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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 6 Dec 1956

Vol. 160 No. 14

Financing of Housing—Motion.

I move:—

That in view of the confusion and uncertainty which has been created by ministerial statements in regard to moneys available for housing purposes, Dáil Eireann is of opinion that it is imperative that the Government immediately and without ambiguity should:-

(a) inform each local authority as to when it will meet its obligations to them in respect of contracts and other commitments already entered into by them, and

(b) state specifically what moneys will be available from the Local Loans Fund and other sources to finance the pressing requirements of the local authorities for the purposes of their own housing programme, loans under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts and supplementary grants to private persons under the Housing Acts.

I think it is about four months ago that we had a discussion here on this question of housing. It was on the occasion of the introduction of the 1956 Housing Bill. We spent some hours discussing important aspects of housing on that occasion, especially two important matters to which I shall refer later. In the course of that discussion the records of the House, I think, will show that, I personally and we as a Party, were very suspicious of many of the assurances which in the course of our talks we extracted from the Minister. The fact that we are back here again having got a whole day in which to discuss this matter of housing is a fair indication, indeed a proof, that the suspicions we harboured and to which we gave expression were well justified.

Let us see what we know about the position as public men regarding housing all over the country at the present time. Local bodies have the duty of first looking after the needs of the working classes. They have the responsibility of assisting private enterprise in every way possible. How have these responsibilities been discharged by local bodies in the years gone by? They have been discharged by these authorities by endeavouring to meet as expeditiously as possible the housing needs of the working classes in the large and small towns, the villages and the rural areas. Persons who have been endeavouring to provide their own houses, no matter to what class of society they belong, have been receiving grants from the State under the Housing Acts by way of encouragement. They have been receiving grants from the local authorities, based on the valuations of their holdings if they are land owners and on their wage-earning capacity if they are wage-earners.

Every member of the House, and those with eyes to see, can discern the amount of progress that has been made as a result of the adoption of that policy. But how do local bodies now stand in regard to the necessary moneys to enable them to continue and complete their policies in relation to the provision of housing for the working classes? How do these local bodies stand in relation to the availability of money so as to provide the necessary Small Dwellings Act loans to private builders? How do these local bodies stand in relation to the capacity to provide funds to enable councils to pay these supplementary grants? These are three questions I am addressing to the Minister and to the Government. I am addressing them to the present Minister for Local Government against the background, to which I will refer, of assurances given by him in this House on these matters.

I was not present, but I understand we had an Adjournment discussion the other night on this subject of housing. In the course of the remarks made by the Minister he saw fit to produce a letter written by the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, Deputy Breslin, to a constituent of his in the course of which the Deputy explained the position of his own council in regard to the three matters I have mentioned. I shall not make any comment as to whether that letter should have been read here by a Minister. All I will say is that I would not like to read it myself if I were in a similar position, but it is not that aspect of the matter to which I am referring. I want to say to the Minister, when he accuses that Deputy of having written what he described as a sabotage letter and when he describes the Deputy as indulging in sabotage because of having written that letter, that if I were to write that letter in my own hand I would know I was telling the truth. I would know I was explaining exactly the financial position of my own county council, and not only of my own county council but of several county councils of whose financial positions I happen to be aware.

It appears, according to the new standards the present Minister would have us adopt here, that it is sabotage to tell the truth. It is because that would appear to be his mental condition and his approach to the responsibilities of his office that we have this discussion a few months after a housing Bill became law. In order to prove more completely the truth of the statement I have made regarding the general financial position of local bodies, I shall read a letter from an official in a county council office dealing with housing. Surely he cannot be described as a person who is indulging in sabotage? This letter was issued from the county council office in Sligo and it is addressed to a Deputy. Here is what the writer says:

"With regard to the repayment of a supplementary grant to Mr. Higgins I wish to inform you that he would be entitled to consideration for same subject to the availability of funds, as he has in fact been paid the full State grant by the Government. As you are aware consideration of a number of possible eligible cases is at the present time held up until the Department of Local Government indicates whether or not the loan recently applied for will be made available. The letter handed in by you is returned herewith."

Would the Deputy give the date, the name of the writer and to whom it was written?

The 27th, to Deputy Gilbride.

27th November?

Yes. When we were discussing the Housing Act the Minister had reason to introduce certain amendments to, I think, Section 10 of the Act of 1954. In the course of the discussion on that occasion he indicated his enthusiasm. He said, as was true, that the section was optional as far as local bodies were concerned. He knew, of course, that local bodies had adopted a similar provision contained in previous Acts, had operated it and had paid grants on foot thereof. He gave expression to the hope that they would continue to do so. They have continued to do so. They have adopted Sections 9, 10 and 11.

Despite the assurances given on that occasion by the Minister, the position now is that county councils have no money to complete payment on contracts entered into by them for the provision of houses for the working classes, in many cases. Certificates are coming in from engineers authorising payment of instalments of whatever amount the engineers feel is justified but there is no money to meet those certificates. Local bodies have no money to meet applications under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts— not a penny—even though they have already been approved. When approached for further loans by individuals in need of housing and who are in a position to repay those loans, county councils are forced to indicate their inability to accept them because of financial stringency and because of the inability of the Department to let them know where they stand, what they could give and how they could help. In the case of persons who have already erected houses and to whom guarantees were given that supplementary grants would be paid by the local authority, these payments cannot be made because of lack of funds. In addition, there is the case of the supplier, the trader, the contractor, the banks, the unemployed and the people who must emigrate.

When the Minister talked about sabotage, I wonder has he any contact at all with his own constituency. I wonder if he has not the same experience as all of us have of people who are affected by the factors to which I have referred. I have discussed the position with traders who have been supplying private builders and individuals building their own houses, who have provided large quantities of building materials on credit and who are now being pressed by the banks and driven, if not to bankruptcy, to the verge of bankruptcy. That is the setting.

There is not a rural Deputy who does not know that everything that I am saying is gospel truth. There is widespread suspicion that the very officials who are employed by the State to supervise housing have instructions to slow down on the work for which they are paid. There is keen suspicion that they are encouraged to employ every device in order to keep the wheels from moving fast, irrespective of the injury or injustice that is done to private persons as a result of the pursuit of that policy.

That is the picture in rural areas. That is the background. The cause of the bedevilment and confusion and demoralisation is the assurances given by Ministers in regard to housing. It would not be right to use the word "accurate " in any shape or form in describing them. I will not quote many of them but I will quote one from the Minister for Justice, who found himself in a tight corner, not for the first time in his life, and not without reason. I quote a speech made by the Minister as reported in the Irish Press of 21st July, 1956:—

"Mr. Everett, Minister for Justice, assured the C.I.U. annual meeting in Kilkee yesterday that there is no difficulty in getting money for housing.

"He added, however, that the Government was anxious that the money should go to those in need of it."

It appears now that nobody needs it for nobody can get it.

"‘You will,' said Mr. Everett in his address, ‘have no trouble in getting money to provide the people with houses, but the wealthy people, such as civil servants——'"

It was not the teachers who were in his mind. It was the teachers that the Minister for Local Government had in mind when he was talking about wealthy people but the Minister for Justice, apparently, has different views. It is the civil servants, he says.

The teachers are also civil servants.

They had a difficult job on some of you.

Some of the exhibits we see here do not do credit to their masters.

Do not get vexed.

I am not getting vexed.

Major de Valera

The teachers would not like the people opposite to say anything about them.

The position is not as bad as it was in 1947, anyway.

I should like to hear this Deputy cissy.

The Deputy is in possession.

I continue the quotation from the Irish Press.

"‘You will,' said Mr. Everett in his address, ‘have no trouble in getting money to provide the people with houses, but the wealthy people, such as civil servants and people with £2,000 a year will have to go to the banks or the insurance companies so as to allow us to devote all our money and our whole time to building houses for people with the greatest need.'"

Was not it a pity that he was not thinking of the civil servants with the £2,000 when he was firing part of the £1,000,000 at them only a couple of years ago?

You left them to whistle for that.

What was to the tail of the whistle as far as you were concerned?

They got their money.

And you got the votes, you hoped.

Just think of the assurances given in July last in order to placate the boys of C.I.U., to get them over another fence, to keep them together, no matter how far from fact or from truth or from realisation the assurances given might prove to be.

Then take the Minister himself, in the course of the discussion on the Committee Stage of the Housing Bill, 1956. Anyone who pursues this discussion of Section 9—which introduced the guarantee scheme to certain types of persons interested in the borrowing of money for the purchase or erection of houses—will see quite clearly that we were really at the time in search of a clear statement as to the position. As I say, we suspected that deceit was being practised in the amendment which the Minister inserted here and in the section itself. Here is what he had to say on Section 9, as taken from the Official Report for the 17th July, 1956, column 1046:

"Mr. Smith: I wanted some information about Section 9, but the Minister has not been too anxious to give it. First of all, I should like to know is Section 9 designed only for two local bodies—Dublin and Cork?

Mr. O'Donnell: No, the whole country.

Mr. Smith: If that is the case, I should like to know if the Local Loans Fund will be available to all local bodies for the purposes of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts?

Mr. O'Donnell: Yes.

Mr. Smith: To what extent?

Mr. O'Donnell: Each local authority will get an allocation."

Now, that discussion and that effort on my part and on the part of a number of Deputies here behind me, was designed to find out the true position. There were all kinds of grumblings at the time, all kinds of suggestions that money would not be as freely available in the future as it had been. Local bodies, county managers, had been in contact with the Department and knew that there was a tightening up at the time and of course the knowledge of the tightening up naturally came down through the lines to the members of the local bodies. It was because of that knowledge that we here were anxious not to exploit the situation but to get from the Minister at the time an assurance that certain funds would be made available and, as far as possible, the extent of those funds.

In a discussion on the same date, as reported at column 1047, I questioned the Minister further. I said:—

"Now the Minister tells me that that is not the case. He assures me that all local bodies will be free to go to the Local Loans Fund to enable them to continue their activities under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, but the Minister interjected a remark which seemed to suggest that there will be some question of the type of people to whom these moneys, when borrowed by local bodies, will be allocated.

Would the Deputy suggest that every person in this country——

I am not suggesting anything."

In other words, it was not for me to suggest what these moneys should be and the classes of people to whom they would be made available by way of loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts. I simply wanted to know, for the purpose of the records of this House, for the purpose of the information of local bodies and for the purpose of the information of the most important section of all, the people who wanted to build their own houses. When pressed further on this matter by Deputy O'Malley as reported in column 1048 of the same date, the Minister said:—

"There will be no recession in house building, absolutely none. I am making available for house building a source of funds never before available."

Now, he said, a "source of funds never before available"—referring as he was then to the guarantee scheme, referring as he was then to the scheme that the Party loyalists behind him gloated about on the occasion of that discussion. He was referring to a scheme, and to the availability of additional moneys as a result of that scheme, which has been the law since the 17th or 18th of April, 1956, and as far as I know that has been adopted by between 22 and 25 local authorities.

I now challenge the Minister to tell this House the number of applications made under this scheme which have been accepted or approved. Let us read this again, because these words or these assurances are indicative of the whole manner in which this very important matter has been treated by the present occupant of the Ministry and by the whole Government. I will read it again:

"There will be no recession in house building, absolutely none."

Well, if you went down to an individual who intended to build his house in Cavan, Monaghan, Sligo or any other county, who was relying on obtaining a State grant and a local authority supplementary grant, if his valuation warranted it, or a State grant and a local authority grant if his wage earning permitted it, and who in addition was in need of a few hundred pounds under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act from the county council to enable him to finance the completion of the house, you could go and talk to that man about the recession in house building; you could ask him to go into any trader in any town within 20 miles and propose to him that he should supply the materials on the strength of grants either from the State or the local body, and I have an idea what he would say. Surely to goodness, we should expect a higher standard than that.

In fact, at one further stage here— from which I will not quote—I even went so far as to say: "Minister, we are not trying to make you say something you cannot say; you have information, you have knowledge of the position; I am not trying to extract from you an assurance that you or your Government will not be able to honour. I am asking you for something you can stand over and we can all stand over" and we did not get it. I am asking the Minister now for it but, having regard to my experience here over the past two years, I am not too optimistic that I am likely to get it. But we must keep on trying.

Then at column 1084 of the same date this statement was made by the Minister:—

"I have given an undertaking to this House, and I now repeat it, that any applicant of modest means who requires a loan under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts will get it from the Local Loans Fund."

Of course, we all tried then to get a definition of what a man of modest means was and the story of our effort is told here also. It was not very successful. The Minister was asked to determine and define what a man of modest means is, just as I was obliged to define classes to whom I thought the council should pay a supplementary grant and I met with the most vigorous opposition at the time from those who now form the Government in this House. Surely, if the Minister had been truthful and courageous and honest with the House and the country and came in here and said: " What I mean by modest means is—" and committed himself to make money available only to the class there defined then we could understand what the position was. But, instead of that, there was the usual little District Court quibble, trying to be clever and trying to pretend no matter how close or pertinent, or severe the cross-examination, the Minister could sidestep the issue and get by for a few months hoping something would happen that would prove better than the Minister expected from the facts as he knew them. Then, we have the position here in Dublin. The Minister loves to deal with Dublin because it so happens that the position here now is one that is capable of being distorted and twisted so as to befuddle the public mind.

The Deputy should be a bit careful about Dublin.

I am entitled to speak here and look here, the Deputy is surely not going to partition the country again, I hope.

The Deputy's argument is not too clear in its association with Dublin.

Once was enough for your people to be associated with that effort.

Talk about Cavan.

My mind is a bit more spacious than that. We will steam them up, as the Minister for Justice was steamed up at the C.I.U. Congress to give the assurance to which I referred. You will see Deputies trekking in here to support this amendment which has been designed on the very face of it to continue the policy of plausible undertakings. So long as there is something to which the different sections in the Government can refer and say: "Well, is not that all right? March along the road" the Government is happy. March along the road, while the results of their action and their treatment of this whole housing question has brought about the disappearance of men who were engaged in this building business in every part of the country—engineers, architects, small contractors, tradesmen and skilled men of all kinds. Very shortly there will not be a man left in the country, a skilled man to do a hand's turn.

I will not refer to Dublin only. I will refer to Dublin, and to any other part of the country I like. But what I will say about Dublin is that the Minister, because of the position which exists now as a result of the change that was effected in refusing permission to the Dublin Corporation to seek its funds otherwise—to seek its funds as in the past by public subscription—now seizes the opportunity of befuddling the public mind and using the ability of his officials to twist and turn and distort figures so that everybody is scrambling around trying to find out what exactly is meant by this.

Of course, money will have to be provided by the Government from the Local Loans Fund since the Government would not allow the corporation to seek the funds necessary by public subscription and with Government and banking support. What I am asking the Minister to do in relation to Dublin is this: instead of playacting, instead of, as I say, wasting the time of public officials, preparing speeches to make at Fine Gael meetings throughout the city replying to the corporation—meetings some of which were held and some never held, but the result of the efforts of public servants appeared in public print anyhow—I ask the Minister to approach this Dublin question as it was always approached and as the corporation insisted it should be approached, and rightly so.

The corporation's first duty, as I understand it, is to make provision for the housing of the working classes. The corporation set as its target a certain figure of house production each year. I think, as far as I can remember, that that target was around 2,500 houses. The second responsibility, and it was second, was to provide money under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts by way of loans and supplementary grants to encourage private persons to engage in house building and the sum required for that purpose was a growing factor in corporation finance. What the Minister has got to say in this House, what he has got to say to the Dublin Corporation is: "Are you first providing the finances necessary to enable the corporation to engage in the provision of working-class houses to the extent of their target and, if you have done that, what funds are you making available to them so that they can continue their policy of making advances under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts."

The efforts of the Minister to show that all is well, except for the fact that the corporation will not cooperate with him, must surely fail if those all over the country who read and who know from their own personal experience of the Department of Local Government and its attitude towards housing and the attitude of the Minister towards housing correctly interpret them. Remembering the assurances that have been given in the past, the members of local authorities all over the country know, having regard to the way in which they themselves are being treated and having regard to the mess in which they find themselves, must have a good laugh when they read the efforts of the Minister to put the corporation in the dock here because of its failure to do its job.

I advise the Minister not to start twisting figures and firing millions at us here, there and yonder, but to answer my charge. Since the corporation was refused permission to secure their money otherwise, is he making, through the Local Loans Fund, the necessary provision to enable the corporation to continue to achieve the target that it has—perhaps not always, but nearly always—successfully achieved in the past? Do the Minister and the Department not see that where you have contractors, tradesmen and skilled men of all classes unemployed, as you will have if you allow the policy of the corporation in regard to slum clearance and so on to sag this year and next, you will drive those craftsmen and technicians outside the country wholesale? Do the Minister and the Government not know that whatever financial assistance the Government is capable of giving should be given clearly and without ambiguity and without any effort to place a burden of responsibility or charges on the shoulders of others? I am not trying to defend them, but I know their problems and I know that they know a lot more about housing difficulties in Dublin than either the Minister or myself.

Previously, I described that sort of parrying between the Custom House and the Mansion House or City Hall as "child's play". It is worse than that. If it was merely "child's play" it would be all right but it is having an effect different from "child's play" because it has resulted in many of our people who had paid deposits on houses losing these deposits. It has resulted in moneys not being available to private persons; it has resulted in confusion and strife between public authorities. I say I believe every word, fully and completely, in the statements made on behalf of the corporation as to the true position in the City of Dublin and I completely disbelieve the statements that are being made on behalf of the Department and the Government by the Minister concerned.

This motion was tabled four months after a fairly lengthy discussion on a similar subject and, as I have explained, it has been tabled because of the confusion, the uncertainty and the demoralisation that have resulted from the lack of information to public bodies all over the country in regard to house building and the prospects for the future. I am asking the Minister, even now, to consider the local bodies who in many cases have their cheque books filled with the names of people to whom payments are due since last September. These bodies cannot issue the cheques because they have not a bob to meet them. You can call that sabotage, if you like, but we are just sick of looking at this whole position in relation to housing, and indeed we could say, in relation to a number of other matters.

I ask the Minister to think of those people who are writing to Deputies or to county councillors in order to know why they are not getting the money, or when they will get the money, that they have earned. Why should private persons be forced to endanger their whole position in order to save the Government or a public body from embarrassment? I never remember a time when the treasurer of a county council would treat a county council as they are being treated now. I never remember a time when a county council could not issue a cheque and stand over it—not even when times were really bad in this country.

Would the Minister tell us what, on God's earth, has happened? Even if he has to tell us the worst, after all, the maintenance of a Government, the keeping together of a string of Parties who want to hold power in this House for a month or two or three months, is surely not justification for deceiving the public as they have been deceived with the results that I have charged. Worse results will follow because when you demoralise the public, as they are now demoralised, serious consequences are inevitable. I do not believe you can get a county manager now to give a thought to the provision of houses; he would not even believe the money was there until it was placed before him, and he would be right. He would be like the public men who were castigated some months ago when they showed some doubt as to whether they should sign certain documents or not, because they wanted some proof that the money would be available. They were called saboteurs. Public officials would be certain now to do what these public men did a few months ago. They, too, would not accept an assurance and they would only take something that was there straight before their eyes.

This motion is not an attempt to exploit any hard times or difficulties that the Government may have. I do not want to do that personally, and it is not the attitude of this Party, but I do want to pound away on this subject and to make an impression on the Minister who has built up for himself a reputation, not only among the Parties opposed to the Government but, I think I am safe in saying, even among the Parties behind him, even though he may be an affable man and all that, of entire and complete unreliability. I use no more explicit term for the sake of the general decorum of this discussion.

I ask the Minister, in the course of any statement he has to make, to be clear and frank with the House and with the country. I implore him not to regard that document, which apparently has been put in in the form of an amendment, as an honest-to-God approach to the situation that I have truthfully described. That document is an even greater insult than any that he has yet offered to the intelligence of the House and the country, if he expects it to be regarded as a positive assurance that the Government means to do anything. The Minister and the Government will not get away with this for very long. They should not attempt to do so. It is dishonest, unfair and unjust. In some way or another we will have to call the Minister to account and if we do not somebody will call him and his Government to account for the desperate position to which they have brought this house-building industry.

Major de Valera

I formally second the motion and reserve my right to speak later.

I move the amendment standing in my name:—

To delete all the words after the word "That" and to insert in lieu thereof: "it being the intention of the Government at the earliest possible date to inform each local authority:

(a) when moneys will be available in respect of contracts and other commitments already entered into by them, and

(b) what moneys will be available from the Local Loans Fund and other sources to finance the requirements of the local authorities for the purposes of their own housing programmes, loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts and supplementary grants to private persons under the Housing Acts.

Dáil Eireann, appreciating the desire of the Government for full understanding and co-operation between the Government and local authorities as to the targets to be achieved and the rate of progress to be made, approves the policy of the Government in proceeding with the housing programme as expeditiously as possible consistent with the national resources."

I do not think it would serve any useful purpose if I were to analyse the terms of this motion and show how it bespeaks a degree of order and certainty that has never existed in the financial practice governing the relations between the borrowers and lenders from the Local Loans Fund and my Department. All I wish to say on that is that childish suggestions as to how to simplify a relationship which was never simple and which can never be simple should be left to the kindergarten.

We are dealing here with an annual expenditure of between £10,000,000 and £11,000,000. In any financial year that expenditure is made up of payments to clear off contracts long since completed, where, for example, the final account had been the subject of dispute, payments from loans sanctioned in previous financial years in respect of contracts still in progress, issues from the fund for new loans recently sanctioned and, as the year goes on, payments to meet liabilities which were only prospective or even unascertained at the beginning of the financial year.

There would not be much point in examining in detail how far the oversimplified machinery suggested in the motion would fail to meet the complexities of Local Loans Fund administration. Very little effort has been made by the Deputy who has spoken to show how the procedure suggested would work in practice. He has, instead, concentrated on criticism of the "confusion and uncertainty" which, he alleges, exist at present. In pursuance of my responsibilities to the Government and the House, I propose to make a general statement which will show the background to the present position and indicate the Government's intentions in regard to the future. I think that my statement, although necessarily couched in general terms, will meet and rebut the criticisms we have heard about delays in the issue of loan instalments, delays in approval of contracts, and limitations of funds for Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts and supplementary grant operations.

I should like, at this stage, to know if it is in order for the Minister to read his statement, it not being a statement on the introduction of a Bill.

It has been the practice to allow the Minister to read a statement on a matter of special importance. I take it this is a matter of special importance.

We are devoting a day to it so I take it it can be regarded as a matter of special importance. I shall continue reading the statement and later on deal with the Deputy who has spoken on the motion. First of all I should like to answer some of the remarks that have been made about various statements of mine which Deputies allege to have been contradictory and inconsistent. Suggestions have been made as regards local authority housing that I have been delaying the issue of sanction to building contracts while maintaining that "funds are available ad lib”, and that the volume of housing activity is as high as ever.

I never said that "funds are available ad lib”, but I have said that, of the funds available, one particular local authority has been guaranteed a capital allocation that is sufficient to meet the needs as estimated by that local authority's own officials. My statements have been applied, or misapplied, to the provision for all housing activities throughout the country. I never said that adequate capital was available to meet the unrestricted demands of all housing authorities for the immediate financing of housing contracts, S.D.A. loans and supplementary grants.

I have said that, making due allowance for areas where housing needs have been met, or where the completion of programmes is tapering off, the volume of housing activity is being maintained at as high a point as formerly. That does not mean that I can sanction immediately all pending housing projects and give an assurance that the money to finance them will be available as and when required. It would be quite unrealistic to expect that, at a time of exceptional economic and financial difficulties, public bodies should have such absolute assurances as that. The State itself has no such assurance.

These are examples of statements, made by me in particular cases or based on general statistics of current trends, which have been misapplied or misquoted to represent, quite inaccurately, my attitude to other entirely different aspects of the housing problem. Perhaps the misunderstanding has arisen from the fact that most of my discussions and debates with Deputies have been on particular cases, in replies to parliamentary questions, in debates on the Adjournment and so on. This is the first opportunity I have had of tackling all aspects of the matter in a comprehensive way.

I propose to use the opportunity to give the House an outline of the position as it has confronted me, a position that began to present serious features just over a year ago and that has developed in complexity and difficulty ever since. If I mention the Dublin Corporation first, I hasten to assure Deputies that I am not at this stage wading into the question of Dublin housing. In fact I am dealing with the overall position outside Dublin. I mention Dublin merely because the failure to get a reasonable public response to the Dublin Stock Issue this time last year was the beginning of our troubles. The Government and the banks were left to shoulder £4.2 million of the £6,000,000 issue. There ensued a period of uncertainty as to the propriety of continuing to enter into commitments, particularly as regards Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act loans. Then the Government loan of £20,000,000 was issued and the public responded only to the extent of £8.7 million.

Nevertheless the Government resolved the uncertainty of the Dublin position by giving the corporation access to the Local Loans Fund to the extent of £4,000,000 gross, or £3.5 million net, in the current year. The position resulting from these and other developments affecting the total national pool of capital naturally involved a review of the amount of capital required by other local authorities for the remainder of the financial year and the extent to which it could be met from the pool. But here we were not dealing with one local authority and one global amount, as in the case of Dublin.

We were dealing with 115 housing authorities and 87 sanitary authorities —exactly 202 in all. Their current works and commitments were at various stages of advancement. So were the preparation of their pending works and the applications of individuals for loans and grants which would constitute future commitments. On our side—the financial side—these commitments fell roughly into three categories which represent roughly the order of priority in which they are now being considered. These are: (1) those for which loans from the Local Loans Fund have been sanctioned; (2) those approved in principle or approved at the contract stage but not yet covered by loans authorised for issue from the Local Loans Fund; and (3) commitments or proposals of local authorities not covered by either sanction or assurance of finance.

First of all we had to provide for contractual commitments. By "contractual commitments" I mean contracts already entered into for the erection of houses or site development; direct labour works in progress; and S.D.A. loans and supplementary grants actually allocated to applicants.

If there is any uncertainty about the necessary finances being made available for meeting approved commitments, I wish to state emphatically here and now that no such uncertainty need exist. They are not all commitments requiring immediate cash issues. In so far as they are not met this year they will be met as they arise in the next financial year and so on.

Now, with regard to future commitments, and first of all with regard to local authority housing, first preference will be given to schemes which have reached the stage at which tenders have been received and submitted to me for sanction. Such of these tenders as have been received in recent months could not be sanctioned until we have ascertained from all the local authorities spending money on current schemes how much they required to draw from the Local Loans Fund to meet that expenditure up to the 31st March next. The estimates for that purpose are compiled by the Department each November. It would not be practicable to get accurate estimates at an earlier stage in the financial year. These estimates have just come to hand during the past few weeks. I suppose it is natural that each local authority should endeavour to bid for as high a share as possible out of the funds available. In any event a preliminary survey of these estimates shows that they are much in excess of what might reasonably be put down as likely to come in course of payment in the remaining part of the year. It will be necessary to question individual items in detail, but there is sufficient information in the Department to show that the amount still remaining in the capital provision available to my Department for housing in the present financial year will be required in full to meet existing commitments and to liquidate overdrafts so as to leave the position, as at the end of the year, more or less the same as it was on the 1st April last.

This means that the tenders at present awaiting sanction will form the first instalment of the new housing works programme in the next financial year. I hope to have them sanctioned gradually so that they may be undertaken in such a way as to maintain a fairly uniform rate of overall housing output during the year.

Deputies will appreciate that until this global survey of the current and next year's estimates was available, I was not in a position to give the information I am now giving to the House. I could not explain their peculiar position to each one of 202 housing and sanitary authorities in terms of the national position. It was equally impossible to explain the national position without detailed information from these 202 authorities. It is a coincidence, but it is a fact, that this motion has come up for discussion exactly at the earliest time by which I could reply to it in the detail in which I am doing now.

As regards other works, mainly works which have not yet reached the contract stage, I have given very detailed information on them in reply to a parliamentary question by Deputy O'Malley. The Deputy recently referred to my replies as "stock answers." They are not "stock answers." In a large number of cases we have found that the assessment of housing needs had been made carelessly or scarcely made at all, and that proposed housing schemes were not warranted or fully warranted when these needs had been carefully reviewed. In other cases the plans required revision for various reasons. In most cases, however, the work of planning is, with my encouragement, proceeding to the stage at which tenders may in due course be invited. There have been some suggestions that the local authorities concerned with the planning of these schemes are being kept in the dark and that they may be planning for works which may never be carried out. Nothing could be further from the truth. I considered this matter fully several months ago and I deliberately decided not to discourage such local bodies from proceeding with the planning of new schemes where the housing needs position warranted it.

The Minister will not sanction the old schemes or pay for them.

I said that any schemes where there are commitments will be paid in full. I am now giving that assurance to this House.

This year.

Live horse and you will get grass.

The Minister has let down 500 persons in my constituency who have entered into commitments for Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts loans.

Deputy Burke is talking through his hat. If he would consult his county manager he would find he has secured an overdraft from the treasurers which he could have secured at any time, had he sought it. He did not do so until he was advised by me to do so the other day.

The Minister has let down 500 persons in my constituency. It is all a fraud.

I was stating when I was so rudely interrupted by Deputy Burke who has just left the House that I considered this matter fully several months ago and deliberately decided not to discourage such local bodies from proceeding with the planning of new schemes where the housing needs position warranted it. If I stopped that preliminary work I would be disrupting the programmes of coming years without knowing whether there was any sound reason for doing so. I, therefore, allowed the planning of new schemes to proceed, while insisting on the necessity for the strictest economy in the expenditure involved in the designs. In many cases final plans have been approved so that the schemes may be allowed to proceed to the stage of inviting tenders.

A further proportion of pending schemes represents the normal backlog of proposals under consideration either by the local authorities or by the Department or by each in turn. As regards these, I am sure that many Deputies will have adverted to the problems which may be presented in some areas where the sum total of ascertained housing needs will have been met absolutely. This will mean the displacement of more or less substantial pools of labour, builders' providers' business and all the other industrial facets of local authority building. If the satisfaction of housing needs in such cases is not met as quickly as it might have been in other circumstances, the tapering off process at the slower tempo may be of value in affording more time for adjustment of the various interests involved.

I now come to Small Dwellings Acquisition loans. Last June I had a circular letter issued advising local authorities to restrict such loans to applicants who could not finance their house purchase or house building otherwise. This has been debated at length on various occasions and there is not much that I can add now to what I have already said.

I should, however, like to repeat that there is no doubt whatever that the abnormal upsurge in the demands on local authorities in recent years for this kind of financial accommodation was created to a large extent by the desire of well-to-do persons to avail themselves of cheap money on favourable repayment terms even where they had available capital of their own, or could readily obtain it from ordinary commercial sources. The attractions of the Small Dwellings loans system were, of course, that the money it provided was cheaper than that which could be procured from other sources or than people could obtain on their own capital investments.

Apart from the consideration that such people should not be allowed to add to the burdens of debt on the State and the local authorities, there was the overriding consideration that the limited capital available should be conserved for the most deserving applicants, namely those who possessed no capital and who had inadequate security on which to seek loans elsewhere.

Outside this deserving class, there are the people with adequate incomes but without capital to meet what the Building Societies call the "supra-commercial" amount of the advance. The guarantee scheme was introduced for these people.

This is a permanent statutory provision, not designed merely to meet the exigencies of the present economic situation. Public savings may find their way in growing dimensions to these societies. So far as they do, they will provide machinery for accommodating a class that until recent years was never catered for by S.D.A. loans, a class, indeed, that was never meant to be catered for by capital which has to be raised by the State.

I am satisfied that this scheme will be a valuable permanent addition to the measures by which private enterprise in this country is encouraged to take priority over State enterprise where the intervention of the State is not urgent or necessary.

Is the guarantee scheme working?

I will tell you why it is not working, if you would like to know——

Sure, it is not working.

In the first place, Dublin Corporation in the month of June last decided to stop receiving applications for S.D.A. loans with the result that all applicants for these loans who would have been entitled to them rushed to the insurance companies and building societies and cluttered up their application books with the result—if Deputies do not want to hear me——

What about the rest of the country?

——I will leave it at that.

The Minister will soon want a longer arm to chance.

As regards supplementary grants, the local authorities have had a complete discretion as to whether to operate these schemes and as to the extent to which they should operate them. That discretion has, I am afraid, been allowed in some areas to outrun the limits of prudence. Some local authorities have not hesitated to continue to accept applications for supplementary grants, even though they were committing themselves to capital liabilities to meet which sanction for a loan from the Local Loans Fund or otherwise had not been sought or, if sought, had not been obtained. It would be impossible to give such a blank cheque to any local authority in future. The housing authorities have accordingly been notified that no such commitments should in future be entered into, until they have first been notified that the authority of the Minister for Finance has been given for the loan from the Local Loans Fund which is required to defray such commitments.

I have now given the fullest possible picture of our housing position and prospects as it at present appears. What it amounts to is this: The local authority housing programme is proceeding and will continue to proceed until it is completed. All projects in the programme cannot proceed simultaneously. Planned programmes for successive years will be adopted, according to priorities of urgency and relative stage of preparation. The whole endeavour will be to apply the available funds to the best possible use and to ensure that no portion of such funds will be tied up in "commitments" of an uncertain nature that may not mature in the period to which the Capital Budget applies. In some cases it may be necessary for particular local authorities to wait their turn, but no project which is shown to be necessary will be abandoned and commitments entered into in accordance with the procedure laid down will be fully honoured.

I have already referred to the cause of all this trouble, namely, the failure of Dublin Corporation to procure the loan——

Major de Valera

Will the Minister make available a copy of the statement he has just read? It is the usual custom, when a statement is read, that copies are afterwards made available to the Front Bench.

I am afraid I have not got copies, but I will make them available.

Major de Valera

It is a question of courtesy.

I do not wish to be discourteous to the Opposition. I will endeavour to make copies available. Deputy Smith referred to a letter which I quoted here on the Adjournment last week, a letter which incidentally I would not have read in toto if I had not been pressed to do so by Deputy Major de Valera.

Major de Valera

Would the Minister ever give the full picture in toto?

I am endeavouring to do so and I could not possibly do it before now. I only received the estimates in late November. The letter referred inter alia to grants for roads. The letter stated: “The county council has informed us that all grants are stopped as the Government has no money. Even housing grants, farm improvement and drainage grants are all stopped and things are even getting worse.” That letter was written prior to the flotation of the National Loan.

What was wrong with the letter? Is it not true?

I could have referred to some of the other matters in the letter, but I dealt only with the letter as it referred to housing. I do not think the Minister is entitled to talk about other references such as the availability of money for farm improvements or drainage.

I have already intervened to say so.

I would agree with Deputy Smith. I did not quite hear Deputy Blaney's interjection. Would he make himself more clear?

I want to know what is wrong with the letter? Is it not all too true? Everything in it is true.

It is true.

Order! The only part of this letter relevant to this discussion is the part referring to housing. That is the only part to which any Deputy is entitled to make reference.

Is it correct to state that in the month of September last, "all housing grants have ceased and things are getting worse"? Is that correct?

Quite correct. We have not paid a grant in Donegal since last June. We have not any money to pay them.

What class of grant?

The county council grant.

Are you referring to a supplementary grant or to——

Is there any other grant, except a supplementary, paid by county councils?

Does the Deputy say that no supplementary grants were paid since June?

No supplementary grants were accepted or paid to any applicants.

And no supplementary was paid in Donegal since June? Very good. Does the Deputy say that the entire contents of that letter are true?

More true than what has been said by the Minister.

We are not discussing the contents of that letter. The only matter relevant is the matter in regard to housing.

We will deal with the other matters some other time.

This discussion would proceed more satisfactorily if there was less cross-examination across the House.

That letter was written on the eve of the flotation of the National Loan, a loan for which the Leader of the Opposition generously appealed for subscriptions. Does that inspire confidence in the investing public of this country? I say it does not.

Mr. de Valera

When was it published?

On 27th September.

Mr. de Valera

Was it not the Minister who published it?

That letter was written by a Deputy to a constituent of mine. I am certain that the contents of it were circulated in the locality.

It was posted up.

At Fianna Fáil meetings. I am not going into the question of publication, but everybody knows it was published, just as I heard in Donegal last week-end that nurses in the hospital have been advised to cash their cheques forthwith as otherwise the county council may not be able to meet them. Does Deputy Blaney stand over that?

He does not either deny it or say that it is true.

They were very lucky to get a cheque at all.

(Interruptions.)

There it is again.

It is true.

Your leader is telling you to pipe down.

Order! The Minister, on the motion and the amendment, and nothing else.

It has been said with regard to Dublin Corporation that I am responsible, and solely responsible, for the hold-up in the building trade. I only want to refer to two schemes. One is a scheme at Finglas East of 52 houses which I sanctioned on 6th June last and work on it has not yet begun. I also want to refer to a scheme of 58 houses in Walkinstown which I sanctioned on 11th November, 1955, and work has not yet begun on it. I made a charge of sabotage against Dublin Corporation in this House the other night. I want it to be clearly understood I am referring to the Fianna Fáil members of Dublin Corporation.

Has the Minister nothing else to say?

I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak at a later stage.

I must first of all state that I had made certain notes to which I intended to refer, but having listened to the Minister in support of his amendment, I must indicate that the last two references which he has made to certain small schemes in Dublin I will leave to the chairman of the Housing Committee, Deputy Larkin, to deal with. Deputy Larkin, as chairman of the Housing Committee, has always had and still has the fullest co-operation and support of all members of the corporation, including representatives of Fianna Fáil, on that committee and I hope that when he is speaking he will deal with this allegation of sabotage.

The Minister in his statement has now, for the first time, made a confession that there will be delays in connection with future schemes because of money shortage and because a balance sheet has to be drawn up to see to what extent housing can be met from Government resources. That is the plain summing up of this very carefully prepared statement to-day which I am sure he was directed to make rather than to come in here and make these stupid statements he has been accustomed to make, both inside the House and outside, statements without any relation to honesty or facts. The sight of a political correspondent invites him to burst into song and without any regard for truth these headlines are before the public purely with a view to confusing the public and keeping them from coming to a conclusion as to where the responsibility for the present position should be laid.

The Minister has made clear to-day what he made clear recently in a circular to all local authorities, circular No. H.17/56, which alters the whole approach to housing by all local authorities, including the City of Dublin.

Would the Deputy have the date of the circular?

27th November of this year. In previous years, up to the time when the Minister says the Dublin Corporation were unable to raise by public loan moneys for their full estimated requirements, we built in anticipation, as we would call it, of raising the money we would require to meet them at a certain date, having in the meanwhile, with the sanction of the Department, arranged overdraft accommodation from our bankers.

The Minister may have forgotten many of the things he said and he also has definitely forgotten all of the facts as they concern the Corporation of Dublin. He suggests, first of all, our trouble in Dublin began when our last loan failed to be fully subscribed. I remember going on a deputation, at which the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Finance were present, and the Minister for Finance pointed the finger of scorn at us in Dublin because we were unable to raise our full requirements from the public. The Minister for Local Government has now indicated that the Government finds itself in that position also in so far as that, when they went for a loan of £20,000,000, subscriptions reached only £8,000,000; something on a par, if you like, with the confidence of the public or the availability of money, to whichever you like to ascribe the result.

Our position in Dublin is this, and I wish the Minister would listen. The Minister seems to suggest that we, in the Dublin Corporation, work merrily on in the dark without any proper planning whatsoever. He seems to be unaware that at the beginning of each financial year, not only this financial year or the last one, but every financial year, an estimate is prepared by the Dublin Corporation of its full capital requirements, including housing, and sent on to the Custom House for approval. On the basis of the global figure, sanction was given to us to go ahead.

The situation now has changed. Instead of our being able to secure by public loan or from the Local Loans Fund our full capital requirements, the Government arbitrarily fixed a sum of money as the maximum that Dublin Corporation could get for this year 1956-57 and for 1957-58. We were told to design our operations whatever way we liked within the capacity of that maximum figure. This Minister for Agriculture we have here, when he was speaking last week on behalf of the Minister for Local Government, possibly briefed by him, indicated to the public from this House that the £4,000,000 promised by the Government had already been given to the Dublin Corporation, that I had it in my pocket and that the cause of unemployment in Dublin was that I had refused to disgorge it.

Does the Minister agree with that statement? Does he not know that he introduced a new system into the Dublin Corporation which involves us in extra administrative expenses? Every month our officials must bring down to the Custom House proof of the money we will have to pay in the coming month. We must give notice that next month we will require, for the purpose of meeting bills, X hundred thousand pounds, or whatever the figure is, and that is scrutinised. Then we are told we may apply for that amount on account of our maximum sum from Local Loans. We then have to pass resolutions in the corporation sanctioning this borrowing and apply for it. Every month we are up against the position of doing something we never had to do before and we have not yet received the full amount promised to us for this financial year.

In this financial year, included in that maximum sum was an amount of money contractually due for small dwellings operations in the preceding year. It did not include any provision whatever for any new small dwellings loans, and the Minister knows that to be a fact. He also knows that in the planned operations for this financial year the capital sum required for ordinary housing of the working classes necessitated our making arrangements in the Dublin Corporation with our bankers to borrow from them a sum of £500,000 which we would pay them from next year's moneys from the Local Loans Fund; but when the Minister saw that we were serious in the Corporation about spending to the best possible advantage the lesser amount of money made available to us than we really needed in the provision of houses and dwellings for the working classes, this new approach of delays took place. I leave those delays to be dealt with categorically by the Chairman of the Housing Committee, Deputy Larkin, who dealt ably, sincerely and quite honestly with them at last Monday night's meeting of the Corporation. Part of his speech, not all, unfortunately, was published in the public Press.

We saw that these delays in making sanction, new approaches of re-designing and re-submitting, were going to bring about what I suspected all along would be the case, that, while we would be promised a certain amount of money, we would not be enabled to spend it. The council then decided, as money became unusable in connection with the original idea of how we were going to appropriate the added money available for S.D.A. housing that now, because of these delays, we would not need the £500,000 advanced by the bank and we found that we would not have next year, as we saw it a couple of weeks ago, a surplus of £215,000 available from the housing of the working classes grants and we would transfer them. As further delays which we anticipate arise, we have deliberately agreed that whatever the amount is, whether it is £50,000 or £100,000, it will be transferred for S.D.A. housing in so far as we are permitted under the new regulations to operate the S.D.A.

The Minister heard about this and sent a bluff letter to the Corporation last week instructing us to spend £500,000 on S.D.A. housing. He did not know how or when. It was a way out for them because somebody told them what was happening. We dealt with that letter in the manner it deserved, although it was on the basis of an amendment by the Fine Gael group in the Corporation.

Let us come to the S.D.A. With the added area that was taken over by the Corporation, our applications for S.D.A. housing began to increase. The added area was a particularly suitable area for the building of these single houses on the small sites available, sites not suitable for acquisition by the Corporation. What did the Minister do? He is not too clear himself about it. First of all, when we were given permission to use £1,000,000 of this promised amount of money on S.D.A. housing he sent an instruction to us that it was not to be used as previously. All persons who did not qualify for the supplementary grant were, to use his own expression, to be winnowed out. He had no regard whatever to the fact that in the winnowing out of some 30 per cent., 20 per cent. or whatever the percentage was, we were winnowing out applications from people whose applications had been approved prior to this instruction and who in every case had paid a deposit to the private builder. We were forced by the Government decision to commit a breach of contract.

These people were left to do the best they could about either getting money elsewhere or getting their deposit back, and, as everybody in this House knows, there are still numbers of these people who have forfeited their deposits because they were unable to complete their contract. The Minister did that and he precluded us from accepting any more applications in respect of persons of that class. Side by side with those who would qualify under the supplementary class, he introduced Section 19, sub-sections (a) and (b) and I understand that he is now going to reconsider sub-section (b) of Section 19 because the people concerned were the people who had the smallest incomes and who were now, in order to qualify for a loan, compelled to put up £200 to £300 deposit, where previously it was £80.

There is—I mentioned this elsewhere —some justification for a local authority valuer valuing a house against its actual cost in order to protect the purchaser from getting a substandard house, but instructions were given to have sub-section (b) applied, and sub-section (b) says now that even if the valuer's value of the house is, in fact, equal to the actual cost, there must be deducted from the loan the grants for the purpose of giving 95 per cent. of the loan.

The Minister now knows that it was not the Lord Mayor of Dublin or the Dublin Corporation who put all the small house builders out of existence and who caused all the unemployment in connection with that particular category of work, but that it is the result of his own actions, decisions and instructions. He refers to the guarantee scheme. When that guarantee scheme came before the Dublin Corporation and was adopted, it was quite clear to us that it could never possibly operate. It was again a smokescreen, transferring to other people responsibilities rightly belonging to the Government.

We adopted it, as did 22 other local authorities. What has been our experience in Dublin? We received since last June—this scheme was put into operation in good faith at the request of the Minister before the legislation was passed—in the Dublin Corporation, 11 applications, eight of which appertained to County Dublin, so that we received three applications to operate this guarantee scheme, where previously our applications for Small Dwellings loans reached an average of 150 per month. We were quite happy as the agents of the Department to operate that scheme.

That scheme has been operated in the past in respect of the thousands of cases in which it was granted without any cost to the ratepayers and without any loss. As a matter of fact, even if we add up the half per cent. margin upon which we operate administratively, between what we pay for the money and what we lend it at, it has shown a slight surplus for the Corporation. All this has been killed. The Minister tells us to-day, as he did on another occasion, that he heard from a man in a public-house—he did not say the time—that Dublin Corporation cheques were not being honoured. To-day he comes in and says somebody told the nurses of County Dublin to rush quickly with their cheques to the bank.

I said no such thing.

Donegal, sorry. Was it a man in a public-house said that also?

That question does not arise.

We have been accused of spreading this kind of propaganda to bring into disrepute the creditworthiness of the country——

May I interrupt the Deputy? The Deputy mentioned that Dublin Corporation had a guarantee scheme and mentioned nine applications?

Eleven applications, of which three belonged to us.

From the beginning?

From the beginning up to the present. Remember that this scheme was adopted only in July. As I carefully said, the Minister had met the lending societies and officials of the local authorities and at his request we were all asked to operate immediately this guarantee scheme in good faith in anticipation of the legislation. So that it goes back maybe nine months.

It is unfair for the Minister to come here and try and mislead the House into feeling that Dublin Corporation conducts its housing activities in a haphazard way. The Dublin Corporation have the most excellent officials, including—and I want the Minister to listen to this—a housing director appointed by one of his predecessors over the heads of the Dublin Corporation. His terms of appointment—which I read the other day because I wanted to see to what extent he was guilty of sabotage—were to speed up housing in all directions, to be exclusively at the head of it and to help in every way so that we would build in all directions without delay. Notwithstanding all the difficulties placed in the way, there has been good co-operation between him and the Dublin Corporation; but to what extent his position will now be endangered by the Minister's present statement I do not know. It is quite obvious that building at increased speed is now being stopped. It is a question of: "We will see first if we have the money."

I referred before to this circular. When this money situation became evident to the Dublin Corporation as being likely to involve them in serious trouble, they asked at a meeting with the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Finance at what stage could the Dublin Corporation make a contract. The Minister, having shouted all over the place, said: "We are not stopping the building of houses." I pressed the Minister to know would his sanction mean that the money would be available. His answer was a negative one: "Has it ever happened that it had not?" Then I said: "Can I take it, then, that if you sanction a scheme and we sign the contract you will be liable for the production of the money?" The Minister for Finance quite honestly said: "I do not subscribe to that. I have to wait first of all"—I think I am quoting him correctly—"until there is the completion of a housing survey which is going on at the moment. Until I get the overall picture I cannot give you a blank cheque in that respect."

Both Ministers were present at that particular meeting. As a result of that, and accepting the Minister for Finance's view as being a correct one, that no authority had a right to sign firm, formal contracts unless they knew that the money would be available, we in the Dublin Corporation announced that unless we had confirmation that the money for the particular transaction would be available we were not signing the contract. And this Minister for Local Government, supposed to have held a meeting of a Fine Gael Cumann somewhere—no newspaper could trace where it was held—came out with the heading: "This was sabotage."

Who is committing sabotage now? What does this circular say in three different parts of it? It says, No. 1:—

"Even with the sanction of the Minister for Local Government no commitment must be made until an application has been made to the Local Loans Fund and the money granted."

It also says:—

"Where tenders have been approved by the Minister for Local Government, contracts should not be signed until sanction to the loan is given whether the loan is to be borrowed from the Local Loans Fund or otherwise."

No. 3 says:—

"The commencement of fresh direct labour operations should similarly be deferred until the loan appropriate thereto has been sanctioned from the Local Loans Fund or otherwise."

No. 4 states:—

"Commitments should not be entered into by local authorities in respect of S.D.A. advances or supplementary housing grants prior to the receipt of sanction to the loan from the Local Loans Fund or otherwise."

Now who is committing sabotage? Has the Minister for Finance at last been able to hammer into the head of the Minister for Local Government that you could not possibly carry out public operations on the basis that he had been suggesting: "Go ahead; we are not stopping you; get all the tenders as quickly as you can; I will sanction them; go ahead and make your contracts"? But we were all sensible people on local authorities and we all said: "That is all right. We are not allowed go for public flotations now. We had not at that time this commitment from the Government of an amount of money substantially less than what we had estimated we would require."

I want to make it clear that this sum of £4,000,000, which is really £3,000,000, less the £500,000, which the Minister has admitted for the first time to-day, came to us from another source altogether. Within the two years the total sanction of £8,000,000 does not permit us to make the progress or to design our plans in the manner we had previously been doing. The housing chairman will probably deal in more detail with the actual housing activities. We always used to think of housing in terms of how many dwellings we could make available each year. We found a reasonable target to be 2,500 dwellings per year. In some years we were much below that and in some years we were near it. But we had for a great number of years acquired sites with a view to development and we had development with a view to having tenders.

We had removed from the centre of the city to the perimeter a considerable number of our population. We had got to the stage where we recognised we had gone far enough for our working classes, taking into account the journeys they had to and from their home to their employment and their schools; and we also recognised we had now made available, by the removal of slums, satisfactorily sized areas in which we could start building flats.

The cost of a flat is, of course, higher than that of a house when you take into account the cost of acquisition, demolition and compensation to people adjacent to the site owning house property you may have to take in order to make a proper structure. Then you have the Minister getting up making an announcement that he stopped the Hogan Place flats. Why? Because they were too dear; they were costing £3,400 per flat. He led the people to believe we were building the most luxurious self-contained flats for our working classes. But he did not tell the public that the actual cost of the flats—subject to correction by the Chairman of the Housing Committee— is somewhere round £1,500 per flat, not a very unreasonable figure compared with the cost of a house, the balance of the cost being represented by acquisition of site, compensation to neighbouring people who were in business and who had to be disturbed, demolition of the existing buildings and, in the case of Hogan Place, special foundations because of the need in that particular area for a substructure of some substance.

We get this Minister going around fooling the public, fooling his own colleagues, but I understand that, since yesterday, he has been brought to book and that is why we have had a prepared statement written for us which has a little gleam of truth in it because it admits that we cannot allow large-scale development anywhere until, at the end of this financial year, we see what money there will be in the kitty.

In my opinion, this motion of ours has, first of all, produced an amendment from the Government which is an admission of everything that is implied in the motion, which is a complete vindication of all public authorities. I hope it will teach the Minister for Local Government and his colleague, the Minister for Agriculture, to keep their mouths closed on these subjects. The Minister either does not understand his job or, for a period of years, has been deliberately misleading and bluffing people and trying to put the blame on shoulders that do not deserve it.

As far as the City of Dublin is concerned, those of our members who are on the Housing Committee—and I have had experience of it also—are doing a job to try to meet what they regarded as the primary objective of the Dublin Corporation, in compliance with Government policy as laid down since 1932, that is, completely to wipe out slumdom in Dublin, to provide our people with decent houses, to enable those who wished to provide a house out of their own resources, to do so through the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act. It was our intention that that programme should proceed at a pace that, in our time, would put an end to the problem.

If the Government now find themselves, as the Minister has said, with a shortage of money, if there has to be a slowing down of tempo, if there has to be an abandonment and a sacrifice of the workers and the people who need houses, and of the builders, let them say so quite frankly. They should not try to make a political ball out of the situation which they can kick backwards and forwards, or blame the people who are not blameworthy.

In opening what I hope to be my fairly brief contribution to this debate, it is incumbent on me to refer to statements made in this House by the Minister regarding the Dublin Corporation and my colleagues, both inside and outside this House. In winding up his contribution to the debate, the Minister amended, to some extent, remarks which he made last week. I had hoped that he might be a little more detailed, a little more gracious and a little more factual in his approach. I hope he will be so before the debate is concluded.

I am aware that among Deputies representing rural constituencies there is a sense of uneasiness in that Dublin Corporation appears to be getting too much publicity. I remember, at least on one occasion since I became a Member of this House, discussions proceeding day after day, week after week, about the construction of a bridge. Therefore, I am sure my colleagues from rural constituencies will afford us a little while for the discussion of problems which concern the housing of thousands of working-class families and the employment of thousands of workers.

In Dublin Corporation there are representatives of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Clann na Poblachta, Labour, Ratepayers and there are some Independents. I am afraid that the references made by the Minister reflect, not just on Deputies, but on all those who constitute the Dublin Corporation. I have no doubt that Deputies on either side of the House are quite capable of looking after their own problems. Two or three of the members of the Dublin Corporation were formerly members of this House. They are active members of the Corporation. Many members of the Corporation have no ambition to be members of this House but are satisfied to serve the citizens as far as they can on the local authority.

Each recommendation of the Housing Committee with respect to the utilisation of funds made available by the Government for this year and next year initially was adopted unanimously by the Housing Committee, of which I have the honour to be chairman. Members of the Minister's own Party supported it. Colleagues of Deputy MacBride supported it. My own colleagues supported it. It was subsequently adopted unanimously by a joint meeting of the Housing and Finance Committee, whose chairman is a prominent representative of the Ratepayers Organisation in the City of Dublin, and finally by the whole council, without a division. Eleven or 12 members of the Minister's own Party are on that council.

Sorry. There are resentatives of Clann na Poblachta, Fine Gael and Labour on that council. Consequently, I feel that the Minister, when he replies to the discussion, may again review the situation and ease the difficult problems facing some Deputies. Concern has been expressed about the financial position and the possibilities of a complete close-down of building activities, mainly because of financial difficulties.

My concern, frankly, is a concern as to whether houses and flats are going to be built and whether, in building houses and flats, employment will be given to building trades workers in their own country. This concern, however, is no new thing, because, by a peculiar set of circumstances, I am afraid I must join both the Minister and the ex-Minister, Deputy Smith, in regard to my views that everything possible was not done under their respective charges in connection with the building and providing of houses. The slow-down in housing operations did not commence this year and the holding up of plans did not commence this year. We also experienced that phenomenon when Deputy Smith was sitting in the seat now occupied by the Minister. I was not a member of the House at that time, but I have no doubt that members sitting behind Deputy Smith on that occasion were very frequently embarrassed by the situation the Minister and his Department had placed them in as members of this House and of the Dublin Corporation.

The peak output of housing in Dublin occurred in 1950-51 when we reached the target of houses and flats of 2,588. We dropped the following year to 1,900. There was a slight increase again in 1952-53 to 2,000 odd. In 1953-54, there was a substantial drop down to a total production of 1,353 and I am afraid last year and this year we will possibly face the situation where, if we build around about 1,200 houses and flats in the Dublin Corporation area, it will be about the maximum. The employment of workers on corporation schemes, by contractors or by direct labour, has dropped from the peak of almost 4,000 in 1951 down to a figure at the end of October of this year of 1,854. I do not intend to claim that the drop of almost 50 per cent. is due entirely to what has occurred or is entirely the responsibility of two Ministers for Local Government, but they must share some portion of the blame.

In the course of his remarks here, the Minister referred to two sites in respect of which approval was given by his Department respectively in November, 1955 and in June, 1956. I do not like to cast reflections on the Minister's advisers, but the two sites concerned were two sites included in proposed development for 1956-57, provided the corporation was enabled to meet its full housing programme and expenditure in the neighbourhood of £3,155,000. Because of financial difficulties in the early months of this year, in the case of one of the sites, which was the subject of a private contract, the officials responsible held up the issuing of that contract until the financial position became clear.

The other site is one to which the Minister has referred as being one for which sanction was given in November, 1955. Deputies most likely consider that when the Minister referred to sanction to build houses, there were tenders in the Department and that lay-out schemes had been approved. That particular sanction was a sanction in principle to prepare a lay-out scheme, to prepare subsequently house plans and so on, on a virgin site, a field in Walkinstown. Included in the problem there was the question of acquiring, if my memory serves me, a number of plots of ground in the possession of county council cottage holders. The Minister must be aware that, the sanction in principle being given in November, 1955, in the following month the road designs and lay-out designs were submitted in answer to the Minister's own request.

Therefore, we have one scheme. I am sure there are Deputies representing county councils throughout the country who know very well that a sanction in principle to build does not necessarily mean that, even with the best will in the world, the construction can take place for six, nine or 12 months afterwards. Sanction in principle was given, as far as I know, to build in a little area named Power's Court in the City of Dublin, ten years ago approximately; there is not one stone on top of another in that area, and as far as I can ascertain it is unlikely that there will be anything built there for another four or five years, but the then Minister could have equally with truth said: "We are prepared to agree in principle that you build houses or flats or cottages in that area."

Let us examine the position with which the Dublin Corporation was faced in July and August. I understand that, in the course of the discussion the other evening, the Minister referred to his disappointment that the corporation in June did not agree to provide £215,000 out of next year's allocation for S.D.A. As far as I am aware, the corporation were not, in June, in a position to say what would be the allocation for the year 1957-58, because the letter received on the matter was dated 6th July. Bearing in mind the statement which has been repeated so often here, I personally was very pleased to hear Deputy Smith repeat in this day's discussion that the housing of the working classes under the Housing of the Working Classes Act was a No. 1 priority.

I was pleased to hear Deputy Smith make that statement—I hope the Minister will repeat it—because, while people may talk about targets being achieved and tapering off, the position in Dublin is that if there is no T.B. in the family or the family does not come into a slum clearance scheme, then there must be six persons living in one room in order to qualify on the priority list. Targets may have been achieved down the country and there may be a tapering off in other areas, but that cannot be said in relation to Dublin.

Now the corporation received a communication that £4,000,000 would be made available for certain purposes next year. I take it housing of the working classes will be No. 1 project. It was No. 1 in the Minister's reference last week. Then we have capital works, such as main drainage, No. 2, and the provision for housing under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts. The officials were asked to submit an estimate. It was estimated that should housing continue at its normal maximum speed a sum of £3,155,000 would be required by the corporation this year. That means we will be in overdraft, provided we get sanction for the overdraft, to the tune of £500,000 at the end of the year.

I will be fair. I am sure the Lord Mayor and every other Deputy wants to be fair, too. Our officials also submitted an estimate showing in what way the corporation should confine itself to a total expenditure of £4,000,000 next year. The first step required the cutting out of the new contract for the Finglas area. That has been approved by the Minister, but now we will have to tell the contractor: "Sorry, we cannot continue with this contract now." That involved a reduction of £61,000 in the estimate. The next item was in reference to the direct housing scheme for the Finglas area. That scheme was not to be proceeded with either. It was also suggested that there should be a gradual diminution in employment on direct housing schemes and a gradual laying-off of the workers concerned. The next suggestion was that the Corporation would delay the giving out of other schemes or proceeding with them, which would result in a cut in the estimate of £69,000. Finally, proposed development works this year and next year would have to be reduced by approximately £158,000.

This, then, was the problem facing the corporation, its finance committee and its housing committee. If the corporation were to confine itself to an expenditure of £4,000,000 this year and act completely contrary to declared policy over the years, that could only be done at a certain cost. My colleagues in the corporation were not prepared then, nor do I think they are to-day, to accept that. The Department was informed that in order to keep housing of the working classes at its present level this year the corporation would have to go into overdraft. The Minister sanctioned that.

I was relieved this year when the Taoiseach and subsequently the Minister for Local Government indicated that housing could continue and that the Government would accept financial responsibility to assist the Corporation planning future schemes. But, while I was satisfied, I was concerned as to whether that financial assurance would mean that housing could continue at its normal rate. I was concerned because on a former occasion I had seen a scheme for 600 houses in the Ballyfermot area held up when the Minister's predecessor was in office for at least, if memory serves me correctly, six months, at a time when unemployment in the building trade was also acute as a result of a recession in building. It is true, I think, that no Government ever before indicated in advance that they would provide finances up to a certain figure for housing. I do not think the problem ever arose before in quite the same way as it has evolved during the last 12 months. Nevertheless, we must mention the fact that the Corporation never financed their own house-building activities of themselves. Over a period of some years, out of a total sum of £20,000,000 raised by loan, only approximately £6,000,000 was subscribed by the public, the remainder being guaranteed by successive Governments and by the banks. I think that Deputy Briscoe will agree with me that is a statement of fact.

I do not think that anybody in this House or outside it believes for one moment that Dublin Corporation or any other local authority in the country can finance house-building out of its own resources. The policy of building houses under the Housing of the Working Classes Act or under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts has been laid down by successive Governments, and we have carried it on up to the present. This is where I found myself in some difficulty in recent months.

Reference has been made to the site at Hogan Place. The ground on which to build flats there was acquired by compulsory purchase order, confirmed by the Minister, and this ground is very costly. The problem of building flats on that restricted site is also aggravated by very poor foundations. Let us be fair. The first tender received—the issue of invitations to tender was approved by the Department—came to the Corporation Housing Committee, and, on the advice of their technical officers, when the tenders were opened, they directed that the plans be re-examined to see whether there could be any savings because the original plans in their opinion at that time provided for expenditure that was too heavy. At least two very conscientious attempts were made to reduce the cost of building on that site.

In dealing with that matter, I may be permitted to make a general reference. The corporation in accordance with the Town Planning Act has indicated 60 sites in the City of Dublin which will be required in due course for the building of houses and flats. Many of those sites may contain some of the characteristics that apply to Hogan Place. One of the main points about Hogan Place was that there were two public houses and a pawn shop in it. It is quite clear that when you are dealing with a problem of building in a central city area, you face a completely different problem from that involved in building on virgin soil. One must take into account that in order to get a site sufficiently large on which to build flats, you may have to acquire property in good condition, and you are likely to have to pay for it. I would like to take this opportunity of suggesting to the Minister and his advisers that, in dealing with proposals to build flats, they should separate the question of acquisition from the question of the actual building costs. We might then get a realistic approach——

And have fewer of these peculiar statements outside.

To what does the Deputy refer?

To your pronouncement about the flats costing £3,400 per flat at Hogan Place and why you stopped the scheme. That is what I am referring to.

Divide it whatever way you wish, but it still comes to over £3,000.

Deputy Denis Larkin is in possession.

There are a number of other schemes, some of which are only recently approved—within the last two weeks—and others which are not yet approved. I am very happy that we have got approval for a scheme of 128 houses at Bluebell, but there was delay in getting sanction for these schemes.

From August until two weeks ago. Tenders were submitted in connection with Bluebell on 25th August, and two weeks ago I had the great pleasure to be the bearer of the good tidings to the Housing Committee that approval had been granted. In the case of Love Lane, tenders for 42 flats were submitted on 28th August and we got directions that these flats should be redesigned. That puts the scheme back at least 18 months.

Tenders were issued much more quickly in the case of Grenville Street. Anybody who is familiar with the area near the Pro-Cathedral in Dublin will be aware that for many years the area around Seán McDermott Street has been an eyesore. Revised lay-out plans were with the Department since 27th June and two weeks ago the Corporation received approval in principle to this revision, provided a considerable amount of technical information was compiled and supplied. There were representations being made to the Department as to whether or not there was any point in submitting this technical information, and I am very glad to be able to say that the views of the Corporation have been accepted and that they have been empowered to carry on with the issuing of tenders.

They must have seen Deputy MacBride's picture of the position in 1948—the derelict sites.

Clann na Poblachta are very good at that.

They have got sanction only now.

In Denmark Street, the preliminary lay-out plans were submitted in June last for 112 flats. I would agree this was a difficult scheme from the Department's viewpoint, because the plans called for the erection of one portion of the scheme of flats in nine-storey blocks. The consideration of this type of plan would possibly entail a lot of time as compared with the consideration of usual housing plans or of plans for flats based on the recognised principle of four or five storeys.

Nevertheless, the design was submitted and preliminary approval was received two weeks ago. The lay-out was submitted in June. In Upper Buckingham Street, there was some difficulty about a scheme of 49 flats, because, although the preliminary plans were submitted on June 13th last, the corporation are still awaiting a decision from the Department. I have dealt with the position in Dublin in some detail, but I wanted to point out that the delay in these two schemes could not be laid at the Corporation's door. I have obtained some detailed information which I was not in a position to give the House earlier. If I read the documents out now, I think Deputies will accept that the Corporation could not be expected to have this information at short notice.

Will the Minister accept them?

I shall now read out the contents of the documents:—

"Finglas East: 2nd April, 1955; lay-out submitted to the Local Government Department; 23rd May, 1955, lay-out approved by Local Government Department; 3rd November, 1955, development proposals submitted to L.G.D.; 28th November, 1955, development proposals approved by L.G.D. 21st December, 1955, development contractor entered site; 24th February, 1956, tenders invited for the erection of 52 dwellings; 27th April, 1956, tenders submitted to L.G.D. and reference made to resolution of council of March, 1956. Resolution referred to was a rider adopted by council to the effect that council were taking the view that an acceptance sanctioned by the Minister to carry on with the work implied an undertaking that moneys would be provided. 29th April, 1956, development work completed. 6th June, 1956, tender approved by L.G.D. without reference to financing of scheme. 2nd July, 1956, application to L.G.D. for loan of £81,600. 26th September, 1956, tender accepted by Deputy City Manager. 27th September, 1956, law-agent instructed to prepare sealed acceptances. 8th October, 1956, overdraft approved by L.G.D. 10th October, 1956, housing architect directed order to commence. 1st November, 1956, contractor entered on site."

I want to say as chairman of the Dublin Corporation Committee concerned and as a Deputy representing Dublin City, that I do not think it is fair to accuse the Corporation of delaying the erection of these houses. I have given the history. I shall now deal with the second document which is as follows:—

"Walkinstown, Section No. 3—56 houses. 21st October, 1955, lay out plan approved by the Housing Committee. 3rd November, 1955, lay out and proposals for building by direct labour submitted to L.G.D. 11th November, 1955, lay out plan and proposal approved by the Department. 22nd November, 1955, city engineer instructed to prepare plans and estimate for development work. 28th December, 1955, development documents submitted to L.G.D. 12th January, 1956, development proposals approved by Department. February, 1956, possession of site taken by arrangement. May, 1956, development works commenced. 12th September, 1956, preliminary development works completed. 8th October, 1956, L.G.D. approval for temporary overdraft of £500,000. 8th October, 1956, architect directed to instruct works officials to commence.

The difficulties encountered in the two cases were practical difficulties. They were not new difficulties. They can be overcome only by deliberate decisions of the Minister and his Department and by the local authority officials concentrating on co-operation. They cannot be overcome by people calling each other names or applying methods of obstruction. Whether the delays in these cases, any more than on previous occasions when another Minister had charge of the Local Government Department, were due to a desire to close down and restrict housing activities I will not attempt to say. So long as there are human beings in the city compelled to live in unhealthy conditions and in conditions that many of our rural Deputies would not tolerate for animals, so long will we in the corporation endeavour to do to our utmost whatever can be done to relieve those conditions.

The amendment states that it is the intention of the Government to inform each local authority at the earliest possible date. The Government has given some indication of its proposals regarding house-building operations in Dublin City. I trust the Government will carry out its intentions speedily in this regard so far as members of other local authorities are concerned.

We regret that this year there will be a diminution and a reduction in the number of houses completed by Dublin Corporation. The reduction in that programme made it possible in recent weeks for the Corporation to recommend that the £250,000 which was earmarked for development this year under the Housing of the Working Classes Acts might be transferred and made available out of next year's allocation of moneys to the Government for the purposes of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts. I stated here recently on a supplementary question that I feared that this £250,000 might be more than £250,000. I regret very much that the Minister decided to translate my expression of fear into an expression of gladness.

Hear, hear!

I do not think there is anything to be pleased about when an essential building programme is being held up. People living in clearance areas, families suffering from T.B. and families living in overcrowded conditions will have to wait for this essential building programme. I do not think there is anything to be pleased about when we find that the target is not being reached this year. I submit that the target is not achieved to a great extent because of delays. For some of these delays we in the Corporation must take and will take full responsibility. However, there are other delays—some of which I mentioned to-day—for which the responsibility must be borne by the Minister responsible for local government.

The picture facing us in Dublin this year is not too pleasant. The number of houses completed in the period from 1st April to 31st October last year was 644: this year the number is 449. The number of men employed on housing, housing development work and allied occupations in Dublin City last year was 2,199: this year the number is 1,854. Bear in mind also the fact that last year's figure represented a 50 per cent. reduction on the employment in 1951.

While expressing my fears about this matter, I do not wish to state that the reduction is entirely due to action by any Minister or any Department or any local authority, particularly in the problem facing us in Dublin. We are facing a period in which the building of ordinary two-storey houses is slowly coming to an end. The available ground is being rapidly used up. There must now be a concentration on the provision of homes within the city curtilage, that is, by the building of flats. The building of flats provides much more diffuse problems than does the building of ordinary cottage-type houses. Therefore, in these circumstances, instead of Deputy Briscoe, Deputy N. Lemass, myself and the Minister for Local Government coming in here and saying a lot of hard things to one another, surely the approach must be to endeavour to reduce unnecessary delay to the absolute minimum? Surely the approach must be that the policy to be adopted should be laid down in advance as well as the financial requirements of the local authority so as to assist it to move as rapidly as possible?

I have endeavoured to put the picture before this House as I see it from a practical point of view—from the point of view of the necessity to do whatever can be done to speed house-building and to provide employment for skilled workers in our own city.

Major de Valera

The Minister for Agriculture has charged the Corporation with having the money and refusing to use it for those purposes.

Of course, we do not believe that and neither does the Minister.

He charged you with having the money which you would not use for Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts loans.

We have not got the money even yet.

To be frank, I found myself at the time in disagreement in the Corporation with some of my colleagues. Down through the years, however, we in the Corporation have endeavoured to deal with the problem of housing on the basis that we are all interested in doing the job. Then the Corporation received a letter from the Taoiseach that the Government would be responsible, while the council was unable to provide the money from its own resources, for up to £4,000,000 this year. I accepted that.

I am not concerned with how much money there is in the Corporation. All I am concerned with is that, when bills fall due for payment to the Corporation contractors, or those engaged in direct labour schemes of housing development, if the Corporation has not got the money the Government— whether this Government or any other Government—should see that it has. The difficulties about S.D.A., and not only had we them this year but in other years——

Were the allegations of the Minister justified?

I trust the Deputy will allow me to make my contribution to this debate. Last year and in other years, in regard to S.D.A.—and I may be contradicted by financial geniuses on either side of the House about this —one of the difficulties, I understand, was that borrowing retrospectively was not a good procedure. It was only a good procedure in so far as some guarantee could be given that there would be no change in interest rates, or in so far as a Government would be prepared to compensate a local authority for any loss it might suffer. That was one of the difficulties facing the Corporation last year. The position for 1956-57 was that the Corporation was informed that £1,000,000 would be made available for S.D.A. purposes. The Corporation proceeded to accept applications in respect of that £1,000,000 and, when it had accepted applications in respect of the whole £1,000,000, it then decided not to accept any further applications, unless and until a definite assurance was received that further moneys would be made available.

I think that is a fair statement of the situation. The reason the decision was taken, I believe, was that each applicant under the S.D.A. who had his application approved by the Corporation was considered by the Corporation to have entered into a contract with the Corporation as far as it was concerned and the Corporation would be required to make whatever payment was necessary to that individual. The situation is completely different as far as housing is concerned. If a definite assurance is given that money will be made available to meet expenditure for housing purposes, I am prepared to accept it. Consequently, my concern is not entirely with the financial position here to-day, but to say that whether the Minister for Local Government, Deputy O'Donnell, or his predecessor, Deputy Smith, is in office, all the money in the world is of no value, unless the machinery gets a little oil in it and not a little sand.

The difficulties facing us in Dublin to-day are not difficulties created by the Dublin Corporation and I trust that the Minister in dealing with this situation later will amplify his earlier remarks in connection with this word "sabotage". It is a word I do not like. It is a word I do not like applied —even if by the greatest stretch of imagination it could be applied—to people who are not in a position to defend themselves against it. Deputy MacBride, I am sure, can defend himself in this House but can his colleagues who are not members of this House? I can defend myself and I do not mind if Deputy Smith accuses me of sabotage. I do not mind charges being levelled against me in this House because I can defend myself. We are here and we can take the necessary steps to deal with charges made here.

However, I would say to the Minister that the Corporation does not consist solely of Deputies and it does not consist only of Deputies or councillors from the Fianna Fáil Party. In conclusion, may I say that I have no doubt that representatives of Fianna Fáil in the recent by-election in SouthWest Dublin took every possible advantage of the situation to make all kinds of statements——

Only the facts.

——and I have no doubt that they gilded the lily? The decision of the Housing and Financial Committees, meeting in joint session, had nothing to do with the local elections and the decision of the Corporation to carry on with the housing programme to the fullest possible extent had nothing to do with local elections. I suggest that if the Minister, and his colleagues for that matter, want to make charges they should make them against people against whom they can prove them. I think the field should be narrowed. "Sabotage" is an ugly word. It does not mean anything when it is applied in this House to one's opponents. I have no doubt that if I had been a member of this House at the time, I would have accused Deputy Smith of sabotaging house-building in Dublin. On more than one occasion before, we have had words, but that is a different matter altogether. I would ask the Minister when replying to deal with that matter and to deal with it in a manner worthy of the Minister or anyone occupying the Front Bench, no matter what Government is in office.

Hear, hear! That is exactly it.

One other thing I wish to say is that in recent years I believe the relations between the advisers of the Minister and the technical officers of the Corporation have been of the best. As far as I am concerned, relationships have been good but I think it would be well for all of us, and particularly those of us who are representing the citizens and the workers in the City of Dublin, if these relationships could be cemented a little more closely and if our agreed policy of providing houses and giving work to workers, whether in the City of Dublin or throughout the country, should be embarked on in a spirit of co-operation and not in a spirit of antagonism.

If there is one question on which all Parties in the House agree it is the provision of housing for our people, and the fact that a whole day has been set apart to discuss this motion and the amendment before the House relating to the obligations of each local authority and the moneys available to finance their housing programme, is proof of the importance of the housing question.

The Donegal County Council, of which I have the honour to be a member for over 20 years, has an excellent record in so far as the provision of housing is concerned, a record that compares favourably with that of any local authority in the Twenty-Six Counties. We in the Donegal County Council have at all times co-operated with every Minister and with the Government of the day in an effort to provide decent homes necessary for our people, and at no time have we put obstacles in the way of providing those houses. At no time either did the scarcity of money stand in the way of implementing our housing programme, and it is only within the last 12 months that we have come up against that problem.

The record and the accomplishments of the Donegal County Council in the matter of housing are excellent, but I regret to say that the position in the county to-day is hopeless, and that position has obtained since the present Minister took over the honourable position of Minister for Local Government. Since he assumed office, the position of housing in Donegal has deteriorated. To-day in County Donegal housing is at a standstill and the county council coffers have been empty for a considerable period. The result is that, despite the best intentions of the members of the county council, we are unable to implement the programme which we set out to do many years ago. Every effort made by the council to obtain money from the Local Loans Fund, as was customary in the past, has failed. Every effort made to obtain money from the banks and from insurance companies in order to go ahead with housing has so far failed. It is a surprising thing, therefore, for the Minister to assume that we in the Donegal County Council have ample money with which to meet our commitments in the matter of housing.

We were one of the county councils which adopted the scheme whereby private people who would erect a new house or reconstruct their old one would be entitled to a supplementary grant from the county council, a grant equal to that received from the Housing Department in the Custom House or from the Gaeltacht Housing Department connected with the Department of Lands. We asked our people in Donegal to take advantage of this very generous offer and it must be said that the people co-operated fully. They built new houses; they reconstructed the old ones, and in doing so they incurred a considerable amount of debt on the understanding that, when the houses were erected, when the grant from the Department of Local Government or from the Department of Lands was paid, all they had to do was to come to the county council and obtain the grant that we solemnly promised we would give them at a meeting held some time ago.

These are the facts so far as housing in Donegal is concerned and I do not think they can be gainsaid. As regards the housing crisis in County Donegal and the non-payment of these supplementary grants which I have mentioned, the Minister for Local Government is, in the eyes of his own constituents, in the dock, and no amount of letter-waving from the ministerial side of the House will completely clear the Minister in this matter. The Minister will have to grow up mentally when he approaches this important question of housing. He will have to approach it in a sensible manner and tell the people of Donegal and the people of the Twenty-Six Counties what the position is with regard to money for housing, with regard to loans and all the other facets of finance that we enjoyed previous to the Minister's taking over this honourable office.

In a futile effort to extricate himself from the mess in which he has landed housing in Donegal, not to speak of the rest of the country, and in order to divert the embarrassing debate, which took place here on the Adjournment on last Friday, into channels where the Minister is more at home than in discussing housing, he introduced a letter which I sent to a constituent of mine some time ago. The purpose of his introducing that letter is not clear at the moment. Perhaps time will clear up that little problem which occupies my mind. However, the purpose of bringing in that letter is not before us at the moment. The only thing with which I am concerned at present is my allusion in that letter to the condition of housing in Donegal and to the non-payment of grants due to people who built their own houses via the Donegal County Council.

Everything I said in that letter regarding the position of housing in Donegal, the non-payment of grants and the fact that the Donegal County Council had no money with which to pay these grants was perfectly true. At no time has the Minister made an effort to show that I was wrong or that the Donegal County Council had sufficient money with which to pay these grants. If the Donegal County Council had sufficient money, then the Minister should have advised us in the Dáil. We have been busy telling our constituents in Donegal since last July that no money is available for these supplementary grants. I have written, not one, but scores, of letters to my constituents pointing out that there was no money in the coffers of the Donegal County Council and we could not keep our bond in regard to these grants. Every member of the Donegal County Council has informed his constituents to that effect on more than one occasion and if the Minister could read the letters sent out by the officials of the Donegal County Council to those who apply for the supplementary grant, he would also learn that there was no money available.

What I said in my letter to my constituent was just what the secretary of the Donegal County Council said, perhaps in a different manner, to the people throughout the county seeking grants that were not available. It is a strange thing for the Minister to quote from a letter the facts of which he knows to be true, that there is no money in Donegal for housing, that we have been seeking money for months and cannot get it. The Minister should read his own amendment which is before the House to-day. Part I of that amendment will completely prove I was right in what I said to my constituent, because in that part the Minister promises that at an early date money will be made available. In other words, the money is not available now.

Why the Minister should try to brand a Deputy of this House as a saboteur on an important question of housing such as this makes me wonder. I am no saboteur now, nor was I a saboteur when the Black and Tans were running riot through the Rosses. I feel that the Minister has come out of this matter very badly and in the eyes of his constituents he has lost a good deal.

For reading a letter which the Deputy says is the truth?

What is the motive?

Let the people decide.

You will not let them decide anything and you would never let them decide anything if you could.

The occasion on which the Minister introduced this letter, which deals with housing in Donegal, this letter which I wrote to a constituent, was a debate on the Adjournment. Deputy O'Malley criticised the Minister for his failure with regard to housing in Limerick and Deputy Vivion de Valera criticised the Minister for his failure with regard to housing in the Dublin Corporation, and what the letter I wrote to a constituent in West Donegal had to de with Limerick or Dublin, I still do not know, nor do I understand why the Minister introduced it. Perhaps time will clear up that little question.

Even to-day at the conclusion of his speech, the Minister again endeavoured to introduce this letter and he went further by foolishly saying that it had a dire effect on the National Loan. Surely the Minister must take the House seriously? Surely he must realise that the people outside this House are not altogether fools? Surely the letter I wrote to a constituent in Dunfanaghy, County Donegal, saying we have no money available for housing in Donegal was not going to have a dire effect on the appeal of the Minister for Finance for a national loan, an appeal that was backed up by us and by the Leader of this side of the House.

The basis of the loan was that we wanted houses and other things.

The Minister for Finance will speak in a minute.

I suppose I should consider myself very fortunate that the Minister in referring to the letter did not charge me with precipitating the crisis in Suez or reducing the price of turkeys throughout the country. The Minister should face up to his responsibility so far as his whole constituency and county are concerned. We have entered into commitments with regard to our people and with regard to housing. We told them to build new houses and reconstruct the old ones, and that when that was done the council would come to their aid. That aid has been withdrawn. It has not yet been given. That is no fault of ours. We have been pressing the Minister for months to do something about it and all we in Donegal County Council can get are letters from the Minister pointing out that the matters referred to are under consideration and that a reply will be given in the very near future.

Yesterday, I put down three questions to the Minister for Local Government dealing with the delays of his Department in sanctioning loans for the provision of 106 labourers' cottages in County Donegal and all the replies are practically similar, that the matters are still under consideration, that the applications have been returned to the council for further consideration—all delaying tactics in order that the housing programme in Donegal may be delayed further.

On a point of order. The Deputy is referring to replies given by me to questions which he put down yesterday.

He got the answers in the way you prepared your speech last night.

Keep quiet and do not display the ignorance you possess. The questions addressed to me yesterday were not reached yesterday and Deputy Breslin now proposes to give the replies to them. I only want to know where he got them.

The Minister came in with a prepared speech.

Keep quiet and do not display the ignorance you possess.

I will speak as I like. You are not speaking to a district justice who is your brother-in-law.

One told you off anyway.

You are speaking to somebody who is not your brother-in-law now.

Let the dead rest.

When questions are not reached, Standing Orders provide that the replies may be given in the Official Report. Deputies who address these questions to the Minister and who ask for the written replies are permitted to have them.

Is the Minister ashamed of his answer?

I am putting a question to the Chair.

It is provided for in the rules of procedure.

May I address a question to the Chair? If a Deputy addresses a number of questions to a Minister, may he select the ones to which he requires an answer?

If he asks for the replies, he gets them.

If they have not been reached, only some will appear on the following day's Order Paper.

The people outside this House expect a serious approach by the Minister to this important problem and the fact that we as members of local authorities draw the Minister's attention to the position obtaining in our various areas should not warrant our being branded as saboteurs. It is, to my mind, most unbecoming for a Minister to shout the word "saboteur" across the floor of the House to any Deputy, because that Deputy, in the furtherance of his duty to his constituents, pointed out that there is nothing a Deputy can do for his constituents so far as housing grants are concerned because there is no money available.

The Minister should approach this in a proper manner. I hope that we will be able to give to our people in Donegal the grants to which they are entitled and which were promised. Perhaps the Minister felt that in introducing such a letter he might muzzle me. I want to tell the House that, although I occupy an important and honourable position in the House, I am, as a Deputy, entitled to discuss the affairs of my constituents and of my county at any time. There is plenty of precedent for it and I am fully entitled to look after the interests of my constituents, to reply to their letters and to tell them the position as I see it. No letter waving, no threats from that side of the House, will deter me from doing my duty towards my constituents, which comes before anything else in the House. I would ask the Minister to remember that.

Yesterday evening in the course of a debate the Minister for Finance said I was found out. I would like to tell him I was found out in nothing. I told the truth to my constituent. If anybody has been found out in this, he is certainly not on this side of the House.

If Deputy Breslin wants to write a letter meaning what he has just said, he ought to be able to phrase that letter in words that everybody will understand. In fact, if he reads the letter again with any care and if he reads what he has just said in this debate, he will find that the two things are entirely different. He will find that the letter which he wrote, and which was properly read in this House by my colleague, the Minister for Local Government, does not convey the meaning he has just given to the House——

It said there was no money.

Deputy Breslin is quite well able to look after himself, without having coaching from one of his colleagues. This debate has roamed over various aspects. I want to deal with one particular aspect, an aspect which was touched on by Deputy Smith when he was proposing the motion and which was dealt with at greater length by the Lord Mayor, Deputy Briscoe, and subsequently in another way by Deputy Denis Larkin. It was quite obvious, of course, that the situation in regard to Dublin Corporation would come before the House and be discussed in this debate. I want it to go down flatly on the record exactly what the factual position in relation to Dublin Corporation is. I believe in quoting facts and letting the facts speak for themselves. The facts in relation to Dublin Corporation require no elucidation or no comment from me or anybody else. Once the facts are appreciated and understood and related, I am perfectly happy to allow anyone to judge on those facts.

What happened? In the early part of 1956, the Dublin Corporation made it clear to the Minister for Local Government and myself, when they sent a deputation to us on two occasions, that they had not got the money to carry out their housing programme. They made it clear to us that they did not know how they could get it, that the only way they could get it would be by a stock issue underwritten by some other body. At the first meeting which the Minister for Local Government and myself had with that deputation, I made it perfectly clear to them, and it was accepted, that, in relation to their issues over the years, they would not be able to get the funds they required by those issues except by the underwriters making good the deficiency in public subscription. I made that clear to them, and not only did they not challenge it on that occasion, but it could not be challenged by any reasonable man that in the circumstances of that time it would be quite impossible for Dublin Corporation to get from the public the amount they would require for their purposes.

What has been the record of Dublin Corporation in that regard over the past five years? In 1951, they looked for £5,000,000. The public subscribed —how much? £240,000. The underwriters had to make good £4,750,000. In 1953, they did better. Again they asked for £5,000,000. They got £3,250,000 and the underwriters had to make good £1,750,000. In 1954, they tried again for another £5,000,000 issue. What did they get? £840,000. So that the underwriters had to come in to the extent of £4,000,000 odd. In December, 1955, they went for an issue of £6,000,000. They got £1,770,000. Again the underwriters had to come in for £4,000,000 odd.

That is the record and those are the facts. On that record and on those facts, I decided—and I make no apology whatever for doing so—that they had little chance of getting from the public the moneys they required. Deputy Smith when speaking—from what I have heard; I was not here— said that the whole trouble started when the Dublin Corporation were not allowed to make a stock issue——

I did not say that.

I am very glad to hear that the Deputy did not say it.

I said there was a change in procedure. There is no use in my attempting to explain what I said or did not say.

The records will show.

I advise the Minister not to quote something he has by hearsay as being something I said. It will only mean we will have this kind of arguing across the floor.

I do not mind that. I do not understand what the Deputy means by a change in procedure and I will willingly give way to allow him say what he means.

Is it not a change in procedure to change from a public issue to making provision from the Local Loans Fund?

Certainly. That is the very thing I have said. I make no apology for deciding that Dublin Corporation in those circumstances would not have a chance of getting from the public the funds they would require. That was not challenged by the representatives of Dublin Corporation, except in so far as they put it to me that the underwriters would make up the difference. I did not think that was the correct or proper approach.

When I saw Dublin Corporation in that position, with no chance of getting from the public the money they required, I then did change the procedure. I accept completely that I changed the procedure and made available from the Local Loans Fund to Dublin Corporation finances that were never made available by any Government before. I made that available to Dublin Corporation in circumstances in which, without it, they could not have got anywhere the funds they required for their purposes. If they are able at this moment to carry on at all and do their work under the Housing of the Working Classes Acts and the Small Dwellings Act or anything else, it is simply and solely because I did change the procedure and make money available to them out of the Local Loans Fund. That is the first point I want to make without any equivocation.

The second point I want to make clear is this. When the representatives of Dublin Corporation came to see the Minister for Local Government and myself on the first occasion, they put to us, first, the difficulty they were in in relation to small dwellings and then more general difficulties. The difficulty they were in in relation to small dwellings was the immediate difficulty; the difficulties in regard to the financing of their capital programme were not so immediate. The record shows the dates of the two meetings which I had, with my colleague, with the Corporation. At the first meeting they gave us some particulars. I told them that I would consider them. I had in my own mind at that time that I would change the procedure but I did not think that it was right that I should announce to them any such change in procedure until I had first an opportunity of so informing my colleagues in the Government. That was the reason why I deferred giving them the decision until a fortnight afterwards.

I saw them on the second occasion and I told them then that, for the first time in the history of this State, I would make available to them, out of the Local Loans Fund, the sum of £1,000,000 to enable them to finance their small dwellings programme. I told them that in so far as the remainder of their capital requirements was concerned I was examining at that time the whole broad front of capital expenditure and that, until that examination was completed, I was not in a position to give them a firm decision in respect to the remainder of their capital programme.

I concluded that examination. The Minister for Local Government was away at the time. After I had concluded it, following a deputation that was received by him, the Taoiseach wrote to the Lord Mayor of Dublin on the 16th April, informing Dublin Corporation that, again for the first time in the history of this State, when Dublin Corporation were not in a position themselves to provide their own finance, that we would make available to them, out of the Local Loans Fund, the sum of a further £3,000,000 with the sum of £1,000,000 already allocated for small dwellings, making thereby a total of £4,000,000.

Deputy Briscoe is as fully aware as I am of the contents of that letter. That letter made it quite clear that we were making that allotment of £1,000,000 for small dwellings and £3,000,000 for housing and sanitary services, that we were making that total of £4,000,000 available in the current financial year for Housing of the Working Classes Acts cases, sanitary services and for Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts cases. That was accepted as being, in the circumstances of the time, not merely an adequate allocation, but a generous allocation on a basis that had never before been given by any other Government.

Major de Valera

Could I ask the Minister was the £1,000,000 in respect of commitments already entered into in respect of small dwellings?

It was to enable the Corporation to meet the payments that would come in course during the current financial year, partially, as well as my recollection goes, for commitments, partially for new applications which they had and which they wanted to be able to approve.

Major de Valera

At least part of it was already committed, it was in arrear?

None of it was in respect of moneys which would be required for payment before the 31st March. It was all in respect of moneys which the Corporation estimated would be required for payment during the current financial year. If the Deputy waits a second, I think he will see the point I want to make. That £4,000,000 was, as I say, for Housing of the Working Classes Acts, Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts, sanitary services— those three things were to be covered and certain other minor incidental things which it is not necessary to confuse the issue by referring to. Those are the three main points.

Subsequent to my making that allocation available for the current financial year, representations were made to me, by members of the Corporation and others, that, in order that building should go with a smooth flow, it was essential for Dublin Corporation to know where they stood, not merely for this current year but for next year as well, so that they might, in the circumstances, plan ahead and make sure that they kept the flow of building going. I came to the conclusion that that was a perfectly reasonable point to make to me and I accepted the point and, so that Dublin Corporation might know where they were going to be in the financial year 1957-58, and so that they could, in consequence, plan, I told them or, rather, according to the appropriate method of procedure, as Deputies understand, I told my colleague, the Minister for Local Government, who passed on the information to the Dublin Corporation, that I was prepared to make available in 1957-58 the same sum of £4,000,000 for the same purposes. I want to stress "for the same purposes." What were the purposes? The same purposes in the our-rent year as I have enumerated— Housing of the Working Classes Acts, Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts, sanitary services.

Dublin Corporation, however, decided that, though I had made that allocation to them for the same purposes, they did not wish to take the money for the same purposes; that they wanted, of course, to take the money, yes, but that they were not going to allocate it for the purposes for which I had allotted it. That is my very definite quarrel with Dublin Corporation that, when I had allotted them the sum of £4,000,000 for the same purposes in the current year, the Corporation, from the very time that that information was passed on to them, until approximately a fortnight to three weeks ago—I forget the exact date of the housing meeting of which we have heard this morning—never carried out the terms of the offer that I made. Dublin Corporation decided that they wanted to make that money available for only part of the purposes for which I had given them the money.

I gave them, out of the Local Loans Fund, £1,000,000 for the purposes of Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act cases for the current year. I did not say, and do not say now, that I feel that Dublin Corporation should, out of the £4,000,000, make available £1,000,000 for Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act cases next year but what I do say, and say quite categorically, is that when a local authority is given funds for a purpose covering several items they are bound to make a reasonable allocation out of those funds for each of the several items for which the funds have been allotted. I am not in a position to estimate carefully or exactly what would be, in the circumstances, a reasonable allocation but I do think I am entitled to say that a reasonable allocation should have been made when the funds were being made available for that purpose in the sum so granted. The Dublin Corporation, on their own initiative, changed the purposes; and to exclude one purpose, with whatever motive they did that exclusion, was not a procedure that should be carried through.

That is the situation. The difficulty is not in respect of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act in Dublin, the difficulty is not in respect of immediate payments; the difficulty is that the people who are building do not know yet for certain—and did not know at all until the Housing Committee meeting of approximately three weeks ago —that any portion of the £4,000,000 I allotted was to be made available in the next financial year. If they knew, if the Dublin Corporation had decided initially when this money was allotted to them, when they were given the promise of this money, if they had decided then that a reasonable proportion was to be set aside for S.D.A. cases, then the builders who are dealing with that class of house could have gone on with their work and would have known where they stood and would have been able to plan their programme accordingly.

Those are the facts; I have not varnished them in any way. I am quite prepared to stand on those facts because I am certain that they will stand examination and that they show clearly that, in relation to S.D.A. applications in the City of Dublin, the fault is not with my colleague, the Minister for Local Government, or with me.

Deputy Briscoe then raised another point, by way of an aside. He said that even now the Dublin Corporation have not got all the money that was required. I made an arrangement with Dublin Corporation—again because of representations put to me—which I regarded as reasonable, that they must know when they were going to get the moneys which I guaranteed to them. Incidentally what I guaranteed to them was the sum of £4,000,000 and that I would make good any deficiency up to that amount in so far as they could not raise it through anyone else. I will deal with the other matter at the moment, because it is quite immaterial whether the amount is raised from one section of the pool of available resources or from another. They made the point to me that they could not plan or see where they were going, unless and until they knew exactly how they were going to receive their funds. I told them that, so far as I was concerned, I thought the proper way to deal with it was that they would make a planned schedule of how they would require that money, how they would require to make their payments month by month over the current financial year, and that, so long as that schedule came within the total of my allocation, I would undertake to honour it month by month when they satisfied me that it was necessary. I did that and I have no apology to make to Deputy Briscoe or to this House for doing so.

I think it was a method sound, sane, common-sense, commercial and sensible. It meant that business could be done in the proper manner—and it is being done in the proper manner. Obviously, the Exchequer should not pay to a local authority money that the local authority did not require. Obviously, if the Exchequer has guaranteed the local authority to the extent of a certain figure, the Exchequer should honour that commitment on a planned basis within that figure.

I do not think there is anything else I need say in relation to Dublin Corporation, because the facts in relation to it are clear beyond question. However, there were some references also, with which I feel I should deal, in regard to Section 19 of the Housing Act passed by this House earlier this year. Section 19 provides that the market value of the house shall be taken, that is, the market value assessed in a particular way under the 1950 Act. That value having been taken in that particular way, what is required is that the proposed purchaser pay a deposit of 5 per cent. of that market value, less the Government grants and the grants made available by the local authority. If we take a case, for example, where the market value is assessed at £1,700, the amount of the deposit payable would be £65. The amount of the grants in Dublin would be £400 and the amount of the loan would be £1,235, making up the total of £1,700. That is the situation there.

If purchasers are not in a position to buy a house the market value of which is assessed at £1,700 by putting down a deposit of £65, it is because the builders will not sell them that house at the market value. It behoves us, therefore, to consider how the market value is computed. It can be done in two ways, in one way for an old house —what I may very briefly call the auctioneer's value, the price it would fetch under the hammer. In relation to a new house, because of the amendment of the law made by the last inter-Party Government, the market value is not the value the house would get under the hammer, that is, perhaps, a secondhand value which would be less than the building value; but the market value is determined to be, for the purpose of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, the reasonable cost of building the house. I do not know whether market value, as defined in that Act, requires any further amendment, but it seems to me that, if the position is such that it is alleged—and it is alleged—that people cannot buy houses at the market value at which they are assessed, then it is the definition of market value which requires to be considered rather than the percentages which were set down in Section 19 of the Act of 1956.

It is a fraud and the Minister knows it is a fraud.

If the Deputy had applied just a little intelligence to the manner in which percentages are calculated under that Act and did not try to apply the same intelligence that he has in ensuring that purchasers would be made pay more than the market value, then we could proceed to a more rational consideration of this problem.

Will the Minister come down to earth and tell the House how many applications there were under that Act?

Would the Deputy tell the House——

Will the Minister tell the truth in the House? That is all I want from the Minister.

Will the Deputy tell the House whether he wants purchasers—young married couples, people starting up in life for the first time— to go out and pay more than what is assessed as the reasonable cost of building the house, to put a plaster on their backs for more than what is assessed by a competent person as being the reasonable cost of building a house? If he does, I do not.

There are 500 married couples in County Dublin left on the rocks by the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Local Government.

Deputy Burke would try to put a plaster on the back of every one of them.

The Deputy must cease interrupting.

Deputy Burke would try to put a plaster on the back of every one of them, by making them pay more than the market value assessed by a reasonable and competent person as being the reasonable cost of purchase. If there is any difficulty in relation to Section 19, that difficulty is due to the assessment of market value, and to no other cause whatsoever. I think I would be wrong, I think it would be grossly improvident of me in my position as trustee of the public purse, if I enabled public moneys to be paid over and above what is assessed by the person appointed by the Act as the appropriate, reasonable and proper cost of the erection of a house. That is the fact. If, as I say, there is anything that requires consideration, then it is consideration in relation to the market value, which was eased very considerably, let me say, in 1950 by the provisions of the Small Dwellings (Amendment) Act in that year, introduced and passed by the first inter-Party Government.

Let me turn that now to the implications of housing as part of our general financial programme. What is the situation this year? This year, we have set aside in relation to housing and sanitary services a sum of approximately £10,000,000 odd. We have set aside in our allocations of capital this year for housing and sanitary services £5,650,000 outside Dublin and Cork, £750,000 in Cork City and £4,000,000 to Dublin Corporation.

Has the Minister got the comparative figures for last year?

I have not got the total figures for last year, no. We decided that £10,000,000 was the amount that should be made available out of our capital resources for housing and sanitary services this year. I think that is a generous allocation, generous in relation to the circumstances of our available resources and the particular difficulties of the moment. Nobody, least of all myself, will suggest that at the present time, or, indeed, at any time in the future, regardless of what Government may be in office, there will be unlimited money for any purpose of capital development, including housing.

I spoke here last week on the Second Stage of the Finance Bill. I made it clear, when speaking on that occasion, that we are to-day in an economic situation in which the three big props, in addition to savings, which have sustained our capital programme over the past eight years or so, are no longer there. Over the past eight years, the capital programme of this Government, of the preceding Fianna Fáil Government and of the first inter-Party Government, was based, first of all, as every programme must be based, on the savings of our own people; but those savings were supplemented during those years by three other props —the Marshall Aid fund, the external reserves of the commercial banks built up during the war years and the external reserves of departmental funds built up over the years.

I made it clear last week, and I want to make it clear again to-day, that now that those props are no longer there, there must be a reconsideration of the manner in which we will be able to finance capital expenditure of the type and for the purpose we are all anxious to have. Everybody knows the Marshall Aid funds are no longer available as a supplement to savings.

The net external assets of the commercial banks have dropped over the past five years from approximately £140,000,000 to £80,000,000 odd. The figures at which they stand at present are adequate to finance ordinary trading transactions. No matter what may be the future, we have in the past always had an endemic balance of payments problem here and there will be fluctuations and variations. I think it would not be unfair to say that those external assets at the figure at which they are at present would be more than sufficient to cover our normal trading in the position in which we find ourselves and in the position in which we are likely to be for some time to come.

The external reserves of the departmental funds have been utilised for the purpose of supplementing the savings of our own people and they are now at a point at which it would not be wise further to diminish them. The three props, therefore, on foot of which the capital programme has supplemented savings during the past years are no longer there and it is essential now for us to re-assess exactly how we will cover the capital programme of the future. Whatever way that capital programme is covered, it must be based, first of all, on the savings of our own people. It is because of that that it is essential that the savings campaign should be successful. From that point of view, I particularly welcome the speech reported in the Irish Press which was delivered by Deputy James Larkin at the meeting last Monday, a speech in which he strongly advocated the encouragement of savings.

And he advocated a lot more.

That is so, and Deputy O'Malley also advocates a lot of things upon which I will not be drawn at this moment. I want to make it quite clear that, because of the necessity to have that re-assessment, with those props gone, I consider it desirable that we would have, not merely in this House but also outside it, a clear conception of the capital problems that face the country, of the effects that capital expenditure is likely to have on our balance of payments. This is not a problem of internal domestic credit at all. It is a problem of balance of payments and, therefore, it is of particular importance that we should now assess where we stand.

I agree it is desirable that local authorities should know where they stand. Equally, it is desirable—and I think the House will agree—that the Exchequer should know what demands are to be made on it by local authorities, and that local authorities should not be able in any way, shall I say, to jump the priority by undertaking commitments which they would subsequently ask us to shoulder, until we know what these commitments are. Otherwise, no Government could possibly fix any appropriate order of priority. That is the purpose of the circular to which reference was made here earlier in this debate.

Have you converted the Minister to that view?

The Minister for Local Government needed no conversion to that point of view. He always fully appreciated the difficulty and we are able to work in perfect harmony on that as on every other matter.

And it was I who sent out the circular.

And I was accused of sabotage for suggesting it six months ago.

Oh, now——

Deputy Briscoe, Lord Mayor of Dublin, kept out of the House while I was dealing with Dublin Corporation——

I did not keep out.

——and I would ask him not to interrupt now until he has read in the Dáil Debates what I said about it.

I shall read it, but I am not quarrelling with the Minister for Finance at all.

The Minister must be allowed to conclude his speech.

The Minister does not want to conclude.

Acting-Chairman

Interruptions must cease.

They add a bit of spice to life, although I agree they are disorderly.

Interruptions have ceased now.

For some considerable time, we have been obtaining information from various local authorities throughout the country to enable us to make an assessment of the whole position, not merely in relation to this financial year but also in relation to next financial year, so that plans may be laid ahead. I have already made it clear that, as I see the situation in relation to our capital development, we must lay aside a greater proportion of our capital expenditure for production purposes, because only along that road can be found a way of increasing the real standard of living of our people—not any artificial standard.

So that such planning may take place in relation to our capital programme, and so that the people may know—when I say "people," I do not mean local authorities only—so that everyone may know exactly where we are going in relation to the capital programme and its financing and the method of its financing, I am proposing to introduce an innovation this year. I am not going to take the capital Budget with the current Budget in April or May, but this year I am going to deal with the capital Budget not later than the Vote on Account for the purpose of ensuring, first, that, by segregating it from the current Budget, we will get a better, a more proper appreciation of what has to be done in relation to our capital programme and how it will be financed. In the second place, it will thus be possible for people, local authorities and others, to know for a longer period ahead than they would know if I left the capital side of the Budget until April, exactly where they stand in relation, not to this financial year, but to the next.

I think that is desirable in so far as I think it is an innovation that will help considerably in the consideration of this problem, and one that should make for greater clarity in the difficulties and problems that will confront the country in the future, and particularly in the coming year.

I must apologise to the House for having spoken at some considerable length. There are other things to which I would have wished to refer, but I am afraid I have already taken up more time, perhaps, than is allotted out of the period that has been set aside for this motion. So far as the preamble to the motion is concerned, everybody inside and outside the House realises—Deputies opposite, of course, will not admit it—that it is purely political and nothing else.

Political in the broadest sense.

So far as Dublin Corporation is concerned, the facts, as I related them to the House, speak for themselves and show who was right and who was wrong. If the Government of the day allots money for a series of purposes to a local authority, I suggest it is the duty of the local authority to distribute its moneys among the purposes for which they were allotted. If they do not do so, no blame can be attached to the people who made the allotments available. That clearly is the position in this case and it is quite clear therefore that the motion should be rejected.

Mr. J. Lynch rose.

On a point of order. I do not want to sound difficult but I think there have been three speakers from Fianna Fáil and three speakers from Government benches so far.

There was only one speaker from the Opposition. Deputy MacBride is a supporter of the Coalition.

Acting-Chairman

I shall call Deputy Lynch. On the figures before me, I think he is entitled to be the next speaker.

Might I suggest that Deputies representing constituencies where this problem is of vital concern might get precedence on this matter? We have talked for a long time about Dublin and the Dublin point of view has been very well put, but we are seeking £200,000 down in Mayo since January last in a council controlled by the Minister's supporters. What is he prepared to do about that?

Acting-Chairman

I have called Deputy Lynch.

My remarks will be confined largely to the matter of the housing of the working classes in the City of Cork, but before I proceed to deal with that, I want to make this general charge against the Government: as a result of their economic policy, or the circumstances forced upon them by their economic policy and, as a result of their housing policy in particular, this Government has retarded the building programme and the housing programme and has created unemployment in the building and allied industries and I propose to establish that, in relation to my constituency, at any rate.

We have always been given to understand as far as housing is concerned— and housing of the working classes in particular—that money was to be no object. I think that principle was adhered to in the first inter-Party Government. It was a principle which was inherited from the previous Fianna Fáil Government, in so far as a housing policy could be implemented before the war years and immediately afterwards. It was a principle that was pursued by Deputy Smith as Minister for Local Government between the years 1951 and 1954. But unfortunately, as appears now from the statement of the Minister for Finance and as has appeared in effect for several months past, money is now the major problem in financing building programmes for every local authority in the country.

On the change of Government in 1954, the late Deputy Davin, then Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government, in the course of his visits to different local authorities, reiterated that principle. Unfortunately the results have not measured up to the promises made. The first difficulties in this respect made themselves apparent in the autumn of 1955, perhaps even earlier. In so far as my constituency is concerned they became acute in the winter of 1955 and the early spring of 1956.

At that time, or a short time before, the Cork Corporation had succeeded in raising a sum in excess of £1,000,000 to finance their capital overdraft in the Munster and Leinster Bank. That money was in respect of future commitments and of programmes already being carried out. For the purpose of current programmes and schemes for the immediate future, the Corporation had succeeded in getting authorisation from the Minister for Local Government for an overdraft on capital account to the extent of £1,500,000.

In the early spring of this year that sum was drawn on to the extent of something short of £600,000. Then we received a letter from the Munster and Leinster Bank to the effect that not only were we not going to receive from them the amount of our full authorisation of £1,500,000, but we were told that unless we could indicate how we could pay back what we had already drawn and the balance, which at that date was £750,000, the bank did not propose to make any further payments to the Cork Corporation out of its authorised overdraft.

In effect that meant an immediate cut down of half the authorised sum of £1,500,000. There was also the threat that unless we could indicate how we proposed to pay the balance of £750,000 we would not get that sum. The Cork Corporation, through its manager and a deputation, approached the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Finance. We were told to get the money as best we could and that if we could not get it they would try and make up the balance. Unfortunately the time was not opportune for the floating of an issue as the Minister well knows; unfortunately we had to place our problem before the Minister for Finance who asked us to lay before him a capital programme embracing the balance of our programme in the current year. He said he would see what could be done.

The details were laid before him in a short time, but at the end of a month the corporation were faced with the position that the Munster and Leinster Bank might dishonour their cheques in payment of builders who were contractors, of employees on direct labour schemes and of builders' providers to the various schemes. These facts are irrefutable. Realising the seriousness of the situation, we again approached the Minister for Local Government. He referred us to a meeting that was to take place in or about that time between the Standing Committee of the Irish Commercial Banks and the Minister for Finance. He said that as a result of that meeting if we approached, in the following week, the general manager of the Munster and Leinster Bank the position of the general financing of our schemes by the bank would be made clear to us.

Again a deputation comprising the late Lord Mayor, Deputy McGrath, and the four other Deputies for the constituency, approached the general manager of the bank. He told us then that no further moneys would be forthcoming from his directors to finance the capital programme of the Cork Corporation, either for building or for other capital works. We were taken completely by surprise inasmuch as we had been given to understand by the Minister for Local Government that our problems would be solved. We asked the general manager of the bank that, since we had the Minister's authorisation to borrow £1,500,000 during the full term and £750,000 immediately, would he at least honour our week to week programme. We were told he was not prepared to accept the Minister's authorisation, that it was a matter for the Corporation in the first instance and the Government in the second instance to provide money to finance the Corporation's housing schemes.

The Minister for Finance or the Minister for Local Government, or both, made arrangements with the Corporation at first to discharge its week to week commitments and later its month to month commitments until such time as the position improved. Soon afterwards the situation got so desperate with regard to our direct labour schemes that we had to approach the Government again, asking them to make some positive provision for financing our capital programme. It was then some time in late June or early July. We were informed that access was being made for us to the Local Loans Fund.

The Minister for Finance and the Minister for Local Government have boasted of that fact, but that was a decision forced upon the Minister for Finance by dire necessity. The Cork Corporation or any other local authority with borrowing powers, were not in a position then to go to any institution and seek capital moneys. Neither were they in a position to make public issues. When the Minister started to speak on his amendment today I raised what I thought to be a genuine point of order and the Minister, in reply, said that, having dealt with his statement, he would deal with me.

I gathered from that that the Minister intended attacking me for some statement I had made during this crisis. I think the Minister should well know that the late Deputy McGrath, or any of my colleagues on the Corporation or myself never attempted to capitalise on the crisis. We acted with the greatest possible restraint in case we would prejudice the position. I do not think that either the Minister for Local Government or the Minister for Finance can point at any act of ours and describe it as sabotage.

I never mentioned the Deputy.

The Minister for Local Government did. I withdraw any reference I made to the Minister for Finance in this connection. The unfortunate position was that the Corporation were faced with a situation in which they were refused even the £750,000.

Debate adjourned.
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