On this Resolution, I want to refer to a few points. First of all, I should like to refer to this question of priority for public assistance classes. They are, as we are all aware, now entitled to free medical services of every kind. The Minister in the debate last week made very frequent references to the danger of depriving that class of the priority they now enjoy. At column 1324 of the Official Debates of the 7th July, 1954, the Minister said:—
"They are entitled to the first bed available and if there are only three beds and four applicants the three who qualify as sick poor get the beds."
Later, as reported at column 1338, when speaking of the difficulty of providing beds for everybody, the Minister said:—
"One of the applicants is a poor person unable to provide for himself; the other is a farmer of £45 valuation. There is a temptation there, particularly by reason of the impact on the rates, to prefer the person who can pay even £2 2s. a week."
In his speeches here last Wednesday and Thursday the Minister referred many times to the public assistance class, to the fact that they have priority in hospitals under local authorities at the moment and to the further fact that, if the Act of 1953 were to be implemented, that priority would disappear. In fact, he became so enthusiastic that he referred to them on one occasion as "the impoverished poor".
The National Health Council passed a resolution and it also was based largely on consideration for the present public assistance class or what is referred to in the 1953 Health Act as "the lower income group." As I say, the Minister gave a great deal of time to this as being one of his greatest difficulties in implementing the Act. When I was speaking after his introductory speech I made the suggestion that if the Minister were seriously troubled on this matter he could bring in a simple Act extending or continuing that priority. I should like to make it clear that, personally, I have no fear on that score. However, the Minister does appear to have fear on that score and when the Minister was concluding on Thursday evening he said, as reported at column 1583 of the Official Report:—
"Deputy Dr. Ryan also said: ‘Well, why does not the Minister come in here, not with this sort of Bill but with a Bill giving to the poor of this country a priority?' That again, is the kind of illogical approach that I just cannot understand from Fianna Fáil. I thought the Health Act was trumpeted around the country as being a measure which was abolishing the term ‘public assistance' and the old poor law class and all the rest of it, and that never again would you have a red ticket or anything of that kind. Nevertheless, this reasonable measure is countered by Deputy Dr. Ryan by saying: ‘Why do you not bring in a measure in effect to restore the priorities that existed under the public assistance code?' I do not know whether that appeals as good sense to anyone. It certainly does not to me."
The Minister made an appeal for co-operation. He appealed also for a cutting-out of political rancour, but is that type of reception of a suggestion calculated to elicit from the Opposition the co-operation the Minister asked for? When the 1953 Health Bill was being piloted through this House, we spent months here, not days, defending that Bill against Fine Gael. We had to withstand the most bitter and persistent opposition of that Party. If, in an effort to save that Act from destruction or sabotage, I make a suggestion not by reason of my own fears but by reason of the fears of the Minister—if I make a suggestion to allay the Minister's fears on a particular line— I am met with ridicule. If the Minister adopts that attitude here and wants to steamroll his Bill through, irrespective of any argument that may be put up, and if we make a suggestion to allay his fears—not ours—we do not expect to be met with ridicule of this kind.
It was very ironical that the Minister should appeal to this side of the House to cut out the political rancour and then give the type of reception he gave to a suggestion which we made to allay his fears on a particular line. Of course, it may be that the Minister has not an argument to the point which I made—and we all know that ridicule or abuse is the best substitute for an argument. The Minister gave us no allay the Minister's fears and it would appear that he had no argument to answer it.
Surely we on this side of the House must get credit for being more particular about the implementation of the 1953 Health Act than the Deputies who are now sitting on the Government Benches. We spent months here in 1953 trying to put that Act through. We were met by months of opposition, and if we were both sincere—if we were sincere in putting the Bill through and if the other side were sincere in opposing it—surely the responsibility for seeing the Act through now must rest on those who now sit on this side of the House, not on the other.
I still think it is absurd to say that the public assistance class will suffer if the 1953 Health Act is implemented. I do not think a guarantee is necessary. However, I want to say that if the Minister asks for co-operation and if he gets co-operation even in that small way he should not reject it in that way. He should deal with it reasonably and tell us why, in his view, it is not acceptable. If two people are arguing a case, and if they are anxious to find a solution, I think it is natural enough for one person to say to the other: "I see no grounds for your anxiety but, if you are anxious, here is a suggestion that might get over it. I see no grounds for anxiety myself but I give this suggestion as a way of getting over it." In such a discussion between two persons who are anxious to find a solution, the other person would at least give a reason why, in his view, the suggestion should not be accepted. The same would apply to suggestions for the insertion of a date beyond which the implementation of the Act should not be delayed.
I still maintain that the appointed date of 1st August should have been adhered to. Again, if the Minister is sincere—and he said he is sincere— about implementing the 1953 Health Act he should be in a position to name a date. If, in our anxiety to get this Act implemented, we try to clutch at the wreckage so as not to let the whole thing go, and if we say: "If you will not do it on 1st August, give us a date anyway" surely that is not to be taken as a proof that the 1st August is impossible? It is not impossible. I think any reasonable person will agree, before this Bill leaves the House, that it is not impossible.
I want to clear up another matter on the subject of the advice of officials. I said, in a speech that was partially quoted by the Minister—I asked him to quote the whole lot of it because I think it might help in the education of some of the members opposite, but the Minister did not do so:—
"I discussed the position"
—that is, before 1st April—
"with the Department, whose officers were in a position to give an formed and objective opinion, and I was advised that it would be quite feasible to operate the main portions of the Act on July 1st."
That is referred to at column 1576 of the Official Report of Thursday last.