Vol. 98 No. 9
I move:—
That the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue his writ for the election of a member to fill the vacancy which has occurred in the membership of the present Dáil consequent on the vacating of his seat by Deputy Seán T. O'Kelly, a member for the constituency of North-West Dublin.
This is the first of five motions, as a result of which one-sixth of the total electorate will go to the polls to elect five members to this Parliament of 138 members. The responsibility for these must be regarded as entirely the Government's. The country has had practically a general election this year in the form of the Presidential election. Last year, it had a general election, and, the year before, it had a general election. Now one-sixth of the electorate are to go to the polls as a result of these motions to elect five members. It is no doubt a reflection on the condition in which our parliamentary institutions are that, at this hour of the day, we can be doing such a thing, just as to-day we shall be discussing again what additional tinkering is to be done with the Seanad in order that we may have a Second Chamber.
On 24th October, the Government intimated that they intended to move the resolutions with regard to the vacancies which had been their seats and, on the following day, Deputy Norton, the Leader of the Labour Party, and I, had a conference with the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, at which we discussed the desirability, in the present circumstances of the world and of this country, of obviating the Party clashes and minor issues which would be raised for the electorate in going through five by-elections, involving, as I say, one-sixth of the total electorate.
At that discussion, we gave our impression of the seriousness of the situation and pointed out how much better it would be if the mind of the country as a whole could be devoted to a clear examination of the problems before the country and of the policies which ought to be pursued with a view to solving the problems which exist for the people, without the divergencies and dissipations which arise out of Party jockeying at by-elections. I think the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice were quite as wideawake to the problems which exist and which are likely to continue to exist, and perhaps increase, as we were.
Arising out of that discussion, however, it was agreed that it would be advisable that the Leaders of the various Parties should meet on Wednesday last for the purpose of further discussing the matter. The question arose between us and the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice as to the opinion of the Clann na Talmhan and the National Labour Parties on the matter and the point arose as to whether the Taoiseach or we should approach these two Parties with a view to ascertaining what their attitude was. On the suggestion of the Taoiseach, I personally approached the National Labour Party and the Clann na Talmhan Party to find out whether they would be willing, through their Leaders, to be represented at the conference which was to have taken place last Wednesday.
The National Labour Party were agreeable, but Deputy Blowick, the leader of the Clann na Talmham Party, was not in a position to tell me, but said he would let me know by the end of last week whether his Party would be prepared to take part in a conference of the kind. That was communicated to the Government, but before I could have had any communication from the leader of the Clann na Talmhan Party as to their attitude, the Government Whip indicated that the Government proposed to go ahead with these elections. They had not ascertained what the attitude of the Clann na Talmhan Party was and did not intend to do so. In these circumstances, these writs are now being moved and the by-elections are being launched.
Since then I have had an opportunity of both seeing people in various parts of the country and meeting representatives of the Fine Gael organisation in formal convention. Anything I saw there convinced me, even more than I was convinced before, that the interests of the country are not being served by asking one-sixth of the electorate to go to the polls at this time on issues which, the Government Party will say, will give the people a chance to criticise Government policy, but which are not issues at all, because on no main aspect of anything affecting family life, production or national security is there any clear Government policy at the moment. However, I find the people are concerned to try to lift the veil over the situation outside and to see what is likely to happen in the world that will affect them. They find themselves, with the war ended, facing problems to-day almost bigger than those which war itself involved. The excitement and pressure of war blunted our people's imagination. They were not able to see what was in front of them.
On a point of order. This is the first time in my recollection that a speech of this type has been made on the moving of a writ. Can we be given any line as to the rules of order dealing with the matter?
I have no precedent. The motion is that the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue the writ. Deputies would be entitled to say why I should not do so, but to discuss the whole position of the world I do not think would be relevant, in reason, as to why the writ should or should not be issued.
I am not in a position to discuss the whole position of the world, but I am in a position to draw attention to the fact that there is nobody in this House, or in the country, who does not realise how serious the position in this country is, and how serious the reactions of world conditions are likely to be on this country. I say that I find the people generally concerned to try to make out what is likely to happen in the world that is going to affect them. I am also trying to get clear what are the main problems in this country that affect the life of a working man who is rearing his family, on any aspect of our national life, socially, economically or politically. I can find no answer as to any kind of a systematic policy being pursued here.
Will the Deputy relate that to any reasons for or against moving the writ.
I am.
The Deputy is not-in the opinion of the Chair.
In very serious circumstances I am proceeding, as best I can, to indicate the situation in which the elections are going to be carried out-the elections for which the writs are being moved. I submit to the Chair that I am entitled to discuss the circumstances in the country as well as the effect of the by-elections at the present time. I am not going to discuss the matter at length. I think my statement would be a little bit clearer if it could be accepted that I was not going to discuss the matter at length. This is an important matter, and what I say is that I find many people desiring to have it brought to their notice in as clear a way as possible, what the real problems are that affect them. They desire to be able to see through Parliament the policies that are being pursued, and that are going to help them. They desire to know in what way they themselves, under the guidance of Parliament, can help to solve their problems. I find that my associates in the Fine Gael Party, as well as the members of the Party organised through the country, are distracted between their responsibility on the one hand, quietly and thoroughly to size up the problems that are there, and to suggest solutions for them, and on the other hand to take the traditional step of acting as a Party in the country by showing their position and protecting their flanks against comers of all kinds. They find themselves in a very serious dilemma because they find themselves forced either to desert their first responsibility of quietly thinking over the problems of the country and suggesting solutions, and on the other hand of going on the hustings to discuss matters of minor interest, things that are brought up in all kinds of side-ways for the purpose of influencing the public mind which has been dulled by the serious nature of the problems around us as well as being bewildered by the propaganda carried on. We had the Minister for Justice going to the County Mayo and saying that it would be a very serious thing, as regards our external affairs, if the Government were defeated in the by-election in Mayo.
The Deputy is quoting part of what I said.
Just the tail of the red herring. The cat got the head.
That was the statement made by the Minister. It is in these circumstances when we consider how serious our problems are, that I have certain things to say to the Government, that I have certain things to say to other Parties as well as to my colleagues and supporters in the country. The one thing that I am convinced of is that no national purpose would be served by our contesting any of the by-elections that are mentioned here, except the one in Clare. The vacancy there is ours. Although we have a system of proportional representation in this country, we have Clare at the present moment completely unrepresented except by the Government Party. It is represented by the Taoiseach, by a Parliamentary Secretary, by an elected representative as well as by a nominated Senator and an elected Senator. Through proportional representation every section of the people is supposed to be reflected in the Parliament, but, at the moment, Clare is completely unrepresented except through the Government Party, and it is intended by the Government's action in these by-elections that the Government representation shall be strengthened. The vacancy in Clare is ours, and we have the right to protest that the representation which, in the spirit of the Constitution, is ours should be taken from us by the Government. With regard to the other constituencies, I feel that it would be contrary to the national spirit to insist that we should contest these by-elections. In the first place, the Government, as I have said, speaking through the Minister for Justice, intimated to the people that, if any of these by-elections are lost, the Government would be injured, and that damage would be done to us in our external affairs. We are concerned to know what are the external affairs that the Government is working on at the present time.
How does the Deputy relate that to the question as to whether the writ should be issued or not?
I have certain reasons for indicating why, although the writs are being moved, we do not propose to contest these elections. I indicated earlier in my speech that it was tentatively arranged that there would be a conference between the various Parties in the House upon the general circumstances. It might strike the Government, when they consider what I am saying, that it would be well if they went back to the idea that we had when Deputy Norton and myself were discussing this with the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice. They might consider that it would be desirable to withdraw these motions, and proceed to discuss the matter with the heads of the Parties. The Government have certain responsibilities, and they have certain powers. We are not going to allow any action of ours in the country to come between the Government and its sense of its responsibility, or the weight of its responsibility. We are not going to do anything to lessen the powers the Government have. We are not going to put it in the power of the Government to say that the powers they have to deal with a serious situation are being injured or taken from them. We do not want to go and misrepresent the Government Party in any way. As far as the Opposition Parties are concerned, these by-elections are a temptation to Opposition Parties to jockey not for power in this Parliament because there is nothing in any of these by-elections, or that may take place, that would give the Opposition Parties power in this Parliament, but to jockey for power in the next Parliament — a Parliament in which, if the problems of this country for the next three years are not clearly faced, and if united and vigorous action is not taken to face them, no Government, perhaps, will be able to be of any assistance to very many hundreds of thousands of people in this country. If we fritter away our energies and obscure by petty Party action of one kind or another both the problems of the country and the policies that have to be applied, then we are going to lay in store very serious difficulties for the people who will be ruling our next Parliament.
In the Catholic Herald of last Saturday, writing on the condition of affairs in Europe, Christopher Dawson says——
The condition of affairs in Europe has nothing to do with writs.
Conditions of affairs in Europe provide lessons for Parties here in their mutual actions with regard to one another.
As to why these writs should or should not be issued?
Yes, Sir. We are discussing here the relation of Parties to one another.
That is not what I see on the Order Paper, whatever the Deputy may see.
We will discuss that during the election.
Let it be discussed during the elections but let it be discussed after we have exchanged our thoughts here on what these elections are going to bring about. I have two more things to say, Sir, and this quotation bears upon what I speak of —our relations with other Parties and even with the Government Party.
What inter-Party relations have to do with the motion, I fail to see.
This is the quotation:—
"The process of social disintegration by political faction has been spreading like an epidemic in modern society. It is transforming Europe, the most highly civilised region in the world, the home of Christian culture, into an inferno of hatred and suspicions. It can only be checked by a great moral effort on the part of all those who have not yet been dragged down into this whirlpool of destruction."
We have escaped the whirlpool. We have not been dragged into the wretched bitter Party struggle that Europe has been brought into, but if, by neglecting to face the problems that are in front of us——
The Deputy is quite out of order. Facing the problems in front of us and chaos in Europe have nothing to do with these writs.
On a point of order, may I inquire is it or is it not true that a Minister representing the Government and the country has fixed our people with notice that the results of these by-elections will materially affect our international position?
That is not a point of order.
It is a point of disorder.
Does that declaration not make it relevant to inquire whether it is expedient to hold by-elections at a time when their result may seriously jeopardise the international position of this country?
That is all boloney, anyway.
I know it is all boloney, but does the Minister for Justice?
I do not think this is the place to answer electioneering or pre-electioneering statements.
The Minister tried to terrorise the people of West Mayo.
It would take a lot to do that.
It would take a lot to do it to me.
Keep that for the cross-roads.
Jockeying between Parties can do nothing effectively to transfer power in this Parliament and it may easily bring about a situation in which in the next Parliament no Government that will be in power would be able to save the people from the result of neglect, lost opportunity and want of proper consideration, both in Parliament and outside, of the problems that should be faced at the present time. For ourselves, I consider that the best contribution a Party such as this is, a national Party, non-sectional, non-class, can make to solving the problems of the people to-day is to stand thoroughly over a full and complete examination of the condition of the people and the policies that should be applied to-day.
What has the policy of any Party to do with these writs?
We could all answer that, Sir.
This, Sir, that it is only by policies carefully and thoroughly applied to them that the problems of to-day or to-morrow can be solved.
This is an unprecedented occasion.
It is the first time I have heard such a discussion on a motion to issue writs.
It is a very grave occasion. First, I want deliberately and calmly to ask the Taoiseach does he confirm the statement made by the Minister for Justice that the result of these elections would primarily affect the foreign relations of this country? I have passed through elections with Fianna Fáil in which civil war was threatened. I have passed through elections in which it was said the fate of our independence would be placed in jeopardy if Deputy de Valera were not re-elected Taoiseach.
May I ask is this in order?
It is not in order. The Deputy is debating elections through which he passed, I do not know how many years since. It has nothing to do with the motions that writs should be issued now for five by-elections.
The Deputy should sit down and conduct himself.
But, Sir, if the statement made by the Minister for Justice has the approbation of the Taoiseach, I submit that the existence of that state of affairs would be good reason for not issuing the writ. If it was merely, as the Minister now himself says, the odoriferous tail of a dishonest red-herring then we can ignore the Minister for Justice and proceed to the issue of the writ. I want to say most categorically that in my judgment the day we cease in this country to contest by-elections as they present themselves, on that day Parliamentary democracy ends in Ireland. But I want to sound this note of warning, and let the Taoiseach mark it well. He is the greatest politician in Europe, I do not deny it, but I ask him to examine his conscience and to consider has he done his work too well. In seeking to consolidate himself in power, in seeking to weaken the normal political opposition of this country, has he not only destroyed the political opposition, has he destroyed Parliamentary democracy in this country?
Would the Deputy relate that to the motion before the House?
Well, Sir, here we are confronted with a situation in which five writs are going to be moved, to invite five constituencies to pass judgment on the record of the Government and we may find in Ireland that we cannot get candidates to fight the elections. Where are we now? If the whole electorate has been baulked or intimidated and if it is no longer possible to stage in this country a Parliamentary by-election, where are we?
Out of order.
Is Parliamentary democracy still alive? It may be the aim to watch the Taoiseach consolidate it in that position.
This is not an inquiry into the Taoiseach's political aims. It is a question of a writ.
It is a question as to whether it is expedient at this moment to move these writs, Sir.
Quite, and the Deputy has so far not been dealing with the motion for a writ.
With profound respect, Sir, despite the triumphant jeers of the Fianna Fáil Party, I think I have been. I ask the House, I ask the Leader of the House, the Taoiseach, carefully to consider where this country stands.
That is a general question that does not arise.
When we find ourselves faced for the first time in the history of the country with the expedience of issuing a writ for a by-election and must envisage a situation in which, when the Government comes forward with its candidate to the hustings, there may be found no other candidate to fight the issue with it, let us think well what that means. I know you can jeer and triumph and glory, but think what it means. Have you purchased that position of preeminence by superiority of policy, or are we confronted, in this discussion as to the expediency of issuing this writ, by a situation created as a result of a combination of corruption and intimidation of the electorate?
Does not the Deputy know that that is untrue?
I will make my case and let the Taoiseach answer it. I will not be shouted down by him or by any mob of you. You are going to hear it now whether you like it or not.
If there is to be a speech, there is not going to be a speech on political corruption from any side of the House, nor an answer.
I want to know is the House not entitled to take into consideration the circumstances which surround the debate on the question of whether a writ should issue for a by-election for the first time in 25 years in this country's existence. For 25 years, whenever a Parliamentary vacancy occurred, automatically the writ was issued and issues were joined on the hustings and the people asked to give their decision. Now, for the first time in 25 years, demurrer is made and, in the course of the demurrer, it emerges that in a certain constituency there will be no contest because no candidate will stand. What does that mean? I ask Deputies to ask themselves this question: is it due to an inherent superiority of policy or is it due to utterly extraneous reasons which, if pursued, are going to destroy Parliamentary democracy in this country and establish individual or Party dictatorship? It is at a crossroads such as we stand at now that honest men can ask themselves that question.
The Deputy is making his speech on the assumption that there will not be any candidates. There is nothing to prevent candidates appearing after this.
I am aware of that. Surely there is no desire to restrict the debate.
There is a desire that the debate should be in order and that every question that arises here should not be used as an opportunity for alleging corruption.
I want to see these by-elections held. I would be in favour so long as Parliamentary democracy survives—and I trust it will survive for many years in this country—of a writ being issued compulsorily within a month or within a week of the date of the seat being vacated. I want to go on record as saying with the fullest sense of responsibility that the day we cease in this country, by agreement or by legislation, to fight by-elections, on that day Parliamentary democracy in Ireland is dead. I do not think I am trespassing on your indulgence if I ask those who, in thoughtless folly, clamour for political victory over opponents and are prepared to win it by any means, to stop a moment and think that, in their desire to destroy those who oppose them, they may destroy something infinitely more precious. I warm the House, and I think the Taoiseach, whether he likes to admit it or not, in his heart must admit, that at this moment Parliamentary democracy in this country stands in real danger. I am making the submission that it is not because our people have turned their backs on the system; it is not because our people distrust it or want some other system in its stead. I am making the submission that Parliamentary democracy, which our people are capable of working—as capable of working as any people in the world, as willing to work and as anxious to work as a great instrument of human liberty—is breaking down in this country because into our political life are being carried the horrible, rotten and destructive elements of corruption and intimidation. It is these things that are making it impossible for our people to work Parliamentary democracy. I am sick of being told that it is speeches made in this House that are calculated to prejudice our relations abroad. It is not speeches it is actions that count. I want to see our people standing before the world and working Parliamentary institutions. I want to repel, from whatever quarter it comes, the suggestion that the Irish people have turned their backs on freedom and long for some other foreign system to be imposed upon them.
The Deputy is again straying from the motion.
I am afraid that, should it go forth that our people do not want these writs moved, that they turned their backs on Parliamentary by-elections, that they want some other system of government installed and the subsequent allocation of public representation made the plaything of established politicians, word will go round that this is the will of our people. I do not believe it is. I believe that we can work Parliamentary democracy.
Would it not be better if Deputy Dillon left the House and discussed this matter with the Leader of the Opposition?
This is the place to talk it over in public. I am not afraid to talk it over in public. I am fighting now for something that I consider very precious and which I think we are in desperate danger of losing. I think it is right and just that any person who sees the situation develop should speak his mind while there is still time, for if Parliamentary democracy should perish no one opposed to the Government will have an opportunity to speak.
The Deputy has been told twice that that is out of order. He will now resume his seat.
Very well, I will resume my seat, but I have said a good deal of what I wanted to say and I will get another opportunity.
I am somewhat amazed by the utterances we have listened to. I propose, when the time comes, to move No. 4 on the Order Paper, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of a colleague of mine in Wexford. I believe that in having that by-election we are doing the best thing to preserve democracy.
We will, dispose of No. 1 first.
I am adverting to that. There have been so many references made here in previous speeches that it is difficult to know where we are. Deputy Dillon has warned the Fianna Fáil Party as to the road they are following. I think he is very foolish if he thinks his advice will be taken. Deputy Mulcahy expressed regret at a statement of the Minister for Justice made in a constituency where there is to be a by-election. There is nothing to be surprised about in that statement. In the absence of an American letter and a Churchillian intervention, something like that had to be resorted to. Is there anybody here so guileless as to expect that these by-elections would be fought without the introduction of such a matter as the Minister for Justice put forward in Mayo? We have had a long experience of Fianna Fáil tactics. Whether democracy will fail or survive, they are going to be dominant. The Taoiseach wants 100 out of 138 seats, otherwise he cannot carry on democracy successfully. I think this discussion is beside the point. If the Irish people swallow the dope that the defeat of the Fianna Fáil Party at a by-election will have shocking reactions on external relations, it is good enough for them. I think anything I can say will not abolish that, except to let the political machine work, but whether it is eventually good for the nation is a matter for the nation to decide. That is my contribution and the only point I make is that these things are best said on the hustings.
Would the Deputy tell Deputy Dillon whether the Labour Party is prepared to put forward candidates in any of these constituencies?
With reference to the Labour Party's name, which has been mentioned in this debate, as far as I am concerned, and as far as our Party is concerned, we never as a Party refused to give the people the right to elect their representatives in this House.
But the Party will not put up a candidate, as far as I know.
Deputy Dillon does not know what we are going to do.
Nor does anybody else.
We never will make statements inside or outside the House which would injure this country. I regret very much that a statement has been made in this House and, representing the workers of this country, I want it to go forth, in contradiction to the statements made, that we have every freedom and democracy here. The very fact that we are having by-elections and giving the people —including Deputy Dillon—every opportunity to put forward their particular viewpoints shows that there is no truth in the views expressed that this is not a democracy.
The Deputy is getting nowhere by answering statements made outside.
It is very hard to hear these statements being made here. Not alone are those misstatements made here, but made in other countries and made regarding the democratic institutions of this State.
That is quite irrelevant. The Deputy will have to deal with it in some other way.
I only hope that the by-election takes place. The reason certain candidates are not going forward is that it is already known that the Government Party candidates will be returned. That is the excuse made on behalf of one Party—that they have come to the conclusion that the Government candidate will be returned.
As one of the Independent group, and in view of the fact that we may have a division on this matter of the moving of these writs, I would like that, in giving my vote, there would be no misunderstanding. I was rather surprised at the speech made by Deputy Mulcahy, Leader of the Opposition. I had the feeling that he was talking with his tongue in his cheek, as I can scarcely credit that, at this stage, Deputy Mulcahy—who, in my view, which I still hold, is a democrat to the backbone—should advocate in any way, even indirectly, that these by-elections should not be held. I feel that not alone Deputy Mulcahy but many other people are considerably overrating our importance so far as it relates to external relations. I am wondering what John Bull is really thinking about us or what Uncle Sam cares about us. Are we not overrating our importance in such matters?
I feel, with Deputy Dillon and the Leader of the National Labour Party, that these elections are entirely necessary and essential in a democratic State such as this, whilst I do feel, too, that we are losing our anchorage to democracy, or rather dragging at that anchorage, as recent events have shown. However, these matters should be raised on the hustings and not here. I hope I am in order in stating the reason I intend to vote in favour of the holding of the elections—if there is a division—as I would not like my vote to be recorded without my giving an explanation in the matter.
Reference was made by the Leader of the principal Opposition to various meetings. Deputy Mulcahy has stated properly that he and Deputy Norton came to see me as to whether these by-elections should be held. Our attitude, in the main, is that they could not be prevented, even if there were a desire to do so, as you could not have any arrangements which would exclude people, who may not be represented here at all at the moment, from putting up candidates. I was anxious to know the views of the Opposition as, after all, it is the Opposition rather than the Government which is the more interested.
The Government's position is to try to defend the general principles of democracy in this matter. The Opposition are the people who generally show the desire for by-elections, as they regard them as an opportunity of shaking the Government. If the Government in office has a majority already, there is nothing particular for it to gain in a by-election. Its position is to defend itself rather than to attack. The view was taken by some of the other Parties, the same view as I had, that the Opposition would be the principal people interested and pushing for a by-election, and I think it was stated in the papers that one of the Parties—Clann na Talmhan—said they did not propose to have any coalition arrangements of any sort. Consequently, the elections have to go on, no matter who desires it or who does not.
This is not something new introduced now by the Government. This method of dealing with by-elections has been here since proportional representation was introduced. The whole question of by-elections comes under this. If there has not been a change of opinion in the people since the previous election was held, up to the time of the holding of the new election, then the chances are that the Party which is strongest is likely to secure the seat, though a combination of other Parties, under the transferable vote, might defeat them. However, the whole question raised by Deputy Mulcahy's suggestion was whether there should be a different method for by-elections or not. That is a point which could not be discussed here now, in connection with the existing vacancies, without having very serious consequences. Therefore, we bring forward the motion that the writs be granted in regard to three of the vacancies which occurred in our membership. We do that because it is our duty to leave these vacancies there only for as short a time as is reasonable. The first of these occurred, I think, last February, so there has been a vacancy in that constituency since then. Other vacancies have occurred following on that and we felt it was right that the vacancies should be filled now.
I do not understand at all what the Leader of the Opposition has been driving at, nor can I see what Deputy Dillon has been driving at. What are we doing but continuing the practice, in having these writs moved for by-elections? The Opposition may not like the elections and may feel they are not likely to win them, but that is not our fault.
Who sups with the devil must have a long spoon.
The people are given an opportunity to vote for anyone they please. They can put up any candidate they please. If the people think that the policy for which the Government stands is so vastly superior to that of any of the Opposition Parties that the people will support the Government, well, where is there any departure from democracy in that? Many of us have seen constituencies where public opinion was so much in favour of one particular side that they were not even contested. There is nothing new in a constituency not being contested. It simply indicates that those who opposed the Government policy or the policy of the candidate put up found themselves so weak that they had no chance of success.
It is very remarkable to see the change of attitude in the person of the Leader of the Opposition from his attitude when he was pressing for elections. Most of us remember when he was pressing very hard, even at times when there were greater anxieties, to have elections held. They were pressing very hard and telling us we were very strange people if we could not have these elections and have them without any disturbance whatever of the public interest—without any danger to the public interest.
I have nothing further to say. I think there can be no charge laid at our door of doing anything unusual or strange. We are doing the normal, proper thing.
You have cajoled one half and intimidated the other half.
Is it not possible to postpone these elections? I agree that we must have them, but could we not postpone them until the summer, when we will have fine weather? Let us not disturb the people during the Christmas season. Let us not have elections held in the dark, at a period of the year when our polling booths will not be properly lighted.
Quite a lot of things must be taken into consideration. We should not have these elections held at a period of the year when darkness falls so early. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon it will be pretty dark a month hence and the elections will be on at that time, if we decide now in favour of this proposal. I think it is wrong to disturb the public during the Christmas season. We ought to have the elections about May or June next.
I agree that the by-elections should take place, but in fairness to all the candidates it is not right to send voters into a dark little school barely lighted by a couple of paraffin oil lamps or, in some cases, candles. I ask the Taoiseach to take all these things into consideration, particularly the point about disturbing the people during the Christmas season.
Dark deeds require dark nights.
The Deputy knows that if we suggested postponing these elections we would have everybody in the Opposition Benches telling us we were denying the people their rights.
Hold them now.
Question agreed to.
The following motions were agreed to:—
That the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue his writ for the election of a member to fill the vacancy which has occurred in the membership of the present Dáil consequent on the resignation by Deputy Mícheál Cleary of his seat as a member for the constituency of South Mayo.—(Rúnaí Párlaiminte don Taoiseach.)
That the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue his writ for the election of a member to fill the vacancy which has occurred in the membership of the present Dáil consequent on the death of Deputy Fred Hugh Crowley, a member for the constituency of South Kerry.—(Rúnaí Párlaminte don Taoiseach.)
That the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue his writ for the election of a member to fill the vacancy which has occurred in the membership of the present Dáil consequent on the death of Deputy Richard Corish, a member for the constituency of Wexford.— (Deputy Keyes.)
That the Ceann Comhairle direct the Clerk of the Dáil to issue his writ for the election of a member to fill the vacancy which has occurred in the membership of the present Dáil consequent on the death of Deputy Patrick Burke, a member for the constituency of Clare.—(Deputy Peadar S. Doyle.)
