted on any body of people in any walk of life in this country. I want to say that I will do my part in restoring their cuts and in getting them fixity of tenure, if my vote will do any good for them. Having said that, I want to point again to the fact that there are many things which arise on this Vote and upon which members are rather reluctant to speak.

The Minister will recollect that some years ago on this Vote I referred amongst other things to the question of ramming the Irish language down the throats of the people. I pointed out the lack of co-operation on the part of the parents—not a wilful lack of co-operation, but a lack of co-operation because of the fact that the parents did not understand Irish, and that the children were bringing home text books in Irish which were not understood by the parents. I went on to refer to another aspect of the teachers' position in this country, which they themselves could remedy if they had the guts, but they had not.

I referred to the question of the married female teacher, and advocated that on marriage she should retire. That has since taken place. I will just come back to the point I mentioned a moment ago that public men are afraid that by antagonising the teachers they might lose their seats at the general election or the county council elections. I am going to take that risk again. On a former occasion, when I took that risk, in one village alone I had national teachers in the vicinity canvassing against me from door to door. They can do so again now.

The president of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation, in his address to the annual congress at Cork, said that the spirit of unrest and revolt is becoming increasingly evident in our schools. No wonder. The teachers claimed, and claimed successfully, that they should have the fullest civil rights. That was something which I personally subscribed to, but having seen it in operation I have begun to change my views. I believe that a teacher has quite enough to do to attend school five or six days a week without actively engaging in politics. I want to ask the Minister does he or does he not consider it an injustice to the boys and girls attending the national schools of the country that national teachers can afford to be away from their schools for four or five days a week during Dáil Eireann sessions? To my mind that is a tremendous injustice. The lack of continued contact between the teacher and his pupils—even if there is a substitute appointed—is having a very injurious effect upon the education of boys and girls attending those schools and one of the contributory causes to the spirit of unrest. As I said before, I do not want to interfere with the civil liberty of the teacher to any great extent, but I think his position should be made attractive enough to keep him out of the maelstrom of party politics in this country.

We find the alarming fact that the total on the rolls of the national schools of the country has gone down from 522,080 in 1926 to 495,829 in 1936. There is also—mark this point—a decrease of 48,122 in the infant enrolments in ten years. There does not appear to be any indication at the present moment that that decrease is going to be stopped. The indications are quite to the contrary. In various parts of the country we have a reduced marriage rate. In some parts of the country there is a reduced birth rate. I cannot see any remedy for the position of the teachers who are at present unemployed, except one, namely, the limitation of the number of persons going into the training colleges. I do not know whether that will solve the problem, but at any rate it is the only solution that I can offer. Another solution which has been mentioned is the raising of the school-leaving age. The Minister, who I know has given very great study to the whole educational position in this country, must know that that would put a very large extra sum on the Estimates for next year or the following year. It is calculated that if the raising of the school-leaving age to 16 years were put into operation in the City of Cork it would mean something like £10,000 extra per annum. That is in only one area alone. What it would amount to in the whole area of the Free State I do not know. Of course the Minister may be able to give us that figure, although I am not going to ask him, without notice, to tell us what that amount would be. The raising of the school-leaving age, I am afraid, is not practical politics at the present moment, until we can see where economies can be made in other directions. I have protested from time to time that money was being spent by the Government in ways which, in my view, were extravagant and uncalled for, and that that money might more usefully be devoted to such services as education, old age pensions, and other social services.

I think, like the other speakers that this is a most important Vote. I regard this and the Vote for the Department of Justice as the two most important Votes coming before us in Dáil Eireann. I believe that the Minister's Department should examine the position in the light of present circumstances, to see how far they can right the wrong which has been done to many teachers owing to falling averages, and to see in what way employment can be found for the numbers of teachers who have qualified through the training colleges, and have not yet found employment. I know that the situation is bad in other countries besides our own, but I do feel that in this country the problem is not insoluble. One means of doing so, I repeat, would be the raising of the school-leaving age, although I do not see any possibility of that being brought about in the very near future. The other suggestion I make is the limitation of the numbers entering the training colleges—the only method by which you will be able to stop the extra numbers of persons coming into the profession, and for whom no work can be found. In most trade unions, the numbers of apprentices are limited, and even with that limitation it is found at the moment that, in many of the crafts, there are many for whom no work is available. The last suggestion I want to make to the Minister is that he should review the position with a view to seeing whether he could agree to limiting the number of those attending the training colleges, and improving the lot of the national teachers.

There are a few items here to which I should like to draw the Minister's attention. I see here "Grants towards cost of heating, etc., of schools, and cleansing of out-offices: £14,400." I think, Sir, that that is a very small sum to be allotted for this work. Down in the area which I represent we have a great number of national schools. Being a member of the board of health for the area, the managers of those schools have come to me to ask me to do my best with the board to get a water supply and sewerage system for a number of those schools. We do our part in the board of health, but we find that when we apply to the Department of Education for a grant towards a scheme that a grant is not forthcoming. I think that the sum here of £14,400 is very small. I put down a question to the Minister some time ago on this matter. He told me in reply, that where schools were vested in the Department the grant would be forthcoming. I think that we cannot expect many grants out of a sum of £14,400 for the whole of the Free State. I would ask the Minister to reconsider this matter, and if applications for grants do come to the Department from the area that I represent I hope they will be considered.

With regard to the question of falling averages and the very insecure position of national teachers in the country at the present time, I see that provision is made in the Estimate for spending a total sum of £100,496 on the training of teachers. That is the amount of public money that is to be spent on that work, but we find now, and for some few years past, that we have on the unemployment list a number of young national teachers who cannot find employment. Some of them have been trained for the past four or five years, and have not yet got any employment in a school. I think that in all fairness to these people this House, instead of doing a good turn to young men in training them for the teaching profession is doing them a very bad turn. We train young men for the teaching profession, and when their training is completed they find that there is no employment for them.

In the case of teachers already employed we find at the present time that a number of them are living in fear that their position will be terminated in the morning and that their services will no longer be required.

I think that is bad for the education of our young people, for the country and for the teachers who are responsible for the education of the children, that they should feel themselves to be in such an insecure position. I do not think that any man in any profession or job who feels that his position is so insecure as that can do his work to his satisfaction. I would appeal to the Minister to remedy that situation: to try and do something that will make the position of the national teachers more secure.

I do not think there is anything more I have to say except to again appeal to the Minister to give something more than £14,400 towards the heating and the installation of sanitary and water schemes for the national schools of the country.

There are just a few matters that I wish to advert to in connection with these Estimates. I think it was Deputy Keely who said that the Estimates for the Department of Education were amongst the most important of the Estimates for the public services that fall for consideration during these months. I agree with that entirely. Education is a matter of primary importance to the State and to the people of the State, but what struck me about most of the discussion that took place on the Education Estimate—I found it even running through the Minister's speech—was the tendency to concentrate entirely on the Irish language, as to whether enough was being done for the Irish language, or as to whether sufficient results had been got from the efforts that are being made to make it the vernacular throughout the country. I would submit to the Minister and the House that the Department of Education have a very much wider function to fulfil than merely ram the Irish language down the necks of the Irish people. Deputies on all sides, and in every Party in the House, have subscribed to the policy of the resuscitation of the Irish language. We are all paying at least lip-service to it. If we say anything in criticism of the methods that are employed, irrespective of the policy towards which these methods are directed, we are told that we are anti Irish. It is about time that that particular attitude was abandoned in connection with this very serious and difficult problem.

We have the problem of restoring the Irish language, but we have the bigger and wider problem of educating the Irish people, and if we concentrate, as there is a tendency to concentrate, merely on the teaching of the Irish language, in bringing it back at all costs, and by any and every means, and at any and every sacrifice, then we will reduce the people of this country to nothing less than a set of ignoramuses. It reminds me of the old song, "They are all out of step but Jim." Some of the enthusiastic but narrow-minded people who are running this policy of the Irish language, regard everybody who criticises them, or even the methods that they wish to have adopted, as cranks. The real truth of the matter is that they are cranks. Now, the Irish language does not of itself produce cranks. It ought not to produce cranks, but that is what is happening. There are cranks in connection with the policy of restoring the Irish language springing up all over the country, and anybody who dares say a word about the Irish language, or the methods employed for its resuscitation, is regarded by them as a heathen.

Now, we all want the Irish language brought back. We may differ as to the methods by which that can be brought about, but we ought not to be forced to subscribe as a matter of religious dogma to the policy that has been adopted with such persistence and insistence both by the last Government and the present Government of teaching through the medium of the Irish language. I personally believe that that is going to kill the Irish language. I am convinced, and, like Deputy Hogan, I may arouse unpopularity in certain quarters by this statement, that the methods that are being adopted at the present time in connection with the resuscitation and revival of the Irish language are steadily and inevitably killing the language, and I believe that in my time we will see the Irish language much more near its death than it was 50 years ago. I learned the Irish language from the time that I was seven years of age. I learned it at a time when it was not taught through the medium of Irish, when there was no compulsion, and when there was no remuneration for learning it. At that time there was far greater enthusiasm amongst the people learning Irish than is to be found in any of the schools of the country at the present time.

I noted that the Minister in the final appeal he made in his speech took to himself great consolation for the fact that the children in the Gaeltacht are now speaking Irish and learning much more enthusiastically than they ever were before. He deplored the fact that until recently the wells of the language appeared to be drying up because the people of the Gaeltacht were not giving the enthusiasm, the work and the effort that they ought to for the revival of the language. How was that problem solved? According to the Minister, and the Minister to my astonishment takes tremendous balm to himself and encouragement in his efforts for this, by paying £2 of a grant to everybody who speaks Irish in the Gaeltacht. In other words, if it pays the people in the Gaeltacht to learn Irish and to speak it they will do so, but if it does not they will not. That is what the Minister said in the final paragraph of his speech: that the wells of the Irish language were drying up in the Gaeltacht until some heaven-sent inspiration occured to him to give to the parent of a child in the Gaeltacht speaking Irish a grant of £2. That appears to me to sound a note of complete and ultimate despair in connection with the resuscitation of the Irish language. If the people in the Gaeltacht will not speak the Irish language until it pays them to do so, then if they discover that it pays them better to speak English they will speak English and drop the Irish language. When they have received the £2 grant, and spent it, they will find, when they have to go to England or to Dublin to earn a living, that it is better, as a commercial and as a business proposition, to know English thoroughly, and then the wells of the Gael will begin to dry up in real earnest. We have a broader and a more difficult task to achieve in connection with education. We have got to have real education for the people. It is not sufficient, and I believe it would not be worth the revival of the Irish language if, having succeeded in reviving Irish as a spoken language, the inevitable result was to have a nation of ignoramuses. We cannot live in this island, separated as we are from the continent of Europe, in complete ignorance of the fact that we have neighbours and that we are only one small item in the world. We have in this House for the last 12 months or two years been discussing foreign policy and international affairs, and that ought to bring it home to us, that we cannot live in splendid isolation. We must equip ourselves to fit in not only with the lives of the people in our own country, but with the lives of people in other countries. We have to be educated, and if we are not broadly and properly educated in every direction, there is no use in having a revival of the Irish language and being a nation of ignoramuses.

In connection with that matter, may I draw the attention of the House to another point in the Minister's speech. He drew attention to the fact that in order to ease the situation for children learning Irish and the position of teachers who have the misfortune to have to teach under the present methods the curriculum of the schools has been curtailed. Is not that, if pursued, a disastrous policy? The curriculum of the schools, as I understand from the Minister's speech, is being curtailed in order that more time may be devoted to the teaching of other subjects through the medium of Irish. In other words, so that this religion of teaching subjects through the medium of Irish, may be continued, the education of the people is being cut down. I think that is a bad policy. I believe that by hastening slowly the Irish language can be revived, and brought to a healthy condition. I do not believe people who say that nobody should raise a voice in criticism of existing methods.

That sort of thing is not going to bring about the revival of the Irish language. I do not believe that in order to become a real Gael one must be insular, must be narrow-minded and a bigot. To revive the Irish language properly requires the infusion of new blood. There is a tremendous foundation for that as the language is very fertile in its vocabulary and in its ideas. While there is a lot to draw from, if the language is to survive, it must have infused into it modern ideas and modern methods. There is no use in cranks saying that one is not a true Gael if he does not speak Irish on every possible occasion, does not get children to speak Irish on every possible occasion, and, above all, does not allow children to be taught or mis-taught through the medium of Irish. That sort of thing, in my view, will help inevitably to kill the Irish language. If the methods adopted at present are persisted in, inevitably the Irish language will be killed, and much quicker than the English were able to kill it when they were here. If the policy of hastening slowly was adopted I believe there is a chance for the language. I do not know whether I gathered Deputy Keely's remarks aright, that he advocated the desirability of people being bilingual. That would be an excellent thing indeed, if it could be brought about. The mental gymnastics of bilingual education would be good for the brain.

One point that was overlooked by everyone in the matter of the teaching of Irish was that the Irish people are not linguists. We find it hard to learn languages. There is no getting away from that. European nations, the Poles, the Czechs, the Germans, the French, and the Norwegians, can all learn seven or eight languages. It is unusual in this country to find people who are able to acquire more than three languages. That is because of our natural situation. On the Continent they are surrounded by people speaking different languages. Here we have to learn languages laboriously. I think we have more facility for learning a foreign language like French, and acquiring the proper pronunciation of a language of that kind, than the English, but I insist that as a nation we are not born linguists. That fact has to be taken into consideration in connection with this effort to ram down the throats of our children the Irish language at too great a pace. There are one or two other points to which I want to refer. To my mind the Minister's speech divided itself into three parts. It was extraordinary the wave of enthusiasm that ran through it until somewhat towards the end. The first part dealt with national education, the education carried out by national teachers. As the Minister proceeded with his speech it became more gloomy and pessimistic. There came into that part of the speech dealing with national teachers an extraordinary amount of criticism of that unfortunate body of men and women.

I ask the Deputy to quote any occasion on which I criticised the national teachers.

I have not got the speech here but I will tell the House the impression it made on me. The Minister first quoted, according to my recollection, reports of inspectors about the way teachers were looking after the sanitary arrangements in the schools. He quoted reports of inspectors as to the lack of method of teachers in preparing their schemes of work. He then quoted other misdeeds of teachers throughout the country concerning the preparation or non-preparation of work in connection with this that or the other thing, music, drama and the rest. At all events, the impression conveyed to my mind by the Minister's speech was that there were statements in it showing rather serious faults in some parts of the national education system. As regards secondary school education, I think the picture he painted was one of complete satisfaction to himself, and as regards vocational education, that it had reached far greater heights than he ever expected to attain. It is satisfactory, as far as vocational education in secondary schools goes, that that system obtains, but the point I want to make is as regards the secondary schools and vocational education. As regards secondary education, the system so far as I understand it, exists on the payment of State grants from results. I think it is time that system, if it exists—and I believe it does—was abolished. It leads to cramming. It leads to individual pupils not being properly attended to, and it leads to a system by which unfortunate pupils who are learning in the schools are dependent on the results of the examinations. I may be wrong in that but I understand that grants given to secondary schools depend largely, if not entirely, on the results of the examinations.

That is absolutely wrong.

If I am wrong, I am glad to know that. I wish to know from the Minister if I am wrong in that. Is there any relation whatever between the results obtained at the intermediate certificate and the leaving certificate examinations and the grants they get?

Do they get anything in the nature of payment for the results?

None whatever.

When was that change made?

The Deputy should find out when it was ever in force—ten years ago anyway.

If that is so, I am satisfied.

And you are talking on education.

I have as much right to talk about education as the Deputy who so ignorantly interrupted.

The Deputy talked about ramming Irish down people's throats.

I did make the statement that the Deputy referred to about ramming Irish down children's throats, and I know what I am talking about. As I said before, I learned Irish before it was either remunerative or compulsory, and I am in favour of the restoration of the Irish language, but I am not in favour of it by the methods which the Deputy wishes to be adopted. I do not wish to be personal, but if the Deputy interrupts any more, I will become strictly personal. On the question of vocational education, there is one matter I want to find out in connection with the success of vocational education methods. The Minister has demonstrated the success of that system, and, as Deputy O'Sullivan, who was the originator of the Bill on which that system was founded, said yesterday, it is a matter of profound satisfaction to everybody. I want to know if the Minister can satisfy my ignorance as an educationist, as Deputy O Briain would say, as to what methods are adopted through which pupils educated in these technical schools can be fed into positions. I do not know how it is possible to get over certain trade union regulations. If a young boy wishes to be an electrical engineer, I do not think he can become an electrical engineer through a course of instruction at a technical school. If he can, I would be extremely anxious to know how, because I have been consulted by constituents who are anxious that their sons should have some sort of opening in that way. I find it extremely difficult to get any opening for young people through the medium of technical schools in the matter of crafts or trades. If there is any opening, or any facilities by means of which boys who are not the sons of trade unionists can have some opportunity of learning a specialised craft or trade through the medium of these schools, I would be very anxious to know, as I have not been able to ascertain it so far.

The Minister gave us an account, which I am sure is accurate, of the methods by which young people employed in industry are able to perfect themselves, or render themselves very efficient, through the medium of technical schools. What I want to know is, if a boy leaving school, having done a good course in the intermediate, wishes to take up a trade or specialised branch of engineering, electrical or otherwise, can he get an opening? Without having trade unionist affiliations, or being the relative or son of a member of a trade, can he do it through the medium of these technical schools?

D'ainneoin a bhfuil ráite ag Teachtaí ar an dtaobh eile, táim á iarraidh ar an Aire an clár atá i bhfeidhm i dtaobh múineadh na Gaedhilge do leathnú. Dubhairt an Teachta O hOgáin gurb é a thuairim féin ná fuil aon mhaitheas á dhéanamh don Ghaedhilg fén scéim seo ach ní aontuím leis in aon chor. Na daoine atá ar an dtuairim sin, is amhlaidh a dheineann siad tagairt ghenerálta don scéal agus nuair a hiarrtar orra cásanna áirithe do chruthú, ní féidir leo é dhéanamh. Tá sé maith go leor do dhaoine teacht anso agus tabhairt fén scéim, ach níl aon bhunús le n-a n-argóint. Nuair a bhí an meastachán so á phlé anuraidh, dubhart go rabhas ag dul timpeall na tíre agus imeasc na ndaoine chó maith le cách. Bhíos ag cainnt leis na múinteoirí agus leis na páistí agus táim deimhnitheach go bhfuil an Ghaedhilg ag dul ar aghaidh ins na scoileanna agus go bhfuil níos mó Gaedhilge á labhairt anois ná mar bhí roinnt bhlian o shoin nuair ná raibh an scéim seo i bhfeidhm.

Dubhairt an Teachta Antoine gur daoine misniúla iad na daoine do labhair ar an scéal so ar an dtaobh so. Is ait an rud é go bhfuil na daoine misniúla go léir ar thaobh amháin. In ainm Dé, caithfimíd tosnú ar an rud so uair éigin. Do réir na dTeachtaí a labhair ar an dtaobh eile, ní féidir smaointe do chur le chéile i gceart i nGaedhilg. Muna mbeidh cleachtadh ag na páistí agus iad ag fás, conus is féidir leo a smaointe do nochtadh i nGaedhilg nuair a bheid fásta suas. Dá óige a tosnuítear leis na páistí, 'seadh is fearr, dar liomsa. Ma fhanaimíd go dtí go mbeidh na páistí deich mbliana d'aois sul a gcuirfear an scéim i bhfeidhm, ná beidh na habhair scoile ag dul i ndeacaireacht agus ná beidh an scéal i bhfad níos measa ná mar atá?

Dubhairt an Teachta Mac Coistealbha gur fhoghluim sé an Ghaedhilg nuair a bhí sé seacht mbliana d'aois. B'fhéidir gur fhoghluim ach, chó fada agus a thuigim-se an scéal, bheadh sé chó maith dhó gan í d'fhoghluim, mar ní labhrann sé í. O thanag isteach sa Tigh seo ní chualas an Teachta ag labhairt as Gaedhilg am ar bith. Deirim-se ná fuil aon chúis ghearáin ann mar gheall ar staid na Gaedhilge ins na scoileanna mar, fé mar adubhairt cheana, tá sí ag dul ar aghaidh. Dubhairt an Teachta leis ná raibh muintir na hEireann 'na dteangairí. Is dóigh liom gur féidir linn teangthacha d'fhoghluim agus d'admhuigh sé féin go rabhamair níos fearr chuige ná na Sasanaigh. Más fíor é sin, nach fearr d'Eireannaigh an Ghaedhilg a bheith acu, mar tá a fhios againn go bhfuil rian na Gaedhilge ar a gcuid Béarla? Is fuiriste fheiscint ó litríocht na Gaedhilge go raibh muintir na hEireann níos cliste go mór san am fadó nuair a bhí an Ghaedhilg á labhairt ar fuid na tíre agus nuair a bhí sí mar úirlís chun teangthacha iasachta d'fhoghluim. Tá a fhios againn go raibh Laidean agus Gréigis ag na daoine, fiú amháin na spailpiní, an t-am san. Ar an abhar san, deirim-se go mbeimís níos cliste dá mbeadh an Ghaedhilg mar gnáth-theanga againn agus go mbeadh níos mó eolais againn ar bhrainnsí eile d'ealadhan agus de léighinn.

Bhíos ag éisteacht leis an Teachta O Diolúin ag cur de ar cheist seo na Gaedhilge. Ní fheadar cé'n fáth a thug sé fogha chó fíochmhar fén nGaedhilg. Deir na Teachtaí gur ag tabhairt fén modh múinte sna scoileanna atáid.

Pádraig O hOgáin

Siné é.

Siné é ach cuirfead ceist ar an dTeachta: Muna dtosnuimíd ar an nGaedhilg do theagasc do sna páistí nuair atáid cúig bliana d'aois, agus leanúint den teagasc san, an féidir an t-eolas do thabhairt dóibh nuair a beid deich mbliana d'aois?

Pádraig O hOgáin

Ní dubhras éinní mar gheall air sin.

Sin í an cheist agus ní féidir í shéanadh. Má chaithfimíd uainn an gléas múinte atá againn fé láthair 'sna scoileanna, agus má chaithfimíd uainn múineadh na nabhar scoile tríd an nGaedhilg, tá sé cho maith againn an Ghaedhilg ar fad do chaitheamh uainn. Admhuím gur obair dheacair í, ach tá sé mar chuspóir againn Eire bheith ní hamháin saor ach Gaedhlach. Más fíor é sin, caithfimíd bheith ullamh ar rud éigin do chailliúint chun é tabhairt chun críche. Níor buadhadh cath riamh gan cailliúnt éigin. Cath é seo atá ar siúl againn anois, agus níl aon teacht as.

Bhíos ag tagairt do chainnt an Teachta Uí Dhiolúin. Do chuir sé síos ar scoileanna Bhaile Atha Cliath agus thaisbeán sé dhúinn páipéar ina raibh cuntas o chigire ar stáid na Gaedhilge i bfurmhór na scoileanna i mBaile Atha Cliath. Admhuím gur droch-chuntas é sin, ach níor chualamair aon chainnt Ón Teachta ar stáid na Gaedhilge sna scoileanna ar fud na tíre. Caithfimid smaoineamh ar na scoileanna fén dtuaith chó maith leis na scoileanna sna cathracha agus táim sásta nach mar sin atá an scéal i scoileanna na tuaithe, agus, dar liom-sa, siad muintir na tuaithe na daoine is tachtaighe.

Maidir leis na scoileanna i mBaile Atha Cliath, níl a fhios agam cé air go bhfuil an locht. An iad na muinteoirí atá ciontach? Tuigim a chuntas an Aire go bhfuil níos mó ná 50% de sna muinteóirí oilte go maith chun an Ghaedhilg do mhúineadh. Tá an teastas dhá-theangach ag 47.6% de sna múinteóirí agus tá an tard-teastas ag 6.5%. Sé sin le rá, go bhfuil níos mó ná 50% de sna múinteóiri éifeachtach chun Gaedhilg do theagasc. Tá cuid de sna múinteóirí ná fuil aon bhaint acu leis an nGaedhilg mar táid ró-aosta. Rachadh sé chun tairbhe don teangain dá dtiocfadh linn a fháil amach cé air go bhfuil an locht.

Dubhairt an Teachta O Coistealbha gur sórt breibe do mhuintir na Gaeltachta an deontas £2 agus ná labharfaidís an Ghaedhilg mara bhfuighidís é. Ní dóich liom go dtuigeann an Teachta an cine daonna chó maith le daoine eile. Buaileadh isteach in aigne mhuintir na Gaeltachta san am atá imithe dá labharfaidís an Béarla go n-eireóc leo agus más rud é go ndearnadar iarracht ar sin do dhéanamh, an aon locht orra é? Nuair thánamair i réim do thuigeamair conus mar a bhí an scéal. Dheineamair iarracht ar a thaisbeáint dóibh ná déanfadh labhairt na Gaedhilge aon dochar dóibh ach go rachadh sé chun tairbhe dhóibh. Mar sin, ní raibh ann ach athrú scéil. Molaim an scéim go hárd agus tá súil agam go leanfa an Roinn dhi. Tá árdmholadh tuillte ag an Aire agus ag an Roinn cé go bhfuil daoine ag cur ina gcoinnibh i dtaobh na scéime.

Mr. Lynch

I did not have the advantage of being present when the Minister made his statement, but I gathered from the report in the Press that he stated that there had been a decrease of £13,830 in the teachers' salaries owing to the reduction in the number of teachers as a result of falling averages. I did not hear and I do not know whether the Minister made any reference to any arrangement which might be made by the Government to deal with the situation that has been created as a result of falling averages. I understood that as a result of the deputations to the Minister from the teachers' organisation and statements made to individual teachers who met the Minister that some assurances had been given that this question of falling averages would be dealt with by the Government. That is to say, that the teachers who, through no fault of their own, are liable to lose their positions as a result of the average attendances in their schools falling off, should be secured in one way or another. In the Press the Minister has certainly not been reported as having said that the Government intends to make any provision for the contingency that has arisen. There is no question about it that a very alarming situation has arisen for many teachers, both fully trained teachers and J.A.M.s—many of them of 20,25 and 30 years' standing—who had very satisfactory service during that period. Now as a result of the attendances in the schools having, for one reason or another, fallen off, these teachers are about to lose their positions. It seems to me that some provision should be made for the cases of these teachers. I think every Party in the House is agreed on that. In fact, Deputies from the Fianna Fáil Party attended meetings convened by the teachers' organisations in various parts of the country and expressed themselves in full sympathy and agreement with the teachers' claim for security of tenure in their position. Therefore, I take it that the Fianna Fáil Party are in favour of the teachers' claim in this respect and that the Government are in favour of it. Under the circumstances one would, therefore, have expected that in bringing forward the Estimates for the year some means would be provided or some statement would have been made by the Minister as to how the Government proposes to deal with the situation. The Minister does hint that there is to be a saving in the training colleges. As a result of fewer teachers being trained in the future, there would be a reduction in that item. It would appear from the Press reports of the Minister's statement that there is some intention of dropping the provision for pupil teachers. That will ease the situation with regard to persons who have never been trained and who have got no employment, but I doubt if it will improve matters for teachers actually in employment and who, because of the falling averages, are threatened with dismissal and withdrawal of salary.

I would be glad if the Minister when winding up the debate, would say what his intentions are in this matter of averages. I would be glad if he would say what the Government have in mind, if they have anything in mind, to meet that situation. There is one thing that at least could stave off the hardship for a period and that is to have the minimum average attendance reduced by five or six points. My recollection is now rather vague but I think that under the old scheme it needed an average of 50 for the appointment of a fully-qualified assistant and that once the assistant was appointed there was allowed a swing down to 45 or perhaps 40. A further swing of five or six points would probably secure the greater number of the existing teachers during their period of service and that might meet the situation. The difficulty in the matter of the appointment of assistants or J.A.M.'s in the schools could be got over by making no new appointments. But with a reduction in the averages number by five or six points, very many of the teachers would be secured in their positions for the rest of the time they have to serve.

There is another matter about which teachers have been agitating a great deal in recent years. Both Governments in this country subjected the teaching fraternity to cuts. Now the teachers were singularly unfortunate in that matter. The national teachers of this country as a body were, probably, up to 1920 the worst-paid public servants in any country in the world. But the British Government at that time made provision by which the teachers' salaries were substantially increased and they were paid something commensurate with the work they were doing. The teachers had not enjoyed this increase of salary for a very long time when we came along and brought in a Bill to give them a cut. They were cut by us before they actually, in many cases, were able to repay out of their bigger salaries the debts they had necessarily to incur when paid the miserably small salaries they had been paid up to that time. I am aware that the Fianna Fáil Party made very definite promises to the civil servants in Rathmines Hall in 1932. I have an idea that a similar promise was made to the teachers. I have seen it stated in a report of the Teachers' Congress in Cork, that the Government gave a promise that the cuts we had inflicted on them would be restored by the Fianna Fáil Party. If that promise was made it was kept in a funny way, for instead of restoring the cuts that we had inflicted, when the new Government came in, they inflicted further cuts. That is what I always feel about the present Government. They adopted all our vices but none of our virtues.

Have you any?

Mr. Lynch

Perhaps it was that the Fianna Fáil Party mistook our vices for virtues. At any rate, they have followed us scrupulously in the wrong things we have done. I think it was wrong to inflict that cut on the teachers for they were not being overpaid in what they were getting. There can be no question about it that with the change of Government from the British to ourselves, additional work was thrown on the teachers in the taking up of the language programme. They were forced to carry out that programme. It would have been more encouraging to them if we, at least, continued the old scale of salaries that had been so belatedly given by the British Government. That, at least, would be more of an encouragement for the work they were called on to do in the revival of the Irish language; we certainly did not give them much encouragement by cutting their already low salaries.

The Minister mentioned yesterday, just following the question of the reduction as a result of the falling average attendance, an increase of £3,000 in the case of the Superannuation Fund, which is to provide teachers' pensions. The juxtaposition of the statement rather made me think that it was deliberate, because I have a recollection that the Minister for Finance not very long ago, when he met a deputation of teachers in connection with these cuts, turned them down on the plea that the teachers were very well off indeed as the Government had made their pensions safe from being, in fact, unsafe. That statement coming from the Minister for Finance is absurd because as far as the teachers were concerned their pensions were always safe.

Deputies might not know the history of the Teachers' Pensions Fund. There was a provision under the Act of 1879 by which a Teachers' Pensions Fund was formed. The teachers contributed one portion of the fund and the State and some endowment grant provided the remaining portion. The teachers kept up their side of the fund all the time; their side of the fund was always solvent; but for the past 20 or 25 years the Government side of that fund became more and more bankrupt. The Governments, starting with the British Government, one after the other adopted the policy of eating their own tails, as it were. In order to provide for teachers' pensions annually, they sold some of the stock on the State side of the fund, thus making the burden heavier the next year by selling more of the stock.

That was the history of the unsound position of the fund. It was the State side and not the teachers' side that was unsound. The Minister for Finance should not take any credit to himself for providing that the State replaces the Teachers' Pensions Fund in the solvent position in which it should be if the State always fulfilled its duty towards the fund. It is no excuse whatever for refusing to meet the teachers in their claim for the restoration of the cuts made in their salaries. Other public servants were cut at the time, and there may always be an excuse for temporary cuts in hard times; but the other public servants have had their cuts restored. The civil servants have had their cuts restored. It is due to the teachers, who are doing at least as important work for the nation as the civil servants, that they should be treated in as favourable a manner, and I suggest that the cuts made in the teachers' salaries a few years ago should be restored. If it were only to fulfil even partially the promises made to the teachers, the cuts made by this Government in their salaries should be restored. It is no argument against the teachers to say that the Government has made provision for the future solvency of the Pensions Fund, because if the fund was insolvent it was the State that was at fault for that insolvency.

I wish to refer to one matter raised by Deputy Daly in connection with the provision of sanitary and heating accommodation in rural schools. That constitutes a pretty acute problem in certain areas in our county, and I would ask the Minister to consider the matter carefully with a view to making an adequate grant for the provision of necessary sanitary and other arrangements in schools. In my opinion the amount made available in the present financial year is not sufficient to meet all requirements. I make the suggestion that better financial provision should be made available for the local public health authority, acting in co-operation with the school managers, so that the sanitary arrangements in schools may become more modernised. The question has been brought very forcibly before us in various districts. In some areas in Kerry we have prepared sewage and waterworks schemes. In these areas there are very important schools with very poor sanitary arrangements, and these ought to be catered for. Of course, up to this, the question of funds was the big obstacle. To meet the difficulty, I suggest that the Minister should increase the grants and make certain sums available, to be expended through the public health authorities, acting in co-operation with the school managers and the county medical officers of health.

Another important matter has been referred to by various Deputies. I refer to the question of averages. This is a vital matter so far as our county is concerned. In Kerry the average has gone down considerably over a period of ten years and the teachers in the various districts are in a precarious position. Unless the teachers are given some hope that this matter will be definitely decided with a view to making their positions more secure, their outlook is not a very bright one. I realise, however, that this matter is in safe keeping when the Minister has it in hands, and I believe the whole thing will be considered very fully and sympathetically. The important point is that if these teachers have not security of tenure they will not be very confident about their positions and their outlook will be impeded, and this will unquestionably react on the educational care of the children and ultimately the nation may suffer.

Deputy Lynch referred to both Governments utilising moneys that rightfully belonged to the Teachers' Fund. I do not think that that is quite so. I know that Mr. Blythe at one time utilised the money to replenish his Exchequer, and it was not until our Government came into power that this money was restored by way of making the Pensions Fund solvent, putting it in such a way that there was security and hope for the teachers. Deputies have asked why were not the promises to the teachers fulfilled. I submit that this action on the part of the Government went 90 per cent. of the way towards fulfilling that promise. The Pensions Fund was certainly made secure. I might add that a great deal of the criticism that is made at the present time, especially in our county, is due to the fact that a few teachers get hold of the branch committees, and, in their efforts to get one over on the Government, introduce certain matters. I have explained to teachers who mean well, and who are out generally for the benefit of all concerned, that they should treat every matter on its merits and that, when they would bring forward their grievances in a reasonable way the Government would go all out to meet them.

I am afraid there is a little of that kind of thing going on all over the country. Apart from that, however, I think it is up to ourselves—particularly those of us who are representing areas such as I do—to demand justice for the teachers in connection with the issue which faces them at the moment. That, Sir, I think, is all I have to say on this matter.

During the course of a statement made by Deputy Good, he referred to the overcrowding of schools in the City of Dublin, where, I understand, the position is extremely bad. I should like to point out, however, that there is overcrowding in more places than Dublin, and, in that connection, I should like to ask the Minister what has been done with regard to providing more accommodation in the Christian Brothers' schools in Wexford town. The position there is very bad, and I should like to know how students, under such conditions as prevail there, can acquire any knowledge, and I consider it must be extremely hard for the teachers, in such circumstances, to impart any knowledge to their pupils when one considers the environment. I understand that similar conditions obtain in Enniscorthy. There, I understand, the Christian Brothers want to secure more accommodation also. So far as Wexford is concerned, I understand that this matter has been before the Department for the last two or three years, and that nothing has happened yet, notwithstanding the fact that plans have been submitted to the Department long ago.

With regard to the question of schools generally, I should like to know whether or not the £200,000 allocated last year has been spent, because certainly, in the constituency I represent, there was a large number of very bad schools. I understand that a number of them are incapable of, or beyond repair, and that it would require an entirely new school to fill the bill. Speaking of schools generally, I want to say that my experience is that the sanitation in schools is very bad—not alone in old schools, but in schools erected by the Department recently. Of course, I suppose that is more or less a matter for the Board of Works, but I think the Department of Education should interest themselves in seeing that better sanitation should be provided in the schools. I have in mind a place called Oylegate in County Wexford, where a school was erected in a place which it was impossible to drain, and that was done notwithstanding the fact that the people responsible for building the school were aware that there was a new sewerage scheme in contemplation. They knew that that scheme was in contemplation, but they took no cognisance of the fact, and erected the building in a place which it was impossible to drain.

The Deputy who just sat down referred to national teachers doing something against the Government for political reasons. I think that is very unfair and, in fact, a slander on the teachers. I think it will be very generally admitted that, in general, the teachers have abstained from bringing in the question of politics to the teaching profession in any way, and, so far as that is concerned I think that Fianna Fáil will get at least, as much support from the teachers in the coming election as anyone else will. At the present moment an agitation is being carried on for the restoration of the "cuts" in teachers' salaries, and it is obvious, in my opinion, that that is a just demand. It is obvious to everybody that the cost of living is increasing daily, and that increase is felt by the teachers just as well as by other people. Apparently, the Ministers themselves are also beginning to feel the pinch of the increasing cost of living. We have evidence of that in the restoration of the "cuts" in their own salaries. However, I am not complaining about that, because I am one of those who considered that there should never have been any "cut" in the Ministers' salaries. What I am saying is that the Ministers themselves must realise what the increase in the cost of living means, and I suggest to the Minister for Education that he ought to approach his colleague, the Minister for Finance, with a view to restoring the "cuts" in the teachers' salaries.

There is a good deal of discontent in teachers' circles at the moment, and I suggest to the Minister that it is very undesirable that there should be this discontent, because, where there is discontent, people will not apply themselves properly to the job they have in hand. Accordingly, I hope that, in the very near future, the Minister will do something on behalf of those people in the employment of his Department. Along with that agitation for the restoration of the cuts, there has been, of course, for a number of years, the agitation with regard to the falling averages and with regard to how teachers are treated in connection with averages that have fallen. Surely, in a profession of this kind, a man ought to have fixity of tenure in his employment, and he ought to feel sure that when he fits himself for a position of that kind, he will have it for the rest of his life. Apart altogether from the fact that the cost of living has gone up and is still going up, I think it will be admitted that the teachers have entered into the spirit of the teaching of Irish in a way that is creditable to them. It must be remembered that they have had to devote a good period of their holidays in the last few years to the acquisition of a good knowledge of Irish so as to enable them to impart their knowledge of Irish to their pupils, and I think that that ought to be taken into consideration by the Minister in an endeavour to persuade the Minister for Finance that the "cuts" in the teachers' salaries should be restored.

Of course, I know that a good many people look upon the teacher as being overpaid, and we have only to look, for confirmation of that, at the action of certain county councils which deliberately pass resolutions to prevent the children of teachers from getting a university scholarship. That means that the teacher, if he wants to send his child to a university, has to pay more than the farmer who, perhaps, is in a better position to give his child a university training than a teacher with eight or nine children, as is often the case. Another branch of the Minister's Department to which I should like to refer is the branch concerned with technical education. The question of scholarships has been referred to, and I notice the Minister this year has a sum of £1,651, as against a sum of £912 last year, representing an increase of £739. Would he explain what the increase is for, and whether he proposes to enlarge on the system of scholarships which has been in operation for some time past? There, again, I am not at all satisfied that anything practical has been done so far as these scholarships are concerned. One year the technical education committee are told that scholarships are available. Next year something different comes along, so that vocational education committees in certain areas do not know really what their position is in so far as these scholarships are concerned. To my mind, more should be done in this direction and more encouragement should be given to pupils of technical institutes to secure that they will get a better training. To a great extent, a great deal of technical education, to my mind, is all wrong. We have the position in some of the technical schools in this country that you have males learning commerce, shorthand, typewriting, book-keeping, engineering, woodwork, and various things of that kind. In my opinion that is only going to make a handyman of some unfortunate person's child and we have too many of them in the country at present. There is not sufficient concentration with a view to turning out pupils for one particular profession. They get a little smattering of everything, with the result that they are not much good for anything when their period in the technical schools is finished.

I suggest that there should be scholarships definitely provided each year for pupils of technical schools. I think the Minister and the people in charge of the technical education department will agree, that there are certain types of instruction for which teachers are not forthcoming at the moment. I refer particularly to engineering teachers. The Wexford Vocational Education Committee had occasion recently to appoint a teacher of electrical engineering and we found it impossible to get what the Minister considered to be a properly qualified teacher. The man we did get is an excellent man, although he is only on trial at present as far as the Department is concerned. I suggest that pupils should be encouraged to qualify themselves for positions of that kind. At the moment no such encouragement is given to them. There should be some definite understanding between the Department and each committee with a view to securing that certain pupils who had an aptitude in that direction are given an opportunity of qualifying to become teachers. Another branch in which teachers are also scarce, in my opinion, is domestic economy. Here again there should be some encouragement given to pupils with a view to their qualifying as teachers.

Another matter in connection with technical education to which I should like to refer is the question of salaries of chief executive officers. There is a very wide difference between the salaries of C.E.O.s in different places, and I think the time has arrived when there should be some standardisation of salaries of these officers. There is discontent all over the country because of the fact that there is no standardisation in this connection, and I would suggest to the Minister that in the near future he should see that this standardisation is brought about. I should like again to request the Minister to take up the question of the restoration of the teachers' cuts, and thereby bring about a better feeling amongst the teachers, which will reflect itself in the schools throughout the country.

Níl aon bhliain a thagann an meastachán so os ár gcóir ná bíonn ceist na Gaedhilge á plé againn. Pé difríocht a bhí idir Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael i dtaobh ceisteanna eile, b'é mo thuairim ná raibh aon difríocht ná easaontas idir an dá dhream i dtaobh an scéil seo. Ach tá a mhalairt de thuairim agam tar éis bheith ag éisteacht le beirt no triúr de Theachtaí Fine Gael ar an Meastachán so. Do labhair an Teachta O Diolúin indé agus an Teachta O Coistealbha iniu ar an obair atá á dhéanamh chun an Ghaedhilg do chur ar aghaidh. Shilfeadh duine ó chainnt na dTeachtaí sin ná fuil Fine Gael sásta leis an mórobair atá á dheanamh agus ná fuil in a gcuid cainnte i bhfabhar na Gaedhilge ach cur i gcéill. Bhí an port céanna ar siúl ag an Teachta O Diolúin i mbliana, anuraidh agus an bhliain roimhe sin—an Ghaedhilg mar ghléas mhúinte sna scoileanna. Do mhíníos an scéal san cheana agus ní gá freagra do thabhairt ar thuairmí an Teachta arís. Seana-thuairmí iseadh iad agus, do réir dheallraimh, níor fhoghluim an Teachta éinní o bhí sé ag cainnt anso anuraidh. Is léir ná fuil aon eolas aige ar an scéal. Níl mórán eolais agam-sa ar an scéal ach tá go leor eolais agam chun a rá go bhfuil feabhas mór ar staid na Gaedhilge sna scoileanna i gcomparáid le n-a staid cúig bliana o shoin agus feabhas iongantach i gcomparáid le fiche bliain o shoin. Má leanann an tAire ar an mbothar ar a bhfuil sé, sroichfidh sé an ceann cúrsa le n-ár linn-ne.

Do dhein an Teachta O Coistealbha tagairt d'obair na Roinne agus do labhair sé ar "ramming Irish down the people's throats." Le fada an lá, tá daoine ann atá ad' iarraidh an Béarla do sháthadh síos scornaigh mhuintir na tíre agus chó fada is tá an tAire Oideachais ad' iarraidh an iarracht san do chur ar neamh-ní agus an Ghaedhilg do chur in uachtar, beidh congnamh le fáil uainn-ne. Ní haon mhaith do sna Teachtaí seo bheith ag leigint orra go bhfuil meas acu ar an nGaedhilg. Is fearr leo an teanga a labhraid. O tháinig mé isteach anso, ní chuala oiread is focal amháin i nGaedhilg o cheachtar de sna Teachtaí seo. Tá a fhios againn go bhfuil mór-thoghadh ag teacht agus b'fheidir go bhfuigheadh an Teachta O Coistealbha congnamh o chuid de sna daoine ina Dháil-Cheanntar mar gheall ar an ndubhairt sé anso.

Dhein sé tagairt don scarúint a bheadh ann o Roinn na hEorpa dá mbeadh an Ghaedhilg againn. Bhí baint níos dlútha idir mhuintir na tíre seo agus muintir na hEorpa sul a bhfuair an Béarla an lámh uachtair sa tír. Nuair a bhí an Ghaedhilg ag uasal agus íseal, ag bocht agus saidhbhir, bhí dlúth-bhaint ag muintir na tíre seo le litríocht na hEorpa agus le muintir na hEorpa. Tuitfidh sin amach arís chó luath agus a bheidh an Béarla brúighte síos againn. Sé mo thuairimse, agus tuairim mór-chuid daoine, ná beidh an Ghaedhilg slán sábhálta go dtí go mbeidh an Béarla brúighte síos againn agus ruaghta as an tír. Dá luaithe cuirfear é as na bun-scoileanna, is amhlaidh is mó a bhead-sa, agus daoine mar mé, sásta. Ní féidir don dá theangain dul ar aghaidh le cois a chéile; sé rud atá uainn ná an Ghaedhilg do chur in uachtar agus an Béarla do bhrughadh síos. Molaim an tAire mar gheall ar an obair atá á dhéanamh aige agus ag an Roinn ar son na Gaedhilge. Táimíd buidheach den Aire de bharr an chuntais chruinn do thug sé dhúinn i nGaedhilg ar obair na Roinne.

I feel a little nervous in getting up to say anything about this Estimate after all the speeches that have been made. The debate has left two impressions on my mind. The first is that, having listened to the speeches here, one does not envy the teachers who are controlled by us and who have to impart knowledge to the children, if they are to pursue the line that has been pursued here. The second is that one does not envy the children if they take up a lot of the stuff delivered in this House. Surely the question of the education of the children of the country should be approached in a more tolerant, a more broadminded spirit, than it has been approached in a number of the speeches delivered here this evening. Apparently no consideration at all has been given to that matter. I should like to think that I gave some thought to the question of the education of the children of this country, but particularly to those children who get nothing but a primary education, and I would consider it highly ignorant on my part to assume anything in the nature of dogmatism in propounding any particular theory with regard to what should or should not be done in connection with education. It is a very profound subject. The first Governor-General of this State was approached at one time on the question of education—or complimented, I do not know which—and he replied by saying that he did not even know the three Rs; he simply knew the Ten Commandments; those were his laws and those were his education.

Intolerant tirades have been delivered here this evening in speeches like that of Deputy O Briain, which actually make one give up hope of anything solid, broadminded or tolerant being evolved in this country in regard to primary education which will benefit our children and equip them for the battle of life. I do not intend to go into that generally. I am primarily concerned with one matter, and very little attention was paid to it in these speeches. Before you begin to educate the children you want to have places in which to educate them; hence you require schools. I am glad to see the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance here, because he is in charge of the school buildings. For four or five years past I have been asking that a survey be made of the primary schools of this State; that they should be analysed, and that we should segregate the number which are utterly uninhabitable from the point of view of being passed by a sanitary inspector or a medical officer of health. Secondly, I want it to be realised that a number of them are beyond repair. The Department, in this patchwork scheme that it follows, is trying to repair places that are utterly beyond repair. They are attempting to repair schoolhouses which were built over 100 years ago, some of which have never been plastered since, or were not even plastered originally. Does anybody think that anything can be made out of these places? If dealt with properly they should have been blown up half a century ago. Attempts are being made to repair them by sending down half a ton of cement with a man or two to put a trowel full of plaster here and there. To put it very mildly, a large number of the schoolhouses in my own constituency are a disgrace to the State. It is really cruel to expect teachers to spend their lives in them. Some of them have spent their lives in them, and only that they were very hardy, robust men they would never have survived it. What about the children? There is a campaign to build new houses in order to improve the health of our people, and prevent tuberculosis and other diseases. The children have to go out in the morning along unsheltered country roads; they go into school drenched with rain, sit in those hovels until evening and then march back home again.

This is a question to which I should like to address myself. If the Minister really wishes to do something outstanding for education in this country, I would ask him to take the question of the construction of schools in hands, and to look into what has been done elsewhere with regard to the construction and designing of new schools. There is a considerable improvement in the new schools that are being built. They are an improvement on the old ones, which were just built with a door and a few windows, and were simply places which you could go into and get out of. Modern school buildings elsewhere are very far beyond that. In Northern Ireland, both in Belfast and in rural parts, it is simply amazing to see the improvements that there are in the construction of the new schools. Taking my own constituency, which adjoins the Six Counties, certainly the contrast between the schools in the two places is very remarkable.

There has been a very violent contest here, in a mild way, in regard to Irish. I think the Minister's speech began it. He quoted a report from an inspector—Deputy Dillon made great play with it here last night—about the results of teaching Irish here in the city, and about the condition in which he found the children, with regard to Irish, after they had left school. I take it that the inspector knows something about education, and of course one would expect that a man who is educated would know some logic. I am surprised that, having made the report as to the actual educational position of those children, he did not proceed to seek the cause of it and make suggestions to the Minister. He is a man employed for that purpose, so he really should apply himself to it, and do something to help the Minister and the Government, and to help this House and the country. What is the reason that he found the children leaving school to be lacking in a reasonable knowledge of Irish, as he has described them in the report quoted by the Minister in his speech? Of course the inference to be drawn from that quotation was that the teachers were not fully discharging their duties and were not efficient Irish teachers. That is at least one inference which can be drawn from that quotation. I do not know why it was quoted, except as a mere statement thrown in. You could take it or leave it; take what you liked out of it, or take nothing out of it. As it was not explained in any way the only inference was that the teachers were failing to give proper instruction in Irish. That is not so. My children are going to an Irish school, and I must say that their teaching is highly efficient. I do not think that any slur should be thrown on the teachers. They are devoting their very best talents to teaching Irish to our children, but what is wrong? When the children cross the school door in the evening they go into an atmosphere that, in the main, is entirely un-Irish. Their parents do not speak Irish, the maid does speak Irish, and the people they meet in the streets or in the parks do not speak Irish. The papers that come into their homes, the magazines, the picture papers and all the others are all printed in the English language. Therefore, I say that before Deputy O Briain begins to hurl about his implied slanders he should put forward some constructive suggestions. He seems to be a mad enthusiast. He gave me the impression of being a carpet bagger in this matter. He has got all the enthusiasm and intolerance of the carpet bagger. We did not hear any constructive suggestion from the Deputy to help the teachers who are devoting their best talents to the teaching of Irish in the schools. What has Deputy O Briain ever done to make the atmosphere outside the school favourable for the spread of a knowledge of the Irish language amongst the children who devote so many hours to its study during school hours? Has he done anything to encourage the production of magazines or pictorial papers in Irish for circulation amongst children?

There is "Henry" in the Irish Press.

Surely you are not going to inflict the Irish Press on the school children.

I should imagine that about 95 per cent. of what appears in the Irish Press is printed in the English language. The column or two that appear in Irish are not going to Gaelicise the country. Has Deputy O Briain done anything in regard to the matters that I have referred to? This is a matter that must be taken out of the Party rut.

Could the Deputy do that?

I never used the language of my country for Party purposes, and I do not want to do it here. I am not going to let Deputy O Briain ride rough shod over the House. I have been in favour of raising the school age in this country for a long time. I listened to a very remarkable speech this evening from a Deputy who dwelt at considerable length on the question of falling averages. He then spoke of the impracticability, as it seemed to him, of raising the school age owing, mainly, to the cost. Surely one thing implies the solution of the other. We all know that in rural Ireland school averages are falling. It is the opposite in the cities and the towns. Take the position in my county. The children born in 1934 will be of school-going age in 1941. The fall in the birth rate there between 1934 and 1941 as against 1927 and 1934, the preceding seven years, will be 9.7, or, shall we say, 10. Therefore, for the 100 children that are in school in Donegal to-day there will be only 90 there in 1941. We have got to remember that this fall in the birth rate did not begin in 1934. In the case of rural Ireland there is plenty of accommodation in the schools for more children, so that if the school age was raised from 14 to 16 the question of falling averages would at once be solved.

In the summer time I usually pay a visit to the primary school that I attended in my native county when I was a boy. The average attendance in the winter time at that school in my boyhood days was between 110 and 120. Now you have 20 or 30 or perhaps 32 or 34 small children attending that school, their ages ranging from about nine to 12. In my time many of those attending it were full grown people. I do not want to be dogmatic in what I am going to say because I think that if one is dogmatic on anything connected with education it is evidence of gross stupidity and ignorance. The problem of education is one that never has been completely solved and never will be. What I would like to see the children of this country getting is a good Christian education. Teach them to be good citizens. Give them instruction in writing and arithmetic, but above all give them a good Christian education. If they get that, and if we make first-class citizens of them, there will not be much wrong with the State.

There seemed to be a conflict of opinion, due either to intolerance or different points of view, with regard to the progress being made in the teaching of Irish. From the speeches delivered here one would infer that there was an attempt to score one off the other. I think that is a cowardly attitude. We should approach this on a far broader basis than that. There may be a weakness about cramming. I am not quite prepared to admit it. Up to ten or 12 years of age are the imitative years for children. These are the years when it is easy for the child to imitate. Learning a language being a question of imitation, of repeating sounds, it follows from that that the years of age up to 12, before a child begins to think, are the years when it is easy to learn languages. But the child only imitates and, therefore, it must hear the language. It must be used continuously and persistently in order that the child will get a full grasp of it.

If the results obtained have not been satisfactory, there is clear evidence why the full fruits could not be attained, no matter what the teachers do. I do not envy the teachers, with politicians and others criticising them. The only benefits they get from the politicians are cuts in their salaries. Then they are asked to make a special effort to make the children bilingual or exclusively Irish-speaking, if possible. I do not admit that that is impossible, but you want time to do it. We must remember that we are dealing with the average child. There are children who can lap up anything, who are competent to take up any subject or course and be very good at it, but they are the exceptions. We must keep in mind that we are dealing with the average child who, in the main, makes the best citizen. I think it is fatal to think that you are going to put into that child anything approaching what is necessary for a proper education and have it completed at the age of 14. I think it utterly impossible and fantastic.

Is there any economic reason why the school-leaving age should not be extended? As a matter of fact, the economic evidence is all in favour of it —the economic evidence is coercive on that point. What is the position to-day? There is nothing more painful, when travelling up and down the country, than to watch all the boys and girls getting single tickets for England. Why do we send children of 14 away from school when there is no work to be found for them? They are not wanted at home, so far as work is concerned; there are too many others at home. The result is that they are leaving the country. Would it not be better, both from the point of view of the physical and intellectual equipment of our children, seeing that that is the economic position of the country, that we should keep them in the place where they would be made of greater value to the State? If, ultimately, they have to leave this State to look for a livelihood, they would be better able to earn a living on that account.

Within the last month I had a striking example of the adverse effect of this. I got a letter from a young boy who had come up to Dublin from the country thinking that he would find gold on the streets here. Ultimately he found that gold was not to be found on the streets here, and after some months, he came to me as he understood I could do something for him. As far as I was concerned it was gladly done. An application form had to be filled up which contained a whole series of questions of a rather complicated kind. I was afraid he would get involved in them, and so I filled up that part of the application myself. I did not want it to be shown that he was not fit to write his name, and I asked him to sign his name to it. When he had signed his name I was really ashamed to send it on. This was a boy from the country, where there is a superabundance of labour and where he was not wanted for any purpose. Perhaps he had not been doing anything for two or three years. Would it not be better for the State, assuming he is remaining here, that that boy should be kept in school until he was 16 or 17 so as to get a decent education and a real grasp of the fundamental subjects? Then he could go out into the world, and if he was successful and earned money and wanted to improve his education, he would have a really good foundation for it and be able to improve himself. Even if he was not able to do that, if he got a job in which he had to read or write or to count money he would be much better qualified for it. Instead of that he comes up here at 19 or 20 years of age and is only able to scrawl his name as if he had been only six months at school.

If the school-leaving age were extended, I think it would solve a lot of your trouble with regard to making this country Gaelic—if you have any hope of doing it. There are a lot of thing you must do before you can do that. Biassed speeches here will not do it. You have more factors than ever you had working against the Gaelicisation of this country. You have the Press, you have the radio, and you have the picture house. You have people who show their intolerance when anybody expresses a helpful conviction or opinion. These people permit films exclusively in English to be shown in the Gaeltacht, and even school children are permitted to go to them. Then we are told you are going to Gaelicise the country. These people who are so intolerant in this matter do not utter one adverse word when that is done. They will criticise Governments and Deputies, of course, as being anti-Irish and trying to put people in the wrong while such pictures are being shown in hovels in the Gaeltacht without a word of Irish in them. Then we have the radio every night, all in English, which can be availed of in some cheap form or another. The newspapers are all in English—even the children's pictorial papers. If you are going to make this country Gaelic let those who are tolerant and those who are intolerant on the matter buckle themselves down to that. That is the job which has to be done before we can complete this.

We are spending the huge sum of £4,570,656 on primary education. I do not say that we are not getting good results. I think we are. Having regard to the age at which children are taken from school, which I submit is far too early, comparing the position now with 40 or 45 years ago, I say that a child of 14 to-day is as well educated as children of the same age were at that period. Generally speaking, I think the children of to-day are better educated and that the standard of education is now much higher. To-day the children are learning Irish, English, arithmetic and algebra. As we are spending £4,250,000 on primary education I think we should not spoil the position because of trifling additional expense. Many people, particularly in the poorer parts of rural Ireland, are reduced financially to very stringent circumstances. If the House wishes I will drop the adjective and say that they are in stringent circumstances. Having regard to the number of books that children have to get nowadays, I do not think we should spoil their chances in cases where they cannot procure the necessary books. It amazes me to see the number of books the children require nowadays. In my time three or four books and a copy book sufficed. Now children have as many books as a professor would have. As we are spending millions on education we should not stop at providing text books, note books and exercises. I suggest that the Minister should approach the Minister for Finance and fight his corner with him for whatever sum would be required to provide free books for children attending primary schools. Some one will suggest perhaps that free books should not be given to children whose parents could afford to pay for them. We know what human nature is and that the child of parents who pay for the books might sneer at neighbours who are poor whose children got books free.

Mr. Kelly

A child would not be well educated that would start to sneer in that way.

I suggest that it is not logical and not putting things in their true perspective if children are denied books that they require, when we are spending such a huge sum as £4,250,000 on education in a small State like this. I am sure that every Party in the House would approve of the provision of free books and I suggest that the Minister should take the matter into consideration and should review the amount of money required so that next year there will be provision for giving free books in primary schools without any reservation. If some parents can afford to pay for the books I am sure they will do so, and will not place the burden on the taxpayers. I think it was Deputy Flynn, from Kerry, who referred to those who broke the law. When you have people in this House, who are supposed to be legislating for other people, applauding the Minister because he obeys the law it becomes rather embarrassing. The Deputy's speech consisted purely of a defence of the Minister for Finance for his refusal to restore the cuts that were made in the teachers' salaries because he had made the pension fund solvent. Perhaps it was unknown to the Deputy that the pension fund was created by statute, and that an obligation was placed on the teachers to contribute a certain amount of money, and on the Government to do likewise. Is the Government now going to come to this House and to plume itself on the fact that it had discharged its statutory duty? I hope there will be an end to the clap trap about the cuts in salaries. Do not let us have pleading that the Government are doing something that they are bound to do by statute. I think the teachers have been unfairly treated. There was a cut of 10 per cent. in 1923, and in 1932, as a result of the economic war, of which they are the victims, another cut of 9 per cent. I am surprised that the teachers have any spirit left to teach our children in the primary schools after the treatment they received from two Irish Governments, seeing that their salaries had been placed on what was supposed to be a reasonable and a fair basis by a foreign Government. Sometimes one meets "die-hards" who say that they would like to see the English in control here again. Many "die-hards" who talk like that do so without justification, but the national teachers, as a body, would have a good deal of justification in wishing for a return of the British, seeing that in recent years they have received cuts of 19 per cent. in their salaries. There is every justification for restoring the cuts that have been made. On reading a report of the proceedings at a meeting of the board of public assistance, held in Dublin, I noticed that one member stated that within the last six months the cost of the essential articles of food has increased from 50 to 100 per cent. If the teachers want justification for their claim, there is justification in that statement, and I make a gift of it to the Department.

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy did not make a case for supplying books to children whose parents are able to pay.

It need not be made.

Tar éis a bhfuil ráidhte annseo indiu, níl puinn agam le rá ach is docha go gcaithfidh me rud éigin a rá. It is a well-known saying that every man thinks he can edit a newspaper, and I suppose every man in this House and perhaps every man outside this House thinks he is a potential educationist. Judging by all that has been said on the question of education and on the wrongs and woes of teachers and pupils, judging by all those platitudes that have been uttered, one is forced to conclude that some of the Deputies in this House lack little in the matter of their own importance. We have been so stormed with shot and shell in this House in the last two days that I wonder how anyone has survived the storm and that we have been able to exist at all through it must be a tribute to our powers of endurance. We have heard Deputies Lynch and McMenamin speak. Deputy Lynch has left the House and I regret it. Deputy McMenamin's leaving of the House I do not regret because before he left the House I was hors de combat. We have heard the Deputy expatiating about education until we were quite tired of listening. Deputy Lynch stated that when his Party was in office a cut was imposed on the national teachers. The Deputy complained bitterly of the state of education. Deputy McMenamin complained of the state of the school-houses. He said some of them were not plastered and that they were falling to pieces. Now these two speeches provoke a very pertinent query. If the schoolhouses are so inadequate as these Deputies now profess to believe they are, and if the cut on the teachers' salaries is so unjust now, one is forced to the query why that cut was imposed and why the schoolhouses were not made more comfortable in the halycon days of the late Government when the people, we are told, were better off and everything was, according to the gospel of Fine Gael, going gaily? At any rate in those days the Cumann na nGaedheal Government did not repair the schools, and they had the audacity and temerity to impose a cut on the teachers. The position seems a little illogical, but illogicability is the badge of all the tribe of politicians.

I think we all sympathise with the national teachers. We all sympathise not only with them but with every such body of men in the country, but at the same time it is impossible to refrain from thinking that the national teachers are at this moment put up by the Opposition as a sort of electoral war-cry. My metaphor may be a little mixed but the country will understand it. As I say we all sympathise with the teachers, but I think the Government is doing what it can, subject to the exigencies of time, circumstance and finance to help them. I think we are all entitled to assume that. To think for a moment that the present Minister for Education would be deaf to the legitimate demands of the school teachers or to imagine that he is not as keenly alive to the educational necessities of the country as any Deputy on the Opposition Benches is, I think, absurd. The national teachers have an excellent case. Possibly a little more tact in presenting that case may be a help to them. I make that statement having due regard to the whole facts of the case. I speak as one who has had a good deal to do with the teachers and one who is connected with them both in relationship and otherwise. But I think that in this matter they have not been as tactful as they might have been. Possibly that might apply to both sides. But to think that the Government, which has the overwhelming support of the electorate in the last few years and every promise of having that support continued, is in any way deaf to the demands of the national teachers is straining the bounds of credibility too far.

With regard to the condition of certain schools that have been mentioned, I will say this, that no doubt there are schools which are inadequate. But time and finance will remedy that. A miracle cannot be worked over-night in the matter of schoolhouses. If I wished to make capital out of the state of certain schools in this country I could do so. What I do say is that the elections are looming on the horizon and every possible effort is being used at present to attract votes. In this connection perhaps I might raise the matter relative to the schoolhouses in Enniscorthy, County Wexford, which I represent. There is a school in Enniscorthy and we have been pressing the Minister for some time past either to have the school rebuilt or the venue changed. We have been met very fairly by the Minister in that matter. People might think that the Ministry was not alive to the gravity of the situation in Enniscorthy. I can speak for them and I know that they are thoroughly alive to the gravity of the situation there especially as it affects the pupils. The delay in the matter was not due to the Department of Education. It was owing more or less to the question of title rather than to any other cause. We all know how tedious is the question of making title in connection with the transfer of land from one body to another. Although we may have a legitimate grievance in this matter, I want now to put it on record that we do not blame the Ministry for the delay; they were not responsible for it. I am sure that the Minister will do his best now to expedite this matter as much as it is possible for him to do so. Possibly the Minister may devise some short cut to end the difficulty and solve the problem that is still waiting to be dealt with. Brevity, it has been said, is the soul of wit, and I have endeavoured on this occasion to be as brief as possible.

Deputy Kehoe followed the line pursued by Deputy Flynn of Kerry, but if I may borrow the Deputy's own words he was a little more tactful than Deputy Flynn. Deputy Flynn said that this agitation of the teachers with regard to the question of cuts and the question of the falling averages was a political stick with which to beat the Government and that the whole agitation was political.

He did not say that.

Oh, yes he did.

He said it might enter into it.

I do not think that Deputy Kissane can interpret to the House what Deputy Flynn said. If Deputy Flynn were present himself I would allow him, if necessary, to make an explanation.

Deputy Flynn said deliberately, and no doubt meant to convey to this House, that teachers who were antagonistic to the present Government were forcing this particular campaign for the purpose of using it as a stick with which to beat the Government. Anybody who is conversant with politics in this country must be amazed at hearing this talk about teachers who are actively interested in politics trying to use this particular question or rather these two questions of cuts and averages against the present Government. It is notorious that the most aggressive politicians amongst the teaching body in this country are those who are out using, and in some cases, abusing their positions on behalf of Fianna Fáil.

I would not say that.

And strange to say still doing so.

I am glad Deputy Jordan agrees with me. The Deputy has very good reason to know that. But when the teachers hold meetings to which members of all parties are invited —meetings which are attended by teachers who, in the main, as always claimed by Fianna Fáil, are supporters of the present Government, it looks rather strange to be told that the people who attend these meetings use them as political propaganda against the present Government.

Deputy Kehoe put it in a different way. He said that if the teachers had approached this matter in a more tactful way—I am sorry the Deputy did not explain that a little more, and I wonder what he does mean exactly—if they had started the agitation through the local Fianna Fáil club—is that what the Deputy meant?—they might have done better. The teachers ceased to be tactful when they stood on their own feet and on the merits of the question and said they were entitled to expect from this Government at least some of the promises they made, the promises made particularly by the Minister for Finance before he became a Minister. They said that at least they hoped these promises would be kept.

Deputy Flynn talked about the Teachers' Pensions Fund. He talked about Mr. Blythe, the ex-Minister for Finance, taking money from the teachers' organisation. That, of course, was obviously a slip; apparently the Deputy meant it was taken from the fund. Deputy Flynn ought to know, as was explained by Deputy Lynch, that the teachers' side of that fund was not only solvent, but that there was a surplus there, and whatever shortage there was it was on the side of the State. If the State kept up their end of the fund in the same way as the teachers kept their part of the fund, the fund would be quite solvent. The Deputy seems to forget that the Minister did not make the fund solvent. The Minister took control of the whole fund and, instead of having a fund there, State pensions will be provided. Remember that the teachers not only were expected to contribute their own part of that fund and that they actually had a surplus in it, but attempts were made to justify the cut made by the present Government on the grounds that their pensions were being safeguarded.

We hear all this talk about politics being introduced. Deputies on the opposite side of the House, particularly those in close touch with the teachers' organisation and who follow the activities of that organisation, will remember what happened a few years ago when Mr. Blythe was Minister for Finance. I want to make it quite clear that I hold no brief for anyone now, nor did I at the time the cuts were made by the present Government or the previous Government. When Mr. Blythe put to the Central Executive Committee of the teachers' organisation a proposal which, from the teachers' point of view, was infinitely better than the one put by the present Minister for Finance, certain very active politicians who are not opponents of the Government started a campaign in this country and drove out of office the Central Executive Committee that was then at the head of the teachers' organisation. Deputy Rice, who is sitting over there, will probably be able to confirm what I say, and the Deputy knows what happened afterwards.

May I intervene for a moment? The teachers made a great mistake at that time, because they accepted Mr. Blythe's offer of a 5 per cent. cut to settle the pensions question. They assembled in Dublin at a special congress for that purpose. That was the first and the greatest mistake the teachers made.

Following on that, certain very active politicians, active on the side of the present Government, started a campaign in this country to drive out of office the central executive committee that had accepted terms which, from the teachers' point of view, were superior to the terms afterwards imposed by the present Minister for Finance. We have members of that Party now talking about using this as a political weapon with which to beat the Government. Deputy Kehoe believes in the teachers and he believes in the Minister. He has wonderful faith. The teachers, he said, had his intense sympathy and he is quite satisfied the Minister will not inflict any injury. So far as I know, the teachers do not want the sympathy of any member of this House or any member of the Government. They want what they call justice, and they are entitled to get that. If they are not entitled to that they are not entitled to the Deputy's sympathy; either they have a good case or they have not.

The teachers ought to be the best judges of their own business. They say they merely want to be treated in a fair and just way. They want to be put, not in a position superior to other State servants or superior to the positions occupied by teachers in the North of Ireland or in Great Britain; they want to be put at least on a par with those persons, not to be treated as inferior to the teachers in the North or in Great Britain.

I do not think anyone in the House will disagree with me when I say there is an urgent necessity for dealing with the question of averages. I do not think any person, no matter what his views may be regarding the teachers as a body or considering it from the angle whether the teachers' salaries are adequate or inadequate, will agree that this State should go on spending money sending students to training colleges to be turned into teachers, then to find that they have no schools. Not only that, but it so happens that many of those who have been trained at considerable expense and who have gained years of experience in schools, are now thrown, so to speak, on the scrap heap, with very little hope of getting schools again. That is a very undesirable state of affairs so far as the teachers and the country are concerned.

I do not want to follow other Deputies into the question of the teaching of Irish, and as to whether the teaching methods are right or wrong. I confess I do not know Irish very well. In my own small way in later years I did as much as I could to try to get a grasp of it and, in so far as I can, see to it that my own children get a better opportunity of learning the language than I got. There is this to be said, that there is very little, if any, opposition—certainly there is no opposition that could be called reasonable—to the teaching of Irish in the schools as a subject; but there is grave doubt in the minds of many people as to the wisdom of teaching other subjects through the medium of Irish.

The words to which I am about to give expression are words which have been spoken to me, and I dare say they have been spoken to other Deputies, by the man in the street, the parents of the children. The first question you are asked is this: how many of the teachers are themselves competent to teach other subjects through the medium of Irish? If the Minister is in a position to let us have it, I would like him to give the information. It is a very straight question, and I submit it is a question to which the House and the country are entitled to get an answer. The statements are made that many of the teachers are not competent to teach other subjects through the medium of Irish. We must realise that this extra activity, this extra push of Irish, came, so far as many of the teachers are concerned, when they were too old to be able to get a sufficient grasp of it to enable them to teach through its medium. You cannot blame the teachers. It is well known that many elderly or middle-aged teachers were driven grey on this question of Irish.

I do not want to be taken by anybody in or outside the House as being in any way antagonistic to the Irish language. I have stated my own personal position clearly. I do say that the best work that could be done for the fostering of the Irish language would be for the Minister to make the position clear by being able to satisfy the parents of the children that those who are charged with the task of teaching the children not only the Irish language but other subjects through the medium of Irish are competent to do so; in other words, that their children are not being practised upon.

Now that, as I say, is the position as I see it, but I do hope that if there are to be any other speakers from the other side of the House, we will not have any more charges about this agitation of the teachers for the restoration of the "cuts" in their salaries, or about the question of averages, as being a political stunt, which I presume, according to what has been said, is being worked and fostered on behalf of Fine Gael. I may say that I should like to think that Fine Gael had the support of the majority of the teachers of this country. I should like to be able to think that, because it would be a sign that the people are beginning to realise that the promises that were made are not being kept and are not likely to be kept; and it must be said to the credit of those who are in charge of the Fianna Fáil propaganda that they have succeeded, not only in —I do not like to use the word "fooling," but, let us say, in deceiving, not alone the ordinary farmer, and to a certain extent the ordinary worker, but even the people who are supposed to have a somewhat better education than the ordinary man in the street, and I think it is a good thing to have it, even on the authority of Deputy Flynn and Deputy Kehoe, that the teachers are swinging around to Fine Gael, and that they are able to organise an agitation in that way which might be of help to Fine Gael.

Sez you!

That is what the Deputy said. He said that the only thing was that they did not do it tactfully enough.

I did not say that. I did not say that they were wielding or trying to wield any electoral power but that the Opposition were.

The Deputy said that they could have done it in a more tactful way.

See the records. That is not what I said.

That they did it, but that they could have done it in a more tactful way.

Mr. Flynn

I should like to correct the Deputy's statement.

Is this a point of personal explanation?

Mr. Flynn

No, Sir, but I think the Deputy has misrepresented what I said in regard to the number of teachers who have introduced politics into this question.

I suggest, Sir, that this is mere heel-tapping and not a personal explanation.

Mr. Kelly

What is heel-tapping?

I think there is no necessity for me to tell Deputy Tom Kelly, with the experience he has had, what heel-tapping means.

Deputies Flynn and Kelly rose.

Deputy Morrissey is in possession and, if he does not want to give way, he should be allowed to proceed.

It is not a question, Sir, of yielding, but I thought it was a matter of personal explanation. Perhaps Deputy Kelly might be able to explain.

Mr. Kelly

Oh, I only wanted to have the point made a little bit clear.

A little clear? Yes, but the fact remains that Deputy Flynn's whole point was that the teachers were using this matter as a political weapon.

Mr. Flynn

Five per cent. of them.

Five per cent.?

Mr. Flynn

Yes.

Therefore, we are to take it that there is so much intelligence in that five per cent. that supports Fine Gael, or are in favour of Fine Gael, that they are able to use the other 95 per cent.

Mr. Flynn

That is what the Deputy thinks.

Well, I trust the Deputy is satisfied with his explanation. At any rate, it satisfies me perfectly.

Rinneadh a lán cainnte, ar na Meastacháin seo, ar mhúineadh na Gaedhilge sna scoileanna agus dubhairt an Teachta O Coistealbha go rabhamair ag sáthadh na Gaedhilge síos scórnaigh na ndaoine. Ní gá dhom a rá gurb ionann an polasaí atá againn-ne anois agus an polasaí a bhí ag an seana-Rialtas. Pléidheadh an cheist seo, múineadh na Gaedhilge sna scoileanna, tamall ó shoin agus nuair a chuir an Teachta Mac Diarmada rún os ár gcóir ni bhfuair sé ach guth amháin. Taisbeanann san go bhfuilmíd ar aon intinn, ar gach taobh de'n Tigh, maidir le ceist na Gaedhilge agus múineadh na Gaedhilge. Do labhair an Teachta O Diolúin ar an modh múinte i ranganna na naoidhneán. Nílimíd ad' iarraidh aon abhar scoile do theagasc do sna naoidhneáin ach amháin an Ghaedhilg. Is gá uimhreacha agus rudaí mar sin do theagasc do sna naoidhneáin i dtreo go mbeid i ndan úsáid do dhéanamh den teangain.

We have listened to a fairly large number of speeches on these Estimates. I am only sorry that most of the speeches were comparatively worthless. Some of them dealt with the programme in respect to the teaching of Irish in the schools. We have been listening to such speeches for years past and I am not going to weary the House by repeating arguments used quite recently when a motion in the name of Deputy MacDermot was under discussion in the House. I explained then, and I might repeat the statement for Deputy Morrissey's information, that it is not the policy of the Department that teachers who are not qualified, in the view of the inspectorate, to teach through Irish should do so. I said in my speech yesterday that we had carried out the policy laid down in the circular of 1930, and that recently we had again called the attention of inspectors to that matter. If there are teachers attempting to teach through Irish who are not qualified to do so, they are certainly doing it against the wishes of the Department and at variance with the programme as laid down. Moreover, if the work of such teachers should come under the observation of the inspectors, as it is bound to, it would be the duty of the inspectors to call their attention to the fact that, in our view, they are not qualified to do this work. I have made that quite clear. I think it is clearly understood by all who are connected with the administration of education but apparently it is not understood in the Dáil, although I have repeated it several times here, nor is it understood in the country. A great deal of misrepresentation has been going on.

It has to be understood, while that is the position, that we have been expecting teachers to endeavour to do what they can to carry out the policy of the Department. If they were unable, in our view, to teach through Irish, we expected them to use Irish as much as possible and as far as they are able in connection with the ordinary work of the school. I gave an account also in my speech of the numbers of teachers who have got certificates of one kind or another. Of the total number, 6.5 per cent. have the Árd Teastas. I think all these teachers would be qualified to teach practically the full programme through Irish. We have, in addition, 47.6 per cent. who have the bi-lingual certificate. I think a great number, if not all, of these should be qualified—I would not be in a position to say definitely that they would be all qualified in the view of the inspectors —to teach through Irish, to some degree. Of course, teachers may be able to teach some subjects through Irish satisfactorily, and not teach others but, according to these figures, it would appear that about 50 per cent. approximately of the teachers should be in a position to teach through Irish.

As is usual, when these Estimates are under discussion I have been asked to interview my colleague, the Minister for Finance, with a view to making moneys available for certain developments that Deputies consider would be very useful and very necessary in education. For example, I have been advised to approach the Minister for Finance with reference to the matter of the cut in the teachers' salaries. I am not quite clear whether it is the cut imposed by the present Government in connection with the settlement of the pension fund problem or whether I am expected to interview the Minister for Finance with a view to getting him to restore, not only that particular cut, but also the cut imposed by the last Government and bring the situation back to what it was in 1920, so far as the teachers' salaries are concerned. I regret that I cannot see my way to approach the Minister for Finance in this matter. In spite of the great interest that has been taken by Deputies in the teachers' case for a restoration of their salary cuts, and in spite of the appeals that have been made to-day in the House, I feel that I cannot use whatever influence I have in that regard, the reason being that the Government has explained quite clearly, and as I think the country understands, what their position is with regard to this matter of the teachers' salaries.

When we came into office there was there to be settled the question of the teachers' pensions fund which had become seriously deficient from an actuarial point of view. Its position financially was becoming very much worse each year that went by. The problem had been unsolved by our predecessors. They had made a certain offer to the teachers which, as has been pointed out during the discussion in this House, was in fact accepted by the teachers at one stage, though afterwards rejected by them. We went fully into the question with the teachers' representatives when we became the Government. We made them a certain offer, an offer which was certainly better than that made by our predecessors, as would be natural to expect from a Government of our generous instincts. We were unable nevertheless, to get the teachers to agree to that notwithstanding the circumstances of the pensions fund and the likelihood that if that position were to continue—the fund steadily becoming worse and actuarially insolvent—they would eventually, within a few years, be left without any pensions. We could not persuade them to accept, and to recommend to their colleagues and their organisation, the 9 per cent. cut with certain adjustments, and a 6 per cent. cut in the case of junior assistant mistresses, who were brought in, to settle up the pensions fund problem.

An appropriate resolution was subsequently carried in this House and I explained the position fully at the time. Different views were expressed at the time but in any case the House implemented that resolution and the settlement became effective, with the result that at the present time, while the main body of the teachers have suffered a 9 per cent. cut, the State has to provide about £388,000 per annum, a sum which will increase yearly until it reaches a figure eventually of £500,000 annually, in respect of charges for teachers' superannuation. I do not see any prospect of the Government's reopening that question at this stage. It has to be admitted that a share, whether the whole of the 9 per cent. or some lesser amount, must go in the form of a pension contribution. Although there was an element of economy in the 9 per cent. cut, nevertheless the cut itself was and is an essential part of the pensions fund settlement that we introduced, and for which we got the sanction of the Dáil. I do not think that there is any possibility of the Government reopening the matter at this stage.

In any case I am inclined to agree with my friend Deputy Kehoe that perhaps the case which is being made for the teachers by the Opposition Party is not quite so strong when we have regard to the fact that the cut which they were prepared to make, and which they offered as a settlement in their time, was 10 per cent. It seems extraordinary, as has been pointed out during the discussion, when the country is in such a serious state financially, according to the Opposition, that we should be expected to go very much further now. As I said, we have already done better than our predecessors in regard to the settlement. That we should be expected now to restore the whole of the 9 per cent., and not alone that but actually to go back to the 1920 position, because that is what is being put up to us, is simply incomprehensible, and can only be explained by reference to the fact that we are on the eve of a general election. I think a good many of the teachers themselves realised that the campaign for the reopening of that pensions fund settlement was not likely to succeed. Without attempting to suggest that the teachers have not a perfect right to make their case to the country, and to get support for it wherever they wish, we have explained that we are not prepared to reopen the question at the present time, and that is how the matter stands.

With regard to the question of the falling averages, the fall in the numbers of the enrolments and the averages in the schools, particularly in the rural areas, has been going on for some years. I explained to the House in my opening speech that we were taking certain steps with regard to reducing the number of teachers, reducing the number of candidates in the training colleges, refusing recognition to teachers trained in Great Britain, and reducing the number of junior assistant mistresses, for example, in order that we may eventually reduce the supply of teachers to equal the demand. But that, as has been pointed out during the discussion, merely covers the question of the entry of new teachers into the teaching profession; it does not cover the question of the existing teachers. That, however, has also been under consideration for a very long time. When it was brought under my notice some years ago we examined the question as it then appeared, and as a result we brought certain revised rules into operation on 1st January, 1935, which eased the position for teachers whose positions were threatened, and we showed that we realised the need for amelioration of the conditions then existing. Under those revised regulations grants are not withdrawn from assistant teachers and junior assistant mistresses until the average attendance has fallen below the figure for their retention for four consecutive quarters, and such teachers with at least ten years' service are allowed to retain their positions in a redundant capacity for a number of additional quarters, according to their length of service, to a maximum of six quarters, to enable them to secure positions in other schools.

The position, however, has since become more acute. The numbers on the rolls of the schools in the rural areas, particularly in the counties on the western seaboard from Donegal to Kerry and Cork, continue to show a decline which has been gradually developing for eight or nine years, and which present indications suggest will continue for some time longer. I need hardly say in this connection that I fully realise the educational effect of the condition of doubt and uncertainty in which teachers are placed who find themselves in a precarious position owing to falling averages, and the increasing number of teachers likely to be affected has had my serious consideration. In the consideration of the whole issue I have been in consultation with the Minister for Finance, and although I cannot at the moment make a definite statement, Deputies may be assured that anything which the State can reasonably be expected to do to meet the situation will be done. I have no doubt that with the co-operation of the managers, which, from recent public pronouncements, I am quite sure will be gladly forthcoming, a means will be found in the near future for easing the situation. I believe that if we had an arrangement under which teachers who are in danger or on the point of losing their positions owing to falling averages would be listed for appointment to other schools as vacancies arise, the problem would be found to be much easier of solution.

Another matter that was referred to was the question of the school leaving age. Deputy O'Sullivan seems to think that relative to our total State expenditure our Estimates for education are possibly not as high as they were ten years ago. That may be, but there are items under certain of the other Votes which pertain closely to education, although I have no responsibility for them, such as the school meals scheme, the provision of milk for children, and the county medical services. If the proportion of national expenditure to education seems to be smaller than it has been, the reason is that there has been a great increase in social services which are at least as worthy of attention and as worthy of Government assistance as schemes for educational development. Whenever I have made a case for additional financial aid for educational services or auxiliary services I have always been met very fairly, and if I have not been met fairly it has been, I think, generally because of some weakness in the case which has been put up. With regard to the school leaving age, the House is aware that the committee which was appointed to investigate the question of raising the school leaving age reported in favour of experiments in this direction in specially selected centres. It was the view of this committee that those experiments were necessary before it was possible to say with any degree of confidence that it was wise to raise the school leaving age generally. Last year I announced the intention of the Government to conduct experiments in accordance with the recommendations of the committee, and I informed the Technical Education Congress in Drogheda last June that I was prepared to commence in the Drogheda area, which seemed to my Department to be specially suited to the purpose. Owing to the regrettable death of the chief executive officer of the Drogheda Vocational Education Committee, on whose valuable experience much of the success of the experiment depended, I was compelled to postpone action in this area. Early in the current session I communicated with the City of Cork Committee, which expressed its willingness to cooperate with my Department, and it is accordingly proposed to apply Part V of the Vocational Education Act to the city area as from 1st September next.

Might I interrupt the Minister for a second? I was present at that meeting, and I should like to know whether you got any communication from the Cork City Vocational Committee in which they asked who would bear the expense?

The Department have been in communication with the committee, and I think the question of who will bear the expense has not been finally determined, but the intention is to proceed to apply Part V of the Vocational Education Act to the city area as from 1st September next, provided no insuperable difficulty as regards finance arises. The effect of this will be that for the first year every boy and girl in the City of Cork who is under 15 years of age will be obliged to attend a suitable school or a suitable course of instruction, and for the second and following years the same will apply to every boy and girl under 16 years of age. In preparation for this change in September a very careful survey has been made of existing educational conditions in Cork and a close estimate has been obtained of the number of additional young persons for whom educational facilities must be provided. The arrangements for the change are well in hand, and I am confident that the Cork Vocational Education Committee will use its utmost endeavour to secure the success of this valuable educational effort not only in the interests of its own area but also as a pioneer effort in the general interest of education in the Saorstát. Further experiments must depend as to their location and scope on the results of these two or three that are immediately contemplated, and I am entirely opposed to any general application of the raising of the school-leaving age until there is sufficient data to justify such action and supply my Department with the information that is essential to success.

May I point out in that connection to Deputy Anthony that the raising of the school-leaving age, since it will mean that the boys and girls to whom it applies will attend either a vocational or a post-primary school normally, will not be of much benefit, I fear, to the national schools. The consensus of educational opinion, as I have pointed out before in the House, is that at the age of eleven plus a child should be transferred from the primary to the post-primary school. So that if we were to raise the school-leaving age, and still keep our children in the national schools, we would be flying in the face of educational policy and opinion as laid down in practically every civilised country. It is essential that at that age, or as soon as possible after, a child should be transferred to an entirely new school, to an entirely new environment, and entirely new teachers.

A number of Deputies referred to the question of school buildings. I dealt with that fairly comprehensively in my statement. I have only to add that the question of the provision of suitable accommodation in the new areas in Dublin is being carefully considered at the present time. In the rural areas and the smaller towns and villages undoubtedly a good deal remains to be done. We are obtaining a census of defective school buildings from the inspectors, and arrangements have been made with the Department of Local Government and Public Health for the furnishing of detailed particulars as to the sanitary condition of school-houses by the medical officers of health. I should, perhaps, mention that there is undoubtedly great difficulty in that managers find it extremely difficult, in a great many cases, to collect local funds towards the building or reconstruction or maintenance of schools. They have to depend on voluntary appeals to the people, and, owing to various causes, these appeals do not in many instances meet with a sufficiently adequate response.

It is the custom of the Department to give special additional grants, called excess grants, in the poorer areas and in the more congested areas we have in a good many cases borne the total cost of building new school-houses ourselves. Nevertheless, we find it necessary, having regard to financial exigencies and certain limitations which are placed upon ourselves, to see that a substantial local contribution is raised in nearly all cases. The local contribution depends on the circumstances, but in the poorer areas a smaller contribution is asked for. The manager, of course, has to provide the site. In certain cases, having done that, all that we ask from him is that he should provide the sand and stone and materials. But we have not held up a building, in so far as it was possible to avoid holding up any worthy case, by reason of a small difference in amount between that suggested from ourselves and that offered by the manager.

Any proposals that come to the Department for building or reconstruction are pushed forward, and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance will be able to tell the House that the Board of Works has been working at exceptional pressure in order to deal with cases. As an illustration of what we have been doing I can tell the House that since 1932 grants, amounting in the aggregate to £874,000, were made for the erection of 195 new school-houses, the enlargement or extensive reconstruction of 131 existing schools and the execution of minor works of improvement in over 1,100 cases. If Deputies have cases in mind in which they are interested, where there seems to be unusual delay, I would be glad if they would write to me and call my attention to the matter.

The question of large classes in schools has been referred to by several Deputies. We have examined the question. I pointed out that even in the Dublin metropolitan area there is at present a great fall in the attendances at the schools in the centre of the city due to the movement of population outwards. We believe that the number of genuine cases of overcrowding is very small, and that in almost all cases which have been examined, where an unduly large class or classes seem to exist, these are due to defective organisation or unsuitable grouping, which can be remedied. Reference has been made to the heating and cleaning grants. We have already announced that, as from the present financial year, that grant will be increased from the sum at which it stands and which appears in the Estimate at £14,000 approximately to £65,000, but as the recoupment to the managers will not be made until next year, although the grant will operate from the 31st March of the present year, the figure of £65,000 does not appear in the Estimates. Nevertheless, the increase, as I have said, will operate for this financial year.

Deputy Good and Deputy Costello referred to the question of finding employment for juveniles. The Juvenile Advisory Board is not a board over which I have any control. I understand its powers come more properly within the ambit of the Department of Industry and Commerce. I have explained, when speaking on technical education questions in the country on several occasions, that it is not the function of the teachers or instructors in vocational or technical schools to find employment for students. No guarantee of employment can be given to students, but I know that, particularly in the large schools here in Dublin, and I have no doubt the same practice holds down the country, every effort is made by headmasters—some of them are particularly energetic—in endeavouring to find employment for their students, both boys and girls. There is no regular way in which employment can be found except by individual initiative. With regard to the question of apprenticeship, there are apprenticeship committees set up by the Department of Industry and Commerce in a number of trades, and on those committees technical interests and technical schools are represented. In that way there should be a definite bridging and connection established between the work in the technical schools and the work of the trades. How that will affect the question of getting additional apprentices, where necessary, into trades is a matter that does not concern me. It could be more profitably addressed to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. As Deputy Costello himself fully realises, the trade union regulations governing apprenticeship will have an important bearing on that matter.

Deputy O'Sullivan referred to the question of domestic economy in our schools and I agree fully with his remarks. I doubt whether we can stress sufficiently the need which exists for giving the fullest possible courses of instruction in household management in our schools, nor can we dwell too often on the importance of this and allied subjects for girl pupils. No matter what position in life a girl may be called upon to fill, she will need to have a thorough grasp of the principles and practice of housecraft. It should be quite clear to girls from working-class homes and their parents that the domestic economy classes are at least of as great importance, possibly of more importance, to them as to others. I should like to urge upon working-class parents that they should see that their daughters take full advantage of the facilities afforded by the vocational schools throughout the country. I believe that the committees are doing as much as ever they can, within their resources, to extend the facilities for such instruction.

I think that domestic economy also is taught in most of our big convent schools and in many other girls' national schools. I know that some of the convent schools are doing excellent work in training girls for domestic service, and I hope that wherever possible such work will be undertaken by our convent schools. We have recently appointed three additional domestic economy organisers for national schools, making a total of nine such organisers, and I hope as a result of their work, and of such other steps as the Department may consider necessary, there will be better provision in our schools in future for this type of work.

Does the Minister include needlework in the definition of domestic economy?

Yes, and laundry. Deputy O'Sullivan referred to the matter of the emigration of girls to Great Britain. There are, in my view, better opportunities for girls in domestic employment in this country now than at any time heretofore, and the conditions of employment in domestic service here are likely to improve. Homes are more comfortable and more easily run, a great deal of the slavish work done in former days has disappeared, and wages have risen. Unfortunately, a great many girls, who seem to be unfitted for other types of employment, look down on domestic service. They consider such work to be nothing better than slavery. I consider this to be an altogether wrong impression which parents and others who are interested should dispel. It may very often be the duty of such parents, or of such others interested, to encourage those girls who are suitable for such employment to undertake it. If a domestic does her work properly she need never be out of employment. There is no question nowadays of a girl being driven to accept unsuitable work. The difficulty, as the House knows, is to get even partly trained girls at the present time. I believe that the conditions and pay of a trained domestic in a good home in Ireland compare favourably with any other class of employment that would normally be open to such girls. I doubt very much also whether it is either the pay or the conditions of employment here, or both, which are responsible for girls going to England.

I think that covers all the main points and the more important questions raised by Deputies. As I have said, if there are particular matters regarding individual schools in which Deputies are interested, I would be glad if they would call my personal attention to them.

Has the Minister considered the advisability of changing the school hours in certain areas? I do not mean country areas or districts where children have to walk four of five miles to school, because I realise that in wet weather it would be much better for the children not to have to undertake such journeys four times. But take a district like Cork City, where I think the change might be made with advantage. The school hours there might be from 10 until 1 o'clock, with a break from 1 o'clock until 3 o'clock, and then go on from 3 to 5 o'clock. That system has been in operation in England for a long number of years and has been found to be successful. Complaints are fairly general about the long fast for the children going to school. I should like to know if the Minister has considered that aspect of the question, and whether any representations have been made to him about the change of hours.

There is nothing to prevent a manager who is interested in this matter from making other arrangements with regard to school hours. The Department of Education have preserved a neutral attitude in the matter. Representations have been made to me and, personally, I have no objection whatever to experiments being tried. But from inquiries we have made in some of the Dublin schools I feel that parents would be by no means unanimous as to the advantages of changing the school hours and enabling the children to go home for a meal in the middle of the day. There is the problem of avoiding traffic and there is the problem of the working-class household where the mother might prefer that the children should come home finally when they do come home, at three o'clock normally, and have their lunch then. In any case, there is no unanimity of opinion in the matter. It seems to me that to have a general arrangement applicable both to city and country would not work very well. Each individual school has its own particular problems and the only way in which we can ever come to a final decision on the matter, apparently, is that some manager, who is sufficiently interested in giving the longer interval in the middle of the day, should make the necessary arrangements in his own school. If we had one or two such experiments we would then be able to ascertain what value there is in the suggested change for the school population generally.

I should like to ask another question as to the matter mentioned by the Minister some time ago in relation to the trying of an experiment by the Cork City Vocational Education Committee. I can assure the Minister that the Cork City Vocational Education Committee are prepared to co-operate to the fullest extent with the Minister within the limits of their capacity to pay. There was no objection raised; the only snag we saw was the question of expense. We are taxed to the limit so far as vocational education is concerned. I agree that the experiment would be a very good and useful one.

The Chair awaits the Deputy's question.

The question is: will this scheme be financed by the Government? That is really the question.

I want notice of that question.

The Minister is raising false hopes, as he indicated clearly that he would try the experiment.

The Deputy seems to be initiating a new debate.

I am not. I only wanted to get it clear.

The Minister says that he requires notice of that question.

Vote put and agreed to.
Top
Share