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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 28 Sep 1944

Vol. 94 No. 14

Old Age Pensions—Motion (Resumed).

Last evening, I was dealing with the burden of the Minister's speech, which had to do with the amount which would be involved by giving effect to this motion. In his computation, the Minister did not seem to take cognisance of the terms of the resolution. He did not apparently take account of those of 65 years of age who are gainfully occupied. It is obvious that a large number of people of 65 years of age would be usefully occupied and would not come within the old age pensions code. That alteration would disturb the Minister's estimate of £12,000,000. The main difficulty, according to the Minister, is the question of finance. His personal sympathy in the matter is undoubted. All sections of the House are agreed that, in their domestic affairs, old age pensioners are being seriously harassed, and that there is urgent need for amelioration of those conditions. One would expect, in those circumstances, that the Minister would welcome any approach to a solution of the difficulty of finding the money to meet the cost of implementing the motion.

In that respect, I want to advert to an argument which has been brought forward in this House on several occasions. I refer to the position of men, in the urban areas particularly, who are in the enjoyment of small pensions from industrial firms. The employers are prepared to continue those pensions if they are satisfied that the continuance of the pension will not prejudice the recipient's subsequent position. In other words, they are prepared to continue these pensions of 15/- or 16/- a week if they will be regarded as supplementary to the old age pension when the recipients reach 70 years. A large number of people, particularly in Dublin, are in receipt of what are known as "voluntary pensions". On a previous occasion, the Minister expressed his sympathy with persons of that class. They are discharged from employment at 65 years, and they have to fend as best they can between the age of 65 and 70 years. A solution of that question, though it would be only a partial solution of the greater question, would bring a certain measure of comfort and solace to a large number of our people. The employers are prepared to continue those voluntary pensions if the recipient's position is not subsequently prejudiced by statutory regulation. The same remarks apply so far as trade union benefits are concerned. Out of their restricted resources, a number of trade unions allow members small amounts of superannuation when they reach a certain age. Here, again, unfortunately, the means test is brought in to offset any advantage that might accrue from long membership of a trade union. These members might be in receipt of about 10/- a week. If we accept the assumption that this whole question resolves itself into a matter of cost, I suggest that there is an avenue of approach for the Minister without seriously disturbing the finances of the State. It is an approach which would bring a measure of relief to many of our people. I urge the Minister seriously to consider these two points.

The Minister and everybody else know that the increased cost of living over the past five years has considerably altered the aspect of this whole matter of what is, or what is not, a proper weekly allowance for the average old age pensioner. Ten shillings a week was a suitable allowance before the war but, on account of the increased costs since then, I think 10/- is now too meagre. Like the last speaker, I do not want to advocate any scheme which would overburden the taxpayer or endanger the finances of the State, but I think the Minister will agree with me that this is a matter of great urgency. We, of the Farmers' Party, would like to see it dealt with at once. Something should be done, and done quickly, because it is common knowledge that there is a great deal of what I might describe as silent poverty in a number of homes.

Many people, particularly in rural districts, are proud and dignified and do not care to admit poverty. They like to keep the best side out. The Minister professed to be very sympathetic towards pensioners, but he had to regret that he was utterly unable to improve their position until after the emergency. I want to ask him one question: How could any person be expected to exist on 10/- a week? I am referring to those who are absolutely destitute, who have no means of livelihood after a long life of toil. I appeal to him to consider the position of such people, because the increased cost of living has hit those over 70 years of age harder than any section of the community. The means test has caused heart burning and a revision of it is long overdue. It is quite within the bounds of possibility that the average investigation officer could be unfair and definitely unjust in many cases if the regulations were carried out strictly. In many cases those who worked hard all their lives, and made homes in rural areas out of what was perhaps barren rock or reclaimed bog, because they have a few acres of such land when they reach 70 are denied the old age pension. I consider that to be absolutely unfair and I ask the Minister to consider reviewing that aspect of the question.

Another bogy is that when children of these people go to England and send home some of their earnings that creates a barrier against the granting of pensions. That should not be so. If a Government here fails to provide means of employment for young people, and they cannot earn a livelihood at home but go to England and send home small amounts to help their parents, it reacts on the claims of the parents when they reach the pensionable age. There should be a distinction made between cases where children are living and earning at home and those who emigrate. Children working in England or at home very often give their earnings to their parents to put in the banks for them. As that money is definitely the property of the young people, it is unfair that parents should be denied pensions because they have the possession of that money. A modification of the means test is long overdue. Some steps in that direction should be taken now. I desire to get from the Minister figures concerning the additional grants of 2/6 that were given to pensioners, and the numbers that took advantage of them.

I do not know what view is held in other parts of Eire but in my constituency the amount granted is regarded as little better than outdoor relief. If an increased grant is to be given to old age pensioners it should be paid directly to them. In most cases they have practically to prove that they are paupers before they become entitled to the extra grant. Some would not accept it because it came through the local authorities. The next suggestion I have to make is that the Minister should seriously consider granting pensions at 65 years of age. My reason for doing so is that in various walks of life, particularly in the case of higher paid officials and civil servants, people are compelled to retire at 65 and become pensionable. Considering the difference that exists between, say, a civil servant and a person who has lived a long life of toil on the land, the Minister, I daresay, will say when replying that the additional expense involved could not be met. However, I urge him to consider giving some pensions at 65. Another point in favour of giving pensions at 65, particularly in rural districts, is that it would induce old people to surrender their holdings and give young people a chance of getting married at an earlier age. Although that might result in a bit of a "pull" on national finances, it would have beneficial results and there would be an increase in the marriage rate in a short time.

I was not present on previous occasions when this motion was before the House, but I should like to endorse the remarks of Deputy O'Sullivan. I agree that a more sympathetic Minister could not be found in the ranks of the Government Party than the present occupant of that very high office, the Minister for Finance. I know that his heart is in the right place but I feel that responsibility often outweighs considerations of heart. Deputy O'Sullivan mentioned an aspect that affects the prudent and provident citizen. I refer particularly to the case of the prudent citizen who, by means of a subscription to a trade union, benevolent association or insurance society, contributes from 1/4 to 2/4 weekly. I feel that that type of citizen is the backbone of this country. He is civic minded. He believes in being provident and in putting something by for the rainy day. A man who subscribed 1/4 or 2/4 weekly out of his meagre wages for 40 years, when he is 70, is entitled to a superannuation allowance of 15/- weekly or a pension, but the reward he gets for his prudence and his providence from this and the previous Government is the sum of 1/- per week as an old age pension.

Contrast that with the treatment accorded the improvident man, the man who disregards most of the laws of the State, the man who is a charge on the local authority, who is in and out of the casual ward, who, if he is strong enough, beats a policeman whenever he gets a chance and frequently finds himself in jail. That man cannot be regarded as a good citizen and yet when he attains the age of 70 years he gets the full State pension. I wonder can the Minister point to any law or any provision in this or any other State which brings about such an extraordinary state of affairs.

The pensions paid in Britain and Northern Ireland have been mentioned. I know, and can vouch for the fact, that persons in Northern Ireland and Great Britain in receipt of 15/- a week are getting the full State pension. I heard Lloyd George himself say that he would compel his mother, if she were alive, to apply for and accept the full pension of 10/- per week, because she had contributed over a period of years by way of taxation to the maintenance of good government in the country. I feel that the Minister will give serious consideration to the points made by Deputy O'Sullivan and by myself on various occasions when discussing the Local Government Estimates. This is an anomaly which deserves the serious consideration of the Cabinet, and I am sure that when it is considered by the Cabinet, we shall have the fullest sympathy of the Minister for Finance.

It has been mentioned that many persons in the rural areas are too proud to look for the extra half-crown given through the medium of the poor law authorities. I consider it very demoralising and demeaning to certain types of citizens who have been described by speakers on the Farmers' Benches as very proud persons. It is the sort of pride in which I rather delight. Cases have been brought to my notice of old people with £27 in the bank, which had been put by for burial purposes to ensure that they would not be buried in parish coffins, being debarred from getting the pension.

That could not be true. They are allowed to have £25.

I heard the Minister state that yesterday and I should like him to examine it again.

That is the law— they are allowed to have £25.

I am speaking of people with £27 put by. The Minister fell into an error when he stated that the full pension was not allowed across-Channel. I do not suggest that it was intentional on his part, but if he looks up the figures, he will find that if a person has an income of 12/6 per week, he gets the full pension of 10/-, which gives him 22/6 per week. That is the position as I know it.

We have in Cork City the cases of a number of corporation employees who were discharged before the age of 70. These men get 16/- per week until they attain the age of 70, when the pension given to them will be only 10/-, the State having to supply the other 6/- Consciously or unconsciously, the Government is putting a ban on decent employers who would like to give their employees 10/- or 15/- per week for life, because they find that, if they do so, the State will give them only 1/-. There are a number of very decent employers in this country, men full of human sympathy, who feel that where good service has been given by employees, that service is worthy of recognition in some way. The only way in which it can be of any use to an employee is in the form of a pension or gratuity. Such institutions as the railway, breweries and distilleries and many other private firms have given their employees pensions varying from 10/- to £1 per week. The State then says: "Thou shalt not get a State pension." These cases would not involve any undue difficulty for the State. I accept the Minister's figures and while I am wholly in sympathy with the spirit of the motion, I feel that in present circumstances its objects would be unattainable, for the reasons mentioned by the Minister, but these other cases I have referred to, of people who have 15/- a week as a result of saving over a long period, I think, deserve serious consideration by the Government.

All that can be said on this motion has been said. I am perfectly certain that if the matter is put before the Cabinet by the Minister, as I am sure it will be, some attempt will be made to meet the position. I should like to see pensions for everybody at 65 for the reasons already mentioned, such as the inducement to persons to retire, allowing younger people to step into their shoes, but perhaps that is not practicable and not very advisable. There can, however, be no possible excuse for penalising the thrifty and provident citizen in the manner in which he is now penalised. I ask if the Minister can justify withholding the payment of 10/- per week to the provident citizen while he grants it to the man who is in and out of jail, a charge on the local and State authorities, the judiciary, the police, prison warders and others. One man is an asset to the State and the other a menace to the State. The man who is a menace to the State is encouraged, while the provident citizen, the backbone of the State, is discouraged.

I always have a certain amount of sympathy with the Minister when he is faced with a motion of this kind. The motion sets out to give something that everybody in the House, the Minister no less than any of us, would like to give, if it were possible. I think that is generally accepted, but the Minister is faced with the immediate responsibility of finding the money from the taxpayer for the proposals outlined in the motion. Deputies also have a duty not to divest themselves of a certain responsibility in the matter and I was very struck indeed by the moderation of some of the speeches I heard, especially those of Deputy O'Sullivan, Deputy Anthony and Deputy Blowick. They were moderate and made an attempt to face up to that responsibility which Deputies have, not always to do merely the vote-catching or the popular thing but to examine what all the repercussions will be. I suggest that the Minister should give some assurance that the matters dealt with in the speeches I listened to this evening, that is, noninterference with workers who receive small pensions from their employers and that these pensions would not be taken into account in assessing means for the purpose of the Old Age Pensions Acts, will be considered. He should also look into the other matter mentioned by Deputy Blowick, namely, the contributions from children abroad. At best, these are always irregular. Some years they may send £5 or £10 at Christmas; other years it may be much less, some years it may be more. They may send that £5 or £10 a couple of times. That is such a very difficult thing to assess properly that frequently the pensions officer takes the easy way by assessing it at a much higher figure than the person gets and lets the person fight it. If the person has the reputation of getting any sum at all from a child abroad, the customary thing is for the pensions officer to assume that the sum is in the neighbourhood of £20. In most cases that is ridiculous. It very rarely reaches the sum of £10. The remittances are so irregular, in any event, that I think the Minister should issue some instructions that they should not be a matter for consideration at all in the assessment of means for the purpose of the Old Age Pensions Acts.

If the Minister would give some assurance that these two matters would be gone into, I should certainly advise the sponsors of the motion to withdraw it, because we must all realise that, on the figures given by the Minister as to the cost of this, it is utterly impracticable at the moment at any rate. While it is something that we should all like to see done, we know in our hearts that it cannot be done at the moment.

Mr. Lynch

Was the Deputy listening to what the Minister said about the £8,500,000 per annum? Where does he think the £8,500,000 would come from?

Turn the handle.

Mr. Lynch

If Deputies make a suggestion of that kind, I can only throw up my hands; I cannot follow them into that realm. My advice to the sponsors of the motion would be to withdraw it if the Minister would give some assurance that he will look into the matters mentioned and that there will be a new outlook in regard to the assessment of means for the purposes of the Old Age Pensions Acts. I think that is as much as we should look for at present and perhaps the day will come when we can get something more.

I support the motion. I am surprised that Deputy Lynch has been taken in by the Minister's figure of £8,500,000. The Minister mentioned that the social services at present are costing £9,000,000. If the social services offered by another country were put into operation here with pensions for everybody at 65, I think it would cost £16,000,000. Deputy Lynch wants to know where the money is to come from. I am certain that the Minister's Department or some Department of the Government has been considering a scheme similar to that which has been put forward in Great Britain. The cost of the social services here at present is £9,000,000, and an increased contribution from all those in employment will bring in another £5,000,000 or £6,000,000, so that the cost of £16,000,000 for the social services would not be raised directly out of taxation. I am certain that the Minister has such a scheme in mind. While his sympathies are with the old age pensioners at present, I would prefer to hear him announcing that a scheme of social services similar to those proposed for other countries will be brought into operation here with the co-operation of all Parties. I think something like 5 per cent. of the population are regarded as being in destitution. Therefore, in addition to the £9,000,000 that we raise by taxation for social services, we would have to raise out of taxation or out of rates or by an increased contribution from employers and employees what will pay for the social services of 5 per cent. of the people in Eire who are practically destitute. That would be better than what is asked for in this motion. We would be giving social services, free medicine, free doctors, pensions for all sections of the community, and insurance benefits during illness or infirmity or old age. You would remove the fear of want from people. I am certain that the Minister has considered that matter. Although the Minister referred to the huge cost of the pensions at the present time and complained that he had not received any suggestions as to how the extra money could be raised other than by taxation, I am suggesting to him to go the whole hog and to give social services such as are being offered in other countries.

On the basis of an insurance scheme?

On the basis of an increased contribution from those in employment. I am certain that there is no workman or person other than a workman who would begrudge paying an increased contribution to give bigger pensions and more social services to the people than they are getting at present. That would be the disposition of the people of the country. If we proceed along these lines, we will secure for every person who is gainfully employed and rendering service to the country that he will be sure of a pension and sure of receiving benefit on the death of one of his family, or his family in the case of his death. Of course, you will have opposition from insurance companies and other interested parties. This should not be made a political issue, but considered from the point of the best interests of the country as a whole. Then we will be able to overcome the difficulties with a little give and take. In the position in which we will be, postwar, I am certain that we can do something even better than has been offered by the Government on the other side of the Channel. While we may not have their financial resources, we will not have the problems which they will have to meet, nor the commitments which they will have to meet.

I appeal to the Minister to remove the fear that has been created in the minds of Deputies, even such an experienced Deputy as Deputy Lynch, who thinks that there is no hope for old people receiving any greater pension than they are receiving at present. If we have that mentality we will never get anywhere. We have to realise that this is a very serious problem, that the people mentioned in the motion are in a worse position than any other section of the community. When we realise that £1 pre-war would purchase what 34/4 will purchase to-day, we can visualise the conditions in the homes of these poor persons who are dependent solely on the old age pension and have no other resources. I appeal to the Minister to consider this matter from the point of view of granting pensions to all sections of the community, and to bring in social services such as are promised in other countries. That would allay the fear in the minds of people and give them encouragement. I am certain that if the Minister does not announce it to-night, he will announce it in a short time. I should like to ask him if the Government has considered the matter, or if it has been considered by an inter-Departmental Committee. I am satisfied that they have not left the consideration of the matter until this motion was brought in. I will go so far as to say the Minister is as familiar with the scheme that will apply to this country to-day as he will be six months hence. Therefore, I suggest to him that he should realise the anxiety that prevails among the people throughout the country. I ask him to give us some hope, to enable us to bring some consolation to those people, that they will not be forgotten by the Government. All Parties are interested in this matter, and they will do everything in their power to relieve the hardships and the grievances that exist. I appeal to the Minister to make some statement in connection with that matter.

Most of us who know the Minister are aware where his heart lies in this matter. I feel confident that the appeals that have been made to him will not be made in vain. I am convinced that in the very early future he will see the necessity of bringing in some measure to give an increase to the old age pensioners. Dublin City has a very large number of them. They are trying to exist on the old age pension. They do not receive an extra shilling from the relieving officer and they have no relations to help them. In view of the increased cost of living, they are in a pitiable position. I was told by an old age pensioner this morning that the ordinary candle that used to be got for 1d. now costs 7½d. These poor people cannot continue to live on the amount they are receiving. They are bearing great hardships and I join in the appeal to the Minister to come to their assistance. I feel sure that appeal will not be made in vain.

Will the Minister indicate to the House if the Government are considering a scheme something similar to what was suggested by Deputy Everett in connection with old age pensions?

I cannot say anything on the subject.

It would appear from the statement of another Minister that the matter is under consideration.

It is late in this debate to raise such a wide issue.

Mr. Corish

Last night the Minister for Finance started his speech in a sympathetic manner, so much so, indeed, that we thought he was about to respond in some way to the appeals made through the medium of this motion, put down by the Irish Labour Party. But as he proceeded we were treated to the usual set of figures and we were asked the question that always comes from occupants of the Government Front Bench: "Where is the money to come from?"

About five years ago, when financial statements were being discussed in this House, one never thought for a moment that taxation would reach the high level that it has reached. The burden of taxation which the country faced in pre-emergency days was considered a staggering load, and from all parts of the House we heard statements that the people were unable to bear any further taxation. Nevertheless, when extra money was required for unproductive services, that money was found. I do not know any better means of spending money than by providing for our old people who have given service all their lives in the interests of this country. We have to-day among the old age pensioners many men who were prepared to offer their lives in order to attain the freedom of this country. Many of those people are being treated in the same manner as persons who never raised a hand in defence of the country's freedom.

The sympathy of the Minister is one thing, but to what degree the Minister is prepared to translate that sympathy into practical shape is another thing. The Minister spoke for some time last night in what I considered to be ambiguous terms. He said that there was no hope of doing anything as long as the emergency lasts. Are we to infer that if this emergency were over the Government would be prepared to implement, if not all, at least some of the suggestions contained in this motion? It is now, when the emergency is with us, that the old age pensioner wants relief.

Even before the war the 10/- pension was not sufficient to enable the pensioner to cope with the cost of living and the position has become infinitely worse to-day. In mid-August, 1939, as Deputy Keyes pointed out, the cost-of-living figure stood at 173 points. To-day it stands at 296 points, indicating an increase in the cost of living of 71 per cent. That means that in order to place the old age pensioner in the same degree of comfort—or should I say discomfort?—in which he was in August, 1939, he ought now to have a pension of 17/-. We have not gone any way towards meeting the increased cost. Of course, the Minister will tell us that certain vouchers have been given in urban areas and, within recent months, some people have been given an increase of 2/6 per week. If we take the money given in the form of vouchers all the year round, I think it will be found it would amount to an average of 3/- a week, taking turf, butter, bread and other things into consideration. There is a difference in the amount old age pensioners have to pay for turf in the summer as compared with the winter. Even that extra amount does not enable the old age pensioners to live in reasonable comfort.

There is no use in having a sympathetic Minister unless he is prepared to translate his sympathy into something tangible. He talks about taxation and the amount of money required in order to meet the suggestions contained in this motion. He gave as certain figures last night which were quoted in the Press to-day. He said old age pensions at present cost £3,900,000, and he said that the cost of bringing the age limit down to 65 years would be £1,700,000, making a total for old age pensioners of £5,500,000. An increase of 1/- in the weekly pension, including the blind pension, would mean an additional £385,000 and a 5/- increase would mean £1,929,400.

I think I would be right in telling the Minister that there would be no hesitation on the part of any member of the House, if the whips were taken off in all Parties to vote the taxation that would enable us to give at least 5/- per week extra to these pensioners. I am prepared to admit that the figures quoted by the Minister last night are huge and it might not be an easy job to find the money at the present time. But I am also convinced that our taxation and finances could be adjusted to such an extent that eventually that could be done.

The Minister asked the inevitable question: "Where is the money to come from?" He talked about the extra £7,000,000 or £8,000,000 being provided for the Army during the emergency. The exact amount we were asked to provide in the Estimate this year was £8,825,284. There is also another service which we will have only during the period of the war, and that is the Department of Supplies. That Department is costing this country at the present moment £4,126,124. If you add those two sums together you get a total of £12,951,408. I am not saying that all that money is or will be available, because we will have to leave something for the Army. As far as I remember, before the war the Army was costing us something in the neighbourhood of £1,500,000—that figure is probably on the high side. We would have there £11,451,408, and I am perfectly satisfied that there is not a citizen in this State who would hesitate to continue to pay a large amount of that taxation in order to bring comfort to our old men and women who have done their best in the interests of this country all their lives. If it were an open vote, there is not one man in any Party in this House who would hesitate to vote that extra taxation.

We did not hear the usual demur about this £50,000,000 that the country is paying at the present time. People may say that that is because of the existence of danger, that it is because of the emergency. I do not believe anything of the kind. At the beginning of a taxation year, when new taxes are imposed, we hear a certain amount of grumbling, but as the year goes on we find that that ceases and the people go on paying. The same would happen if the Minister took his courage in his hands and put on something over £1,000,000 in the next Budget. I hope and believe that, when he is introducing his Budget next year, conditions will be such that he will be able to reduce taxation, and, as I said before, if he retained some of that taxation in order to provide what we are asking for in this motion, I do not believe anybody in the country would demur.

What the Deputy is asking for in the motion would mean £8,500,000 extra.

Mr. Corish

I have already stated that I think there would be no hesitation about voting the amount necessary to provide at least an extra 5/- per week. I do not think there is anything unreasonable about that. My Party and myself understand that it might be unreasonable to expect the whole of this large expenditure to be incurred right away. As I said before, the Minister is sympathetic, and everybody has been praising him because of his sympathy. But what is the use of that sympathy to the unfortunate people in the country who are living from hand to mouth?

Mr. Corish

It is very little use. We want that sympathy in a practical form. The Minister last night told us that the same means test was in operation in England. I am not suggesting for a moment that the Minister was telling an untruth, but the facts are not as he stated. There is, to some extent, a means test in Great Britain. Here, if a person has anything over 6/- per week, his pension will be cut. In Britain his pension is not cut unless he has over 10/- a week. In Britain, since the emergency, a supplementary old age pension has been given. It came into operation on 3rd August, 1940. That supplementary pension is paid on proof of need. There is not the degrading means test that we have in this country, and those supplementary pensions may run as high as 20/- a week.

For the supplementary pension, there is a very severe examination of means. It is as severe as anything we have here.

Mr. Corish

That is not my information.

Well, it is mine.

Mr. Corish

Their statements are taken. Here you have the pensions officer going into the house and, if you have two hens, so much is put down for that; if you have a goat, so much is put down for that. That is the real position. Some of the information submitted to pensions committees by pensions officers is absolutely ridiculous. I know that myself, as chairman of a pensions committee. A good deal has been said about the means test. I suppose in a service of this kind there is bound to be some kind of a means test, but I suggest that the means test applied in this country is very drastic and very harsh. I know two cases in my own town, cases of people who are members of Deputy Anthony's association, the Typographical Association. As Deputy Anthony has told us, there is a contribution paid by the members of that association in order that they might get superannuation benefit when they reach a certain age. One man in my own town gets a superannuation benefit of 11/3 per week, and because of that fact he gets only 3/- old age pension. I agree with Deputy Anthony when he says: here is a man, a good citizen, who tries to make provision for his old age. He is not permitted to have an old age pension in excess of 3/- per week. But the waster, the man who may have been supported by the State in jail, the man who has been running in and out of the county home, gets the full pension allowed by law. I know another case of a man belonging to the same organisation. He was an old I.R.A. man, and had been a long time looking for his I.R.A. pension. The moment he got it, his old age pension was taken away from him. Surely the Minister, who has gone through the fight, will admit that that is no treatment for a soldier of Ireland?

There were certain naval reservists in my constituency who had been in receipt of a small pension from the British Government. The British Government increased this pension by 3/- within recent months. Immediately they got that 3/-, the pensions officer came along and reduced their old age pensions by the same amount. Surely that is going a little too far? We know also that up to recently the railway companies paid 16/- a week to their employees until they reached the age of 70. The moment they came to the age of 70, 10/- was taken off because the men concerned received 10/- old age pension. I should like the Minister now to give some sort of assurance that the Government will show some sympathy in this matter. Lip sympathy is the cheapest thing in the world, but it is of very little use to the people on whose behalf this motion is tabled.

Regarding the extra 2/6, in answer to a Question submitted by Deputy Davin last week, it was stated that only one-sixth of the old age pensioners are getting any advantage from that half-crown. The reason is that, thank God, we have good, decent, proud, old citizens who refuse to allow themselves to be humiliated, to go through the medium of the relieving officer, in order to get the extra half-crown. All these people have undergone a rigorous means test to enable them to get the 10/-. Why should there be a second test, with the relieving officer coming down to the house and examining practically everything in the house? It must have been obvious to the Minister and the Government that that half-crown was necessary—and considerably more—and it should have been given automatically to everyone in receipt of the 10/-.

Question put.
The Dáil divided:—Tá: 42; Níl: 56.

  • Anthony, Richard S.
  • Bennett, George C
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dwyer, William.
  • Everett, James.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Driscoll, Patrick F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Reilly, Thomas.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Sheldon, William A. W.
  • Spring, Daniel.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Keyes and Corish: Níl: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy.
Motion declared lost.
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