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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 17 Jul 1942

Vol. 88 No. 8

Private Deputies' Business. - Prices of Oats and Barley—Motion.

I move the motion standing in my own name and the names of Deputies Brennan and Browne, as follows:—

That, in view of the importance of stimulating the maximum production of cereals both for human consumption and for further agricultural production, and the necessity for leaving a fair margin to the producer as a means of eliminating incentives to illegal transactions, Dáil Eireann is of opinion that the prices of oats and barley as fixed by the Minister for Agriculture are insufficient to meet the increased costs of production and the inevitable reduction in yields consequent on the scarcity of manures.

In considering the motion, the House must bear in mind that, during this period of emergency, the dominant consideration must be the maximum production of food for human and animal consumption from the soil of this country. We feel that, in order to stimulate production, the necessary incentive must be held out to the farmer. On the last motion, I referred to the question of control. I agree that control is objectionable where it can be avoided but, in this case, we must set a limit somewhere. We must have a ceiling to those prices. If the Government are to control wages and prices of other commodities so as to restrict the spiral in prices which must, inevitably, follow an increase in the price of other commodities, we must agree to some limit in this case. With the increase in the volume of money coming back into this country not only for live stock but because we have a credit balance of trade at present, and with substantial sums coming in from people who left the country to obtain work and are sending back money to their families, there is an inflationary tendency. The Government have, I think rightly, attempted to control that situation and keep prices within reasonable limits. For that reason, I think we must have a measure of control, particularly in the case of oats and barley, to prevent speculation. It might be all right to leave market operations in connection with oats and barley free if one were sure that no speculation would occur but, obviously, there are men with sufficient vision and foresight to avail of the opportunity to corner a certain amount of that grain and force up the prices. The sky would then be the limit. On the question of fixation of prices, I do not think that we can offer any criticism. It is necessary under present conditions.

A couple of evenings ago, the Taoiseach gave us first returns of this year's crops and they were, from his point of view, disappointing. He told us that the present acreage of wheat was 585,000, an increase of 26.2 per cent. on that of last year; that the acreage under oats was 881,400, an increase of 12.7 per cent. and that the acreage under barley was 180,600, an increase of 14 per cent. Root crops, generally, have decreased. Potatoes have decreased and there is a very substantial decrease under sugar beet. The Taoiseach informed us that the acreage he aimed to secure under cereals was 2,000,000. The aggregate acreage under cereals is 1,657,700, an increase of 17.3 per cent. on that of last year, but falling short of the 2,000,000 acres aimed at by 350,000 acres. That shows that our effort in this regard has not proved a success, that we are still short by a very substantial amount. Under present conditions, with the difficulty of securing supplies from overseas, that is a very serious matter. To secure adequate production, two things are essential. Prices must be sufficiently attractive to induce people to till the land. They must feel that the work is profitable and that the price is fair in the circumstances. The other essential is proper organisation and proper aid in the way of equipment of all sorts to help the agricultural community.

In the fixing of the prices, we must take into account the cost of production. One of the things on which I have criticised the Minister for Agriculture on several occasions is his arbitrary method of fixing prices. The consultations he had with agricultural interests were very few and far between. His consultative council were asked to meet only once or twice a year and the term "consultative council" is, I think, a misnomer.

They are simply told what the Minister intends to do and they listen to that and discuss the matter. Then they are dismissed and he does what he likes afterwards. That is a rather peculiar sort of consultation; it does not strike me as being consultation at all. The Minister's intentions are generally announced beforehand, and they are merely asked to express their views on them.

I complain not only about the arbitrary method of fixing prices without consultation, but also that the Minister has no costings of any sort in relation to any crops. I do not know how he arrives at his figures when fixing prices. Certainly, he cannot proceed on a costings basis. It is only fair and right that, in determining a fair price to the farmer for grain, he should proceed on a costings basis. Otherwise, I do not know how he can arrive at a figure to cover the cost of production and leave a fair margin to the farmer. It cannot be denied that the cost of production this year is higher. The cost of labour under the wages fixed by the Agricultural Wages Board is higher; the casual labour required for harvesting operations and general production is bound to be higher, owing to the numbers who have gone across to work in Great Britain; plough parts and implements cost substantially more; harvesting operations, twine, and the various things necessary, cost more; and threshing charges are higher. I do not want to go into the details of the cost of production generally, but there is no doubt that it has risen. On the other hand, the lack of artificial manure, and particularly the lack of nitrogenous manure, is a very grievous handicap from the farmer's point of view. That is particularly applicable in old tillage districts, on worn lands.

There will be a very substantial reduction in the yield on many lands where there has been constant cultivation over a period. In fixing prices, we must not overlook the important consideration that the more we extend the acreage under cultivation the more marginal land we are taking into the pool. Undoubtedly, that lowers the average output. As we bring more and more land into cultivation, we must be bringing in more marginal land. Therefore, the price must be fixed, not on the output of the best soil, but on the results obtained from these marginal lands. This raises a very important matter—how best to treat the man living on marginal land. This matter has given rise to a good deal of agitation in England in the last couple of years: while the prices fixed there under the present system of price fixing may leave a fair margin of profit to certain types, those living on marginal land, mountainy land, and the poorer and lighter soils may not be getting a reasonable margin of profit. The anomaly about the whole thing is that, invariably, the best farmers are to be found on the poorer land. They have to work harder and pay more attention to the crops in order to get the best results. If they neglect that, they are failures. Therefore, it is hardly fair to such men, who are the hardest workers, to tie them down to a price based on yield alone.

I think there is a lot to be said for a subsidy on acreage. It would ensure a common profit to all farmers, irrespective of fertility, whether growing on the rich soils of North Kildare and Meath or on the poorer lands of the West, or on the mountainside. That is an aspect of the problem of fair prices that should be taken into account. It secures that the profit arising out of the growing of grain goes in common measure to all. It helps to bridge the gap between the man forced to live on marginal land and the man living on rich land. There is a lot to be said for the operation of an acreage subsidy, though it would give rise, undoubtedly, to problems. At present, whatever price is obtained for oats, wheat and barley is a direct charge on the consumer, and the question of taxation does not arise. Obviously, if we introduce a subsidy on an acreage basis, money would have to be provided for that purpose; but I do not propose to go into that now.

The price of oats is from 21/- to 25/8. I am sorry the Minister for Agriculture is not present at the moment, as I am not sure whether that is a seasonal or a quality price. I do not suppose the Minister for Supplies knows anything about it. I take it that it is a quality price. It is right that we should recognise that a man with good quality grain should be paid for quality. In dealing with home consumption, we must remember there might be as much as or more than a stone of oatmeal in the difference between good oats and oats of poor quality, so I am glad there is a differentiation there, which, I presume, refers to quality.

Probably the Minister would agree with me that the bulk of the oats is sold from marginal land, where it is not profitable to grow wheat. Those people find it difficult at all times to carry on. They are forced to cash the crops immediately after the harvest, and the only crop that can be cashed is the oat crop. The House should remember that only about one-sixth of the total production of oats is offered for sale. I suggest that most of that comes from the poorer and marginal lands, where farmers are forced to sell immediately after the harvest. For that reason I feel that the present price is not fair. In considering this whole matter the Minister must remember he had the Cereals Distribution Committee controlling prices last year. The price fixed was ignored to a great extent.

There were vast quantities of oats sold that did not come under that committee, or were not sold by a licensed dealer. In fact, a great many merchants, all through the country, who were dealing in oats, paid far more, and charged far more, than the controlled price, and the reason for that was that the controlled price was far too low. It was unreasonable, in the circumstances, and no one was prepared to pay any attention to it. Because the price was so low, there was no inducement to sell at that price and, as I said before, with a good deal of black-market operations going on, that set of circumstances, to my mind, forced up the price above what would have obtained if a fair and reasonable price had been fixed in the first instance. So that the result—and I know that many people agree with me—of fixing an abnormal price last year was that prices were forced up; many an illegal transaction occurred, and prices were forced up to a level that would not have been reached at all if a more reasonable price had been fixed in the first instance.

We suggest that 28/- would be a fair price for oats. I understand that Deputy MacEoin says that he would not take it. Well, he can make his own case. Personally, our intention— and, of course, it is the Minister's intention too—is to try to relate the price of oats to the price of wheat so that the growing of oats will not be more attractive than the growing of wheat, but there are certain marginal lands, as I said before, in this country where you cannot grow wheat under any circumstances, and as the bulk of our oats is consumed on the farm where it is grown, and not offered for sale, most of the oats that is offered for sale is sold off marginal land. That is an aspect of the case that should not be overlooked, and even if it is off marginal land, I think the price of 28/- would be reasonable. We are trying to avoid making exorbitant demands. We want to be reasonable in the present circumstances, but we feel that the price the Minister has fixed is not justifiable in the circumstances.

Now, with regard to barley, I agree with Deputy Dillon when he talks about getting more and more barley grown. I think that in the circumstances we ought to try to get far more barley grown than we are growing at the present time, because it is our only salvation if we are to continue in pig production.

It is very good pig feeding and we have any amount of land in this country which is suitable for barley production but is not able to grow wheat—poor land, again—and we should induce those people to grow all the barley they can on that type of land. I think that a price of £2 a barrel is not an unreasonable price for barley, and, as Deputy Dillon pointed out, malting barley is commanding a price of £3 10s. in England, and that is the price in England not only for malting barley, but for barley generally. That means that Messrs. Guinness here are willing to pay £3 10s. for barley in England for the production of stout here, and yet the Irish farmer is expected, according to the prices fixed by the Minister, to supply barley at 35/- for the same purpose, and some of it, at all events, to be sold in the same market. I think it is unreasonable and unfair to ask our people to produce barley at half the price that the English farmer is getting for his barley when our barley is going to be used for the same purpose, the production of stout for export.

I asked the Minister to consider this matter last year. I am satisfied that Messrs. Guinness are quite willing to pay more for barley than the price fixed by the Minister. I know that there is a difficulty in adjusting the matter. I was inclined to suggest that brewers should be put on a quota, that a quota should be fixed for brewing and distilling purposes; in other words that oats, barley, or anything that is required for brewing or distilling should be put on a quota and that those people should be permitted to operate without any price control, because, of course, you control their operation by the quota. If Messrs. Guinness are permitted to operate under a quota, I have not any doubt whatever that they will pay much more than 35/-. That might give rise to difficulties, as between one farmer and another. I know that there is a difficulty there. If a man has got good-quality malting barley and gets it on the market early, he might get 10/- more for it from Messrs. Guinness, and as a result the other man might have a grouse.

Whether it is possible or not to get over that difficulty I cannot say, but in any case, if we took the broad view of it, it would mean that these people who have been selling to Messrs. Guinness in the past and who always supplied the firms which malt for Messrs. Guinness with barley, would get a better price for that barley, because it is of good quality, grown on suitable land, is of a bright colour, and is generally suitable for malting purposes, and I think it would be unreasonable for farmers who have not grown barley in the past for malting purposes to grumble and complain if their neighbours benefited by the fact that Messrs. Guinness, and brewers generally, were permitted to operate here without restriction except in so far as they were restricted to a quota.

What I am anxious to secure is that some of the profits that are going to the shareholders of Messrs. Guinness might be beneficially diverted into the pockets of certain farmers in this country. I am not saying that in any spirit of criticism at all in regard to the firm of Messrs. Guinness. I think that in recent years they have treated their grain or barley growers very reasonably, and we have nothing to complain about them in that regard. With regard to this matter of quality, and the fixing of the price for oats, I should like to know from the Minister whether that differentiation between 21/- and 25/8 is a quality difference or a seasonal one.

No. It is the same the whole season through.

Then it is a quality difference, and the best is 25/8?

Well, we asked for that last year, and I think it is right that there should be a difference there.

Does the Minister propose to fix the price of seed now? I think it might be well if it were fixed early, so that at the start of the season the seed merchants could pick the best samples. Unless that is done some of the best grain offered in the early part of the season may be missed, and may go for feeding or other purposes. Deputy Dillon talked about the compulsory growing of wheat. What he meant by that was that the Minister would announce that a certain percentage of the total area of land under grain should be put under wheat irrespective of the quality of the land, the district, the altitude of the land or anything else. That, of course, is impossible. If Deputy Dillon had any experience he would know that you could not risk growing wheat on high altitudes, because it might never ripen. It would be more profitable to the farmer, and more profitable nationally speaking, to grow either oats or barley on that class of land. Therefore, you could not in any set of circumstances make a general rule that would be applicable to the whole country for the compulsory growing of wheat. The Minister said that he might be forced into a situation where you would need to have the compulsory growing of wheat. I suggest that if there is to be compulsion it will be necessary to set up local organisations to deal with it. They have local committees operating in England. There they control the acreage and decide whether the land is suitable or unsuitable for the growing of certain crops. But if there was to be compulsion, you could not carry it out simply by sending down an inspector, say, to the County Longford to tell Deputy MacEoin that he should grow wheat on his land. The inspector could not be expected to know whether or not the Deputy's land was suitable for its production.

Local committees should be set up to deal with a question of that sort, and it is only by availing of that local knowledge that the best results can be obtained. If the Minister contemplates doing anything like that next year, I suggest that he should operate through the medium of local committees on which he would have the right type of men who know their agriculture, men who would honestly and sincerely serve the nation in its hour of difficulty, and who would be capable of determining those problems.

There is another aspect of this question that I would like to direct the Minister's attention to, and that is that next year there will be a problem in securing a sufficient acreage for wheat production. As I have said, the farther we go out the more marginal land we bring in. Possibly, there is land in some of the rich grass districts, with a vast amount of plant food stored up in them for years, that would give us very heavy crops of wheat, land that we could draw on for two or three years. There, again, you could only determine through the operation of local committees what quantity of that land could be put into cultivation. I suggest to the Minister on this question of the preservation of fertility in land that has been in cultivation for a number of years, that I think it was a pity that first-crop meadows were not put into the quota. The Minister knows that a good deal has been done by way of short-term leas in England, and by the utilisation of certain types of nitrogen fixing plants. There is no encouragement to do that under the present Order. I suggest that it might be well to encourage farmers to go in for short-term leas for the purpose of providing nitrogen through the medium of nitrogen fixing plants. I think that is a matter that ought to be very seriously considered.

As I said before, in the drafting of any future compulsory Order this question of food production is the most vital matter that this House and the Government have to consider. In my opinion, we have not been getting the success that we ought to in the circumstances. I think the reason is that the right methods were not adopted, and that we are lacking in organisation. I think the Minister would be wise to draw more on local committees, composed of the right type of local men, who would be competent to deal with the vast amount of detail which is necessary and which must be attended to if you are to achieve the results desired. There is the question of the provision of ploughing equipment and of cultivators of all sorts in districts where that equipment is lacking. If the Minister contemplates the compulsory growing of any crop he should make use of organisations composed of local men who would see to it that there was no harsh treatment of anybody in connection with the administration of such schemes. In our desire to stimulate maximum production we cannot rely on compulsion alone. We must make the carrying out of those schemes attractive for the farmer. The whole nation is dependent on him at the present time. Many farmers are being forced to plough up some of the finest grasses in the world. They hate like hell to have to do that. You cannot blame them, because they have found that in their system of economy they have proved a very valuable asset to them. Now they are being forced to break up that valuable capital asset in the national interest, and in that situation they are surely entitled to ask for fair compensation. For that reason I suggest that there is room for a further adjustment of the price which the Minister has made. We ask him to consider the representations we have put forward on this motion.

I formally second the motion.

With regard to wheat which, I think, stands in quite a different position from the other cereals, because it is altogether for human consumption, I have always believed that we should give what would be a very fair price, if you like a generous price, to the farmer for growing it: that we should get him to grow it by the enticement of a fair price. At the same time, of course, we made appeals to their patriotism and so on. I have always held that a great number of farmers have responded just as much to the appeal to their patriotism as they have to the good price. I think that if farmers were entirely looking after their own interests, as it were, we might not have got that large acreage. But they felt that the nation required it and they grew more wheat than they might be induced to grow according to their own economy. I think we can say to the farmers that we are giving a good price. They will not lose any money but, on the contrary, will make fairly good money on their wheat crop this year. So far as the reports of the inspectors go, the wheat crop looks to be very good all over the country. I have been here and there down the country myself and it looks very good; in fact, I think it looks much better than last year. With the increased acreage, we may be in a very comfortable position. We ought to have sufficient for our own requirements and for seed to carry on next year.

But when we come to the other two cereals we are in a different position. The reason for that is that whatever surplus there is of barley and oats goes largely for animal feeding and we must keep that in mind when fixing the price of these cereals. Deputy Hughes dealt with oats first and I might, therefore, take oats first. Last year was not unlike any other year so far as oats were concerned. The great bulk of the oats was kept by farmers on their own farm. In peace time it was calculated that farmers kept about five-sixths of the oats for their own use. They kept at least as much last year, if not more.

There were many illegal transactions.

They kept at least five-sixths which they fed to their own animals. We have to consider carefully, therefore, whether we should give a price that will entice them to neglect their own animals, as it were, in order to get cash for oats. I think we should not go too far. I admit that Deputy Hughes was moderate in his demand, which was only a few shillings more than the fixed price. I think he will agree with what we have in mind in fixing the price: that the farmer to a great extent should feed the oats on his own farm. We had a certain amount of oats marketed for certain purposes. So far as I remember, I think about 50,000 tons are required for human food in the form of oatmeal and probably about the same quantity or a little less for the feeding of horses and other purposes, such as feeding for poultry in towns, that is, for animals outside the farm, as it were. That is not very much. About 100,000 tons probably would be the amount required, if we do not consider transactions between farmer and farmer. On our acreage this year that would only amount to, say, one-sixth or so, which is usually put on the market. But if we go beyond that, we will then be entering into the trade by which oats pass from one farmer to another, not directly, but by oats being bought by a merchant, sold by that merchant to a grist miller, milled by that man, and again sent back to the wholesaler and the retailer and sold to the farmer for feeding pigs and cattle. That is not a very desirable business at the moment, because by the time the oats goes through all these hands it is very dear when it comes back to the farmer who has to feed it to his animals. I do not know if that is a thing we need encourage very much. We did give this matter a good deal of consideration. I had in mind the farmer who will buy that crushed oats to feed pigs or cattle, and if the producer gets, say, about 24/- a barrel, by the time that goes back as crushed or ground oats to the farmer for feeding it will be very dear. I think if we go very much higher it will be too dear; that it will not pay to buy it. I do not think we will achieve very much by increasing the present price.

The Minister said there was very little of it sold for that purpose, and I agree with him.

That is true. I think that if we except the amount that goes for oatmeal for home consumption, and the amount that goes for the feeding of horses and poultry in towns, etc., there will be very little sale beyond that if the price is anything higher than has been fixed. We thought it was better, rather than have a fixed price such as we had last year, to have a minimum and a maximum. We thought, if there was any sort of rush for marketing, as there might possibly be in isolated areas immediately after the threshing, that at least they would get the minimum price for oats which would not be of very good quality. On the other hand, oatmeal millers who want good oats, other people who want oats for feeding racehorses, and those buying oats for seed, who want the first quality oats, might probably give the top price fixed or near it, and get supplies in that way. We have not yet fixed the price of seeds, but I think it can be taken for granted that the price will be fixed on the assumption that those who are buying seed oats will pay very near the top price.

You think the seed will be bought inside that figure?

I think it will.

I do not think you are right.

It is a matter of opinion. I think it will. Certainly it will make a very big difference if the oats crop is not good, or if there is not an average yield. There may not be very much put on the market immediately, even if there is an average yield, but I think there will be sufficient put on the market early in the year to fulfil our requirements.

As regards barley, it is true that there is a price of 70/- for malting barley in the United Kingdom, but, as Deputy Hughes pointed out, there are certain restrictions on the British farmers. It is, I think, extremely difficult to have any sort of differential price, except perhaps 1/- or so, between malting and feeding barley, because in all probability we will get more barley than is necessary for malting put on the market, and the farmer who puts barley on the market and who sees his neighbour getting, let us say, 40/- for malting barley, while he is only getting 35/- for feeding barley would have a very big grievance. That is one thing we had in mind. I went further and I thought we might have had some sort of pooling arrangement.

There are various ways of pooling. If you like, you can say to Messrs. Guinness: "You will have to give 5/- or 10/- in excess of this price for barley and distribute that over the lot." That would be one way. On the other hand, you could get some body, such as the Cereals Distribution Committee, to do all the buying and then distribute that and give a level price to all. But it was really found impracticable to do any of these things. We could not see that it was practicable. We had to come down to a compromise at the end. I think we fixed the price of barley pretty high for feeding purposes. If you trace that barley from the producer to the miller and back again through the wholesaler and the retailer to the farmer feeding pigs and cattle, it will be very dear if it costs 35/- in the first instance. I think it would be better to fix 30/- or 32/-, but we had to have some sort of compromise. We thought we were going as high as we possibly could go for feeding barley at 35/-, and going down a little bit lower than we might go for malting barley, but on the whole I think it was the best thing that could be done. Taking barley at 35/- per barrel, if there is an excess over the amount required for brewing—there was not last year—and that is put on the market, and if some of it goes for feeding, it will fetch about 22/- or 23/- a cwt. as barley meal. As Deputy Hughes pointed out, at that price it could not, with profit, be fed to pigs or cattle.

It could, if you do what we ask you to do.

But that would have its repercussions.

You might have to do it yet.

The next point is with regard to wheat. Compulsory wheat growing has been advocated by many people over the past couple of years. I agree with Deputy Hughes that we should try to avoid compulsion and over-regulation, if at all possible; but it has been put to me by farmers who grow a good lot of wheat that it is rather unfair that certain other farmers, who have land with a good amount of fertility—old grass farms— are not growing wheat; that they are using the land with an eye to conditions after the war and are growing oats, and it is unfair that they should be permitted to do that. That indicates that compulsory wheat growing would not be objected to very strongly, at least by one group of farmers.

There is no doubt that if compulsory wheat growing is adopted, we would have to have some appeal machinery, whether on the lines laid down by Deputy Hughes or not I do not know. I agree it would not be sufficient to have an inspector at headquarters; you would have to have some appeal tribunal in every county. How the personnel would be selected, I cannot say. I expect that they would exempt certain mountainous and bog areas, and that they would have to hear individuals. Even in a wheat-growing area you may have a farmer with 40 acres of land who might be reluctant to grow wheat. You would have to have a local tribunal to adjudicate individually and generally, if compulsory wheat growing were adopted. These local committees would need some statutory standing, so that whatever certificate they might give would be recognised by the courts.

Another point raised by Deputy Hughes was with reference to first-crop meadows. In the last war first-crop meadows were included in the tillage quota. They could be included now, but automatically, I think, we would have to put up the tillage quota. I do not know whether Deputy Hughes would consider favourably extending the quota to 33? per cent. and leaving in first-crop meadow. As the Deputy says, it might make for better husbandry, but I wonder would it make very much difference. I know the sort of tillage they carry on in Deputy Hughes' county and in my county. Every farmer will have first-crop meadow in rotation and it will make very little difference whether you bring it in or not, but it might have a good influence in certain counties where they did not till before, where they till one piece of land and will keep tilling it until the war is over. I feel that we are getting to a fairly high figure with 25 per cent. It is not easy to go beyond that. If we brought in first-crop meadow, and made it 33? per cent., we would need to give at least a year's notice.

As Deputy Hughes said, we ought not to get our requirements in the way of tillage through compulsion alone. We ought to keep the goodwill of the farmers. I agree with that. We have been proceeding so far on the two lines. There is a Compulsory Tillage Order and a farmer must do so much tillage. As well as that, we have been appealing to the farmer to do his part in the national effort and we have been fixing prices which were generous on the whole. Some people might think they were not good enough, but, compared with pre-war prices, I think they are very good. Even compared with prices in the last war, when there was very little control so far as soaring prices are concerned, I think we have reached practically what was the top of that period.

Barley was 50/-.

I think it was 40/- and I think oats sold at 30/-. As regards wheat, the price never went beyond 50/- in the last war. I agree with a good lot of what has been said. The only point that arises is the price of oats—that is where there is any great difference of opinion. I can assure Deputies that the price of oats is not by any means a question between the producer and the consumer, it is really a question between one farmer and another. When we keep in mind the farmer who will buy whatever surplus oats there may be for feeding his animals, I think on the present price we have gone nearly as far as we can go.

Will the Minister accept the motion?

I rise to support this motion. Even if he did not promise us anything great, the Minister was sympathetic in his statement. Deputy Hughes comes from a tillage county, and if he makes an appeal for a better price it is obvious that the people from the non-tillage areas, people not so much accustomed to tillage, would have all the more reason to look for it. The Minister spoke about the possibility of a Compulsory Tillage Order with a higher percentage and including first-crop meadow as portion of the quota. I may say straight away that whatever percentage is eventually arrived at, if there is any need to make an appeal to my constituents in that connection, I am prepared to make it. When it comes to making an appeal to the people, I am quite prepared to make it, even if the figure goes to 50 per cent.

In a particular area like mine, where there is a large amount of dairying, perhaps we have got to the peak point, if everybody carries out the required 25 per cent. If you go much further than that, you may interfere with the equally essential industry of dairying. I know that a difficulty has been created for some people. I had to reduce the number of my cows somewhat. I do not know that a lot of that happened, but I feel we are near the danger point and anything beyond the 25 per cent. might be going too far. The people in Limerick do not till the low land: If they till at all, it is the grazing land that is tilled. It is obvious that if you increase the present percentage you may reach the danger point from the dairying aspect. However, I suppose the Minister is considering all that.

I believe it would be no harm if the price of oats and barley were raised a bit higher. Everybody knows that last year the fixed price did not control the price of oats in general, and I do not believe it will this year. Ways will be found of evading the fixed price. Many farmers will perhaps sell at the beginning of the season and accept the fixed price and, later in the season, farmers who evade the regulations may get a considerably enhanced price. That occurred last year and everybody knows it. I think it would be better to raise the price a little so that more would go on the market. That would have an effect on the assembly of seeds. Last year there was great difficulty in getting seed. Nobody was anxious to sell at the controlled price. One had to travel through various counties to obtain seed. Some farmers were not in a position to keep their own seed and many farmers like to change their seed, but when they came to purchase seed, the merchants had not got any and it was difficult to get it in other ways.

There is an advantage in the merchant holding seed. There is a probability that seed exchanged between farmers in different counties or in different parts of one county would not be attended to as well as it would be by a man who was used to assembling it. The seed might not be as clean from weeds and there would be danger of propagating weeds. As far as seed is concerned, it would be more desirable that it should be in the hands of reputable merchants who have always handled it but who found it impossible last year to get oats at the controlled price. For that reason alone, I think it would be better if the price were fixed a little higher. There would be greater circulation of seed and, in general, there would be less inclination to hold up whatever was available for the market. I do not wish to delay the House by repeating arguments that have already been made. I support the motion.

I think the most important question that the Government has to face, or that any Government will ever have to face in this country, is the production of food for the nation. The motion is very clear-cut. It is:—

That, in view of the importance of stimulating the maximum production of cereals both for human consumption and for further agricultural production, and the necessity for leaving a fair margin to the producer as a means of eliminating incentives to illegal transactions, Dáil Eireann is of opinion that the prices of oats and barley as fixed by the Minister for Agriculture are insufficient to meet the increased costs of production and the inevitable reduction in yields consequent on the scarcity of manures.

The farmer, in my opinion, is the most loyal servant of the State. There is no person who has given more to this State than the farmer. In the dark days of 1920-21 there may have been great companies such as Guinness and Jacob's; there may have been all sorts of people, bishops, archbishops, priests, but there was only one man who stood between the country and its immediate danger, and that was the farmer. I want to pay a tribute to him, and to assert that he has always been the bulwark of the nation's defences. The farmer at all times stood in the bearna baoghal. The Minister for Agriculture may make an Order to-day; the Minister for Supplies may make an Order to-morrow; the Turf Controller may send out his ukase, and everybody thinks that all he has to do is to crack the whip and the farmer must bow to it and produce more, and more, and more and receive no reward. It has been argued here this evening by Deputy Hughes that the farmer's reward was inadequate. The Minister has stated that he is satisfied that his reward is great. They are both wrong. No farmer has ever yet been paid for the service that he rendered to this State. We have arrived at the stage to-day when our sons and daughters are running away from the country because it cannot keep them. Why? Because you have a Minister for Agriculture who will not pay them for the service that they render to the State. The time has arrived, in my opinion, when there must be a very positive examination of conscience, not only on the part of the farmer but on the part of the Government in particular, to make sure that the people who render this great service of producing food, not only for the rural areas but for Dublin, Limerick, Cork and Galway, and to whom we all appeal to produce food and fuel, should get a compensation in relation to the service they render.

Yesterday evening I heard a short argument on the question of old age pensions. I am merely making a passing reference, Sir. The question was raised that although "John Brown" assigned his farm to his sons he was disqualified.

His sons and daughters worked hard on the farm to produce food, not only for their own domestic purposes but for the nation—and the Government demands that of them. The farmer is now called upon to produce the necessary material to keep the whole nation from danger and the compensation he is going to get for it is practically nil. He gets no help. Fertilisers are very important. Old "John Brown", whoever he is, knows exactly the value of his land. He knows well that if he does not put fertilisers into his field he is going to get no return for his labour. He knows he must get fertiliser in some way. The Minister for Agriculture says that he cannot get it except at a certain price. The Minister for Supplies comes in and puts on his tariff. The tariff has been on for the last four years, with the result that it was not possible to get in fertilisers to keep the land alive. I see farmers to-day who have taken wheat, oats and barley off their land for two or three years in succession. That land is not worth a box of matches to-day, because the Minister for Industry and Commerce made sure to impose a tariff upon the importation of fertilisers over so many years, and it was not possible to get them, unless one got them from Messrs. So-and-So—and the Minister for Industry and Commerce knows whom I am talking about. The production of food for the people is the first important thing the nation has to undertake to-day. The next thing is fuel. Food and heat are all important matters. We are in the unfortunate situation that we have a doctor as Minister for Agriculture who knows nothing about agriculture, although he may be a damn good doctor, and we have as Minister for Supplies, a man who is a trader in the City of Dublin, who knows nothing about Supplies, except in so far as they relate to a particular type of supplies for his own shop.

The private affairs or avocations of Ministers or Deputies should not be introduced into the debate.

I am going on to this point, that I think we should have a Minister for Agriculture who knows something about the job. I can assure you, Sir, that I would much prefer to have the present occupant of the Chair, who comes from County Galway, as Minister for Agriculture than the best of them I have heard of, with the exception of one. I say that the Galway man must of necessity know the difference between this turf and that turf, between this wheat and that wheat, and between this barley and that barley, and I assert that we have arrived at the stage at which the farmer who knows how to produce food, clothing, and fuel is the best soldier this country can have, and that the Government should use every care to encourage him to greater effort and greater production. The more he produces the better he is, and I urge that under no circumstances should he be prosecuted for producing too much. That is exactly what this Government is trying to do to-day. The more you produce, the less you are paid for it, and the harder the knocks you get. It is time the Government set about examining their own conscience, and, before they go much further, they will need to ask the people: "Whither goest thou?"

The Minister did try to be as sympathetic to the motion as possible, without accepting it, but that does not get us very much further. I should like again to call his attention to one phrase in the motion—"as a means of eliminating incentives to illegal transactions." The Minister must have come to the conclusion that last year the price was too low, and that as a result there were many illegal activities and black market transactions in oats. It is for the purpose of ensuring that those transactions will not be carried on in the coming year that we feel an adjustment is necessary. As I have said, I think the fact that that low price was fixed, led to greater activity in the black market and forced up the price to a figure higher than it might have reached if a more adequate price had been fixed.

Deputy Bennett referred to the fact that I come from a tillage county and he said that I complained about the price, but that the people of the non-tillage areas had more cause for complaint. I am afraid I do not agree with him in that, because, unfortunately, the position is that we have tilled intensively—we have, of course, better equipment than they have—and we have less fertility in our land. We have to face a lack of artificials which is a very serious handicap on the man who has been tilling for a number of years. Any authority on agriculture must admit that in this emergency the man who has tilled for a number of years is more severely handicapped, because of lack of those artificials, than the man who has stored up fertility in his land. I suppose that for that reason the nation in this emergency is forced to call on the man who has stored up that fertility during the normal life of the country, but I must say that the people in the tillage districts—I suppose they have no option but to till —are operating under a very severe handicap in that they have no artificials.

The Minister talked about the farmers' patriotism; I suppose that as a section of the community our people are as patriotic as any other section, and maybe more so, but we cannot expect—it would not be fair to expect —our people to produce food from patriotic motives. The unfortunate fact is that the financial position of the vast majority of our farmers is none too good. That financial position is ever present to the minds of, and is a great source of worry to, the majority of them. They are anxious to ensure that they are able to meet their liabilities, to keep their budget balanced and to pay their way. If they are able to do that, they are quite happy.

While I am on that point, I should like to say to the Minister that it is only during periods of this kind—and it is the history of agriculture—that the agricultural community get the opportunity of building up any capital reserves on which they can get their fingers. This is a bad war from that point of view. The farmer is getting very little chance of doing that and what I am worried about is the fact that he is not getting the opportunity to do that now—the opportunity which should be there, and that history tells him should be there. I wonder is history going to change all round? Is that post-war period going to be less difficult for him than the history of post-war periods in the past would suggest? Is it a fact that he has not got to make better profits and to lay a little capital aside for the difficult times that are inevitable if we are to judge the position by history? I think that is a serious consideration and it is an aspect of the case that, in fixing prices generally, the Minister ought not to overlook. I give the Minister credit for being sympathetic. I am sure he would like to do his best, but he is a member of the Government and has to make his decision as a member of the Government and to some extent his hands are tied.

On the question of the price of grain for malting purposes, the Minister suggested that he examined that matter and that he thought of a pooling arrangement. I thought too of the possibilities of pooling and the conclusion I came to was that it would be hardly a fair proposition to put up to Messrs. Guinness that they should subsidise all our barley. I was forced to come to the conclusion, after giving a good deal of thought to the matter, that we can only ask Messrs. Guinness or the malting people to pay on whatever barley they take into their stores and that it would be unreasonable to ask them to pay a subsidy on all the barley grown in this country. There were some friends of mine who were not in agreement with me on the subject.

I felt that if there is a concession given to people who have always grown first-class barley for malting purposes, we should not allow a little bit of jealousy to prevent these people from getting a little more for their barley if the firms who are interested in the production of barley for malting purposes are prepared to pay a good price. I know that that firm is prepared to pay something more for the barley they require. When they have to pay £3 10s. a barrel in England, it is only natural to assume that they would be willing to pay more than the price ruling at present here, and I think that if people who have grown barley for Guinness all their lives get a little more for their barley, we should not object, and we should try to get that increased price for them. I think the pooling arrangement is not going to solve the problem which the Minister rightly pointed out is there.

I do not think the Minister was present when I adverted to the question of costings. I am sorry the Minister has not a costings officer in his Department. I believe such an officer was there some years ago. Whether or not it was considered convenient to remove him I do not know, but he is not there now. For many reasons it would be very useful if we had information as to costings. The farmer is entitled to get prices fixed on the basis of cost of production with some margin over and above that. He does not want any more than anybody else. I had experience of making representations to the Taoiseach on the question of prices of wheat this year and I argued that we were paying a subsidy on flour and securing a profit to the miller of 6 per cent. He immediately asked me if I were prepared to accept 6 per cent. for the farmer. I said: "Certainly, on the same basis as the miller gets his 6 per cent., plus his overhead costs." If the farmer is paid his costs of production, and an amount which will leave him a net profit of 6 per cent. on the capital invested in his farm, in his stock and in his implements, he would be quite satisfied with 6 per cent. net profit. I do not think the Taoiseach was prepared to argue it on that basis; at least he got away from it as quickly as he could. On this whole matter of the fixation of prices, I do not think it is fair to the farmer to fix prices in an arbitrary manner without having any examination of costs of production. There is just one other matter to which I should like the Minister to pay attention. That is the question of assembling seeds. I think he will agree that it was not done well last year.

We are making special regulations in regard to it this year.

I suggested to the Minister here before, that, as far as possible, he should encourage people who are licensed to make an inspection of the crop before it is cut, and in that way they could detect whether there was a mixed grain crop or not. Particularly in regard to wheat, now that we can get no new strains from abroad, we should pay more attention to that aspect of the matter.

Motion put and negatived.

The Dáil adjourned at 8.15 p.m. until 3 p.m. Wednesday, 14th October.

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