I was dealing with the ground limestone subsidy. I should like to suggest to the Minister now that, as this subsidy has to be paid directly by the people of this country in taxation, there should be a minute investigation into the manner in which the money is being spent. If it is to appear here as a subsidy to agriculture, I submit it should be a subsidy to agriculture, direct and not a subsidy to an incompetent transport service.
The owners of ground limestone plant who take out the lime on their own lorry and spread it on the farmer's land should be paid directly from the Department. It is scandalous that from 7½ to 10 per cent. of the transport cost of every ton of lime taken out by a private owner of a limestone plant and delivered on the farmer's land must be paid as a fee to C.I.E. for the honour of taking it out. An enormous amount of the money given by the American Government in this connection has in my opinion been misspent as the benefits did not go to the farmer but went, instead, to support C.I.E. That should not happen. I have had general complaints in regard to the matter. I have raised the subject in this House repeatedly. I consider it a grave injustice.
I want to deal now with the farm buildings scheme and water supplies. The amount of the subsidy for that purpose this year is £713,536. Again, I question whether that amount or a large proportion of that money should appear here as a subsidy to the agricultural community. Where we have to subsidise any firm of manufacturers who bring blank iron sheets into this country and then turn them into corrugated iron, and who must pay an exorbitant figure for that raw material due to a cartel, it should not be passed on here and for that reason I think a great proportion of the subsidy for hay barns should appear in the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce and not here.
The amount for the coming year which is to be paid to the Pigs and Bacon Commission is £650,000. I find that the total amount of Grade "A" bacon exported was 315,000 cwt. Therefore, that represents a subsidy on bacon of over 40/- a cwt. I do not think any advisory service or marketing service, for which we have quoted here a sum of £250,000 will get over that gap. Again, I suggest we should control production. I am totally opposed to the policy of endeavouring to sell surpluses to foreigners at give-away prices. We get nothing from foreigners at give-away prices. I think that it is wrong and the subsidy works out at well over 40/- a cwt. in this connection.
In regard to feeding barley, it is stated in the trade statistics this year that some 683,000 cwt. of feeding barley have been imported at a cost of £840,000. That works out around 47/- a barrel for the imported material. I am sure if our farmers got a little incentive in the shape of a better price there would be no need to import that barley.
I do not think the Minister will be troubled after this year with any surplus wheat. I admit that when the prices are not known until March and farmers have their land ploughed, they have no option. But the ordinary small farmer, the man who grew the wheat during the emergency, will be compelled to get out of it for economic reasons. He would not grow it at Deputy Dillon's price; neither will be grow it at the present Minister's price. It is an uneconomic price and there is very little good in pursuing it further than that. Where it might pay a man with 500 acres to turn them over to wheat and have a clear profit of a £1,000 it would not pay the ordinary farmer with 30 or 40 acres and with ten acres under wheat to devote a quarter of his total acerage to making a profit of £20. It would pay him better to go on the dole.
What is required by the agricultural community at present is a definite agricultural policy covering a definite number of years so that we will know what the Government want us to grow and do not want us to grow. It is very evident they do not want wheat. It is equally evident, for a reason I do not know, that they do not want feeding barley. If they wanted it, they would not be offering £18 10s. 0d. a ton. It is also evident that they want no more butter. On those commodities, at any rate, farmers have got to cut down.
If the farmers must evolve a policy for themselves, it should be a definite policy of producing only somewhere around 75 per cent. of your requirements. In that way, like the oats, you will be paid for what you grow. Otherwise, you will not. I do not agree for one moment with this idea of paying enormous sums for putting on the market a product which cannot be produced here at an economic price. What would be the price of milk at 2/11 per lb. for butter? It costs 40/- a cwt. to market Grade A bacon in Britain. There is no use in increasing production of milk if the increase means that with every extra gallon there is a further cut in an already uneconomic price.
Farmers are entitled to a fair crack of the whip and I do not believe they are getting it. I went into this matter as reasonably as I could. I found that from 1951 to 1957, on the production of wheat and feeding barley alone, the farmer has dropped somewhere between £4,500,000 and £5,000,000 in the price he is getting for his product. On the other hand, during that period his rates have gone up by something like 14/- or 15/- in the £ and everything else he has to buy has gone up.
As for this educational service, I was rather amused to read in the paper to-day about Senator Ahern's cows. Some genius made out that it was the grass produced from all those fertilisers was the cause of setting the cows crazy. In East Cork we have another way of putting that. He was advised to get rid of those fertilisers and go back to natural grass. Which is right? If all the cows in the country are to go "daft" after these fertilisers, the farmers will be obliged to have a special insurance policy for milking them.
I do not think it just or fair that we should have that reduction in the farmer's income at a period when the farmer's costs are steadily increasing. We come along with a glorious gesture and tell him he can go to the Agricultural Credit Corporation for a loan. Is there any Agricultural Credit Corporation in Europe who would give the farmers the £4,000,000 a year by which their prices have been cut? Look at the treatment meted out to other sections of the community. We turn over the Estimates here and find £400,000 and £500,000 being offered on a platter to some fellow to come in here and make hooks and eyes on condition that he exports them abroad. There is that treatment for one section of the community and this for another. It is neither just not fair to the ordinary farmer.
I appeal to the Minister to come forward now and give us a definite agricultural policy. Tell us plainly: "We have too much wheat, we do not want any more, cut it down. We have too much butter, cut it down. We have too much barley, cut it down." Let us know exactly where we stand instead of this attitude of penalising production. It is a wrong policy. If another emergency arises we shall find ourselves back in the self-same position we were in in 1945, 1946 and 1947. There is this difference, that we will not have the ordinary small farmer coming to the rescue and growing the bread for us.
I should like to comment on the attitude of other industries towards agriculture. For the past 30 years, as long as I have been in this House, we have been listening to appeals here year after year for increased production, particularly in wheat. In the Estimates each year, a large amount of taxpayers' money has been voted for research councils and so on. Surely, during the past six years, the Governments should have known we were reaching a period when the farmers would produce our full requirements in wheat. Why, then, have we the extraordinary position that the industrial and manufacturing people have fallen down on their side of the job?
The enormous combination of millers and bakers say we cannot have an all-Irish loaf but must be satisfied with what is not an all-Irish loaf. I would advise Deputies interested in this to look up the official Dáil reports for 1946, when this country was crying and begging for bread from foreign nations. Look at the replies received then and compare that with the present situation. It is extraordinary that all Irish wheat produced a satisfactory loaf in 1946 and 1947 and cannot do it now. I am relying on the published statements made here by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Lemass. It was in the Official Report, if anyone wishes to read it. That was good enough for the Irish people in 1946, and we have spent a few million pounds since on research and standards, so surely we should be able to finish the job.
We paid £3,400,000 from January to December last for foreign wheat to feed the Irish people and £3,500,000 more for animal feeding stuffs. That is £7,000,000 which should be the property of the Irish farmer. He has not got it and evidently he is not going to get it. If there is to be a revision of policy in that direction, we should demand a revision of policy in other directions as well. We have no intention of subsidising the production of fertilisers. If the market is not there for us, the market is not there in fertilisers for Gouldings either. If we have to cut down on production, I suggest the Irish farmers' first cut should be on fertilisers and then he will have less and a smaller surplus to suffer a cut in price.