Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 23 Jul 1959

Vol. 176 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Sea Fisheries (Amendment) Bill, 1959—Committee and Final Stages.

Sections 1 to 3, inclusive, put and agreed to.
SECTION 4.

Before we deal with the amendment I should like to say on the section that I put forward on Second Reading certain views that I hold strongly. I understood the Minister to say that he had consulted with all interests and that all interests had assured him that they were well satisfied with his arrangements. I alleged then, as I allege now, that this was a fishmongers' Bill and that it was gravely inimical to the interests of the fishermen. Indeed, I thought it was a wholly mistaken Bill. The Minister rebutted that by saying that everybody was in favour of it. I want to inform the House now that everybody does not quite seem to be in favour of it.

The Sea Fisheries Act of 1952 withholds from the Minister the right to grant a licence to a vessel of over 35 feet in length for sea fishing unless the vessel is owned by Irish fishermen, or a company incorporated under the Companies Act, the whole of the share capital of which is held by Irish citizens. The purpose of this section is to permit and require the Minister to issue licences to such vessels if they are owned by a company registered in Ireland, and that is designed to accommodate holding companies. The Atlantic Fishery Industries Limited, Killybegs, is such a company. There are six directors, each holding 25 shares—two Swedes, three West Germans and one Irishman. Now I understand that the bulk of the capital to be invested is being provided by a Swedish gentleman of the name of Venner-Gren, to whom the Minister referred in the course of the Second Reading debate; he spoke of Mr. Venner-Gren intending to bequeath his assets to eleemosynary purposes for education and certain other trusts.

Not his assets, his profits out of the company.

Devoting the profits of this company.

At a later date, to be decided by him.

That sounds a very exciting gesture on the part of Mr. Venner-Gren until you advert to the fact that Mr. Venner-Gren got a grant of £70,000 from the Government to build the factory. We have paid for the factory.

That is correct.

I do not know why the Minister should get excited because the profits of a factory erected by our money should be devoted to eleemosynary purposes at some future date, to be determined by Mr. Venner-Gren— profits accruing out of the moneys we invested in this enterprise.

I did not mean to be excited about it, except that An Foras Tionscal gives grants for purposes of this kind, and there is this additional rather novel feature in connection with this enterprise.

I should like to remind the Minister that this factory was first, as he knows from his own files, envisaged by the Department of Fisheries to be built by An Bord Iascaigh Mhara out of our own resources and to be operated by An Bord Iascaigh Mhara as a place where surplus supplies of herring could be disposed of as the first step in a policy designed, for the first time, to give a guaranteed minimum price for all herring landed on our coast.

For over three years An Bord Iascaigh Mhara confined themselves to a pilot plant and protracted negotiations took place.

I beg the Minister to read his files. I do not suppose he will read them now since he is going off to another Ministry. The fact is—Deputy Sweetman will confirm this—we operated a pilot plant in order to find out the know-how of fishmeal processing. There were then protracted conferences. It was agreed that you will never get herring fishing going on a satisfactory basis if you are not in a position to offer the fishermen a minimum price so that they will be for ever delivered from the threat of having to jettison surplus catches. I applied to Deputy Sweetman, the Minister for Finance, to build a fishmeal factory which would put me in a position to say to the fishermen on the Donegal coast: "You need never jettison a herring again." I got that authority and, just as I got it, this group—a German group—turned up and announced that they would be prepared to engage in this enterprise.

Deputy Sweetman took the view, and I agreed with him, that, if we can get a group of independent businessmen to build factories for the purpose we had in mind, there was no reason why we should use our resources when these resources might be required in Baltimore, Kinsale or Dunmore if we failed to get a group of independent businessmen to erect fishmeal factories there.

This factory was planned and designed to be operated as a provision for fishermen, to guarantee them against the possibility of having to jettison surplus fish. Now we are getting into a position in which this infernal factory is being made the alibi for permitting what are, in effect, foreign trawlers to land fish into our market. This company, which has built this fishmeal plant at Killybegs, has received a grant of £70,000 from the Government. The factory is now completed. A very peculiar thing has happened. When I was Minister for Fisheries there was always this chronic problem that, when you landed a certain volume of herring, it was very easy to run into a surplus and, when you got a surplus, you could not dispose of it. Of course, I will not say that with typical Fianna Fáil luck, no sooner did they come into office than the herring disappeared out of the North Sea and contemporaneously they turned up on our shores.

And that was due to Fianna Fáil!

We are now in the extraordinary position that, having erected the fishmeal factory at Killybegs, there is no surplus herring to go into it.

The export market has increased.

I know, but the export market has increased because the herring have left other grounds, from which they used to come, and now the vaccum thereby created in the British market is being filled by herring from our shore. That has had the extraordinary result that the source of supply for the fish meal factory in Killybegs has dried up because now we can get fresh or curers' price for all the herring we can land. Instead of pressing our boat-owning fishermen to go out and fish more industriously and more consistently to increase their intake of herring, we are adopting the astonishing procedure of authorising this German company to operate three trawlers into Killybegs. The thing is absolute madness.

Even the two trawlers could not themselves fill the fish meal plant.

I know. Why on earth can we not concentrate our own fishermen on this business?

The same company is now buying a cannery, so that will still further increase the intake.

Do not we all want to increase the number of boat-owning fishermen? The truth of it is the whole policy has been abandoned. I do not know whether it is true or not that these trawlers, which are manned by Dutchmen and are owned by this company, have been financed through Bord Iascaigh Mhara. Have they been?

I have no particulars of that. I have not seen anything about it.

The Minister does not know how they have been purchased?

The amount of information that Fianna Fáil Ministers have not got is quite dramatic.

My main thesis is based on the document I sent to the Deputy. It is written with very great care in order to give him and other Deputies the maximum opportunity of seeing how this very complex fish market situation is developing.

I am fully aware of the complexity of the fish market but there is one overriding principle, that we have maintained a high price structure in this country on one ground and one ground only and that was because there was a social element in it, that it provided a guaranteed profitable market for boat-owning fishermen and their crews.

Prices continued rising.

We are now entering on a dialectic which is going to land us up with a series of middle-water trawlers, owned by commercial concerns, landing fish into our market where the price structure is maintained at an artificial level for the benefit of boat-owning fishermen. When the trawlers come into our market what will happen is that they will ultimately land fish in such quantity that they will destroy the domestic market for boat-owning fishermen.

No such thing will happen. The Deputy refuses to take my assurance. He has had the statement already. The matter is dealt with very fully in that document.

If the Minister gets cross, we shall have to draw attention to a certain fact.

I am not cross at all.

I do not charge the Minister with discourtesy or being cross. I think he is just wrong.

That is the real difference between us.

That is the fundamental difference between us. I think I know whereof I speak. I was closely and intimately associated with this whole business for a long time. He is embarking upon a dialectic the inevitable end of which is that the boat-owning fishermen will disappear from our shores and the tragedy for me is that, once that happens, it is an irreversible process. I admit that the consumer in this country may derive a certain price advantage from this development but he will lose in the quality of the fish which will be available to him and, what I think is much more important, he will lose a great volume of dignified and solvent employment for between 1,000 and 2,000 families in the West, North West and South West of Ireland, where there is no conceivable possibility of providing any alternative form of employment. We are faced with the lamentable fact that this Government seems to have made up its mind that the right policy for the congested areas in the West of Ireland is to knock down the cliffs and let in the sea and push the people out. I think that is all wrong. I think it is a complete illusion. It is this horrible doctrine enunciated by Mr. Cahan, who was here recently from the O.E.E.C., that what matters is efficiency and high money-earning power. It is an illusion and, for this country a disastrous illusion, because, in that climate of competition, nothing can happen to us in international competition but that we should go to the wall. If we refuse that competition and elect for our own kind of life, certain economic consequences may be inevitable but we preserve something worth retaining.

If we embark upon this other frantic scramble to try to constitute ourselves a competitor with the black country of England and the Ruhr of Germany, we simply become a poor, neglected slum. We do not belong in that camp. We are prepared to accept the kind of life that this country can afford its people. We have probably, in my judgment, one of the best kinds of life to be had in Europe or, indeed, in the world. It does not appeal to everybody. It manifestly does not appeal to Mr. Cahan but, at least, it gives us sufficient resources to pay our part of Mr. Cahan's wages and we have not defaulted in any of our international obligations to pay. I see no prospect of our ever having to do so.

I seriously apprehend that, if we throw away what we have got, and substitute trawlers for boat-owning fishermen and aspire to the day when those who are at present boat-owning fishermen go to sea as hired men in deep-sea or middle-sea trawlers in the employment even of so charitable a person as Mr. Venner-Gren, we make an irreversible decision which hereafter we shall have bitter cause to regret.

I think Section 4 is a thoroughly bad section and it is necessary that the facts relating to it should be fully known. I know that marketing conditions have materially changed but I think it is well to remember that we have three trawlers, or had three trawlers, operated by Bórd Iascaigh Mhara. I do not know what has become of them. I think they are being used for training now. But, what was our experience operating these three middle-water trawlers—and they were operating, not into Killybegs but, at the end, into Dublin? In one year, in any case, we had a loss in excess of £11,000. I know they were very bad trawlers in that they were in a miserable state of repair but I do not think they ever made a profit in any year of their operation.

I am told that middle water trawlers of this kind, that is to say, boats that are neither inshore fishermen's boats nor steam trawlers suitable for going to the Greenland coast, have been heavily subsidised in Great Britain but consistently at a loss. In the six years up to 1947, 400 such middle water trawlers had been scrapped in Britain and I believe the reason for it is that the fishing grounds acceptable to middle-water trawlers are largely fished out.

I have not read the Minister's most recent circulation with sufficient care to ascertain whether he has adjusted his estimate of the available market for fish products in Great Britain which, on one occasion, I think he described as being in the order of £33,000,000. These figures are very often illusory, particularly when you come to examine that figure and discover that, of it, £12,000,000 represents imports of whale oil.

Our interest in imports of whale oil into Britain is relatively remote. It is used for a certain type of lubrication. These purely economic considerations are not for me to discuss in opposing Section 4 of this Bill. The reason I oppose it is because I am perfectly certain that it marks the emergence of a dialectic which is going to lead to the extinction of the boat-owning fishermen along our coasts. I despair of the situation if the present Minister is to be succeeded by Deputy Moran. If that happens anything can happen but our only hope is that we shall get them out before irretrievable damage is done to this form of life.

I move amendment No. 1:—

To insert at the beginning of the section a new subsection as follows:

"(1) Subsection (1) of section 9 of the Principal Act is hereby amended by the substitution of ‘the prescribed number (not less than thirty-five) of' for ‘thirty-five'."

The purpose of the amendment is to control the operation of vessels which are described as being not less than 35 feet in length. The amendment makes it unnecessary to license vessels of our own which are under that length. It is a purely drafting amendment and makes it possible to avoid unnecessary licensing. If a number of trawlers of this kind were interfering with the inshore fishermen we would put into operation an order stipulating that the owners of those vessels must go out to certain fishing areas, that they must dispose of their fish for export or that they must dispose of their fish by selling them to certain canneries.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 4, as amended, put and declared carried.
Sections 5 and 6 agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported with amendment.
Bill received for final consideration.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

I desire to oppose this stage of the Bill.

I want to assure Deputy Dillon that I am not acting in the capacity of a hypocrite in regard to this matter. I want to assure him and the House that the controlling power left in my hands, or the hands of the Minister for Lands and Fisheries, will be widely used. There is absolutely no intention of allowing our inshore fishermen to disappear in favour of middle water trawlers. The whole purpose of these amendments is to take advantage of a likely market, the possibility of export and in order to establish canneries and fish meal plants in which private promoters are willing to provide some part of the capital. In this way we can have diversified fishing.

It is most unlikely that, in the course of the next two or three years, the number of trawlers thus operating would take away the opportunities of the inshore fishermen in helping to provide fish for these canneries. I have great hope of success in having three of these canneries established. One has been built at Dunmore East and another is in construction at Kinsale. The third, I understand, is to be built by the Atlantic Fishing Company in Killyhegs. These plants will be able to exploit the market for sprat, which have never been fished for in our waters.

My intentions are strictly honourable in this regard and I would ask Deputy Dillon to accept that. He may suggest that something may go wrong but he ought to accept my word that my intentions are honourable as regards the retention of the inshore fishermen and the giving to them of an opportunity to provide fish for the market. I hope the Deputy will not accuse me of bad faith.

Long experience has taught me that one must never judge one's fellow-man. That is the prerogative of God Almighty, who created us all. I do not purport to be capable of judging the innermost mind of the Minister for Lands. All I can do, and all members of this House can do, is to state honestly what I or they believe to be true. I have had long experience of the Department of Fisheries. I have been approached by people who wanted to do what the Minister now proposes to license them to do. I carefully examined these proposals and I am quite satisfied that I could have unloaded off my back all responsibility to wealthy companies who were prepared to come in here and guarantee a supply of fish at a price substantially lower than that operating here at the present time. With the entire approval of the Government of which I was a member I rejected that approach on the grounds that it was our settled policy to preserve the market for inshore fishermen and, mind you, preserving that market for inshore fishermen is a pretty thankless task because the Minister in office spends most of his time being kicked around by a lot of these people in the iniquitous practice that has grown up of being asked why he is not doing more for them.

While they are voting for Fianna Fáil.

And, as Deputy Sweetman says, while they are pretty consistently voting for Fianna Fáil but, nevertheless, with the knowledge I have of conditions obtaining in those areas I am sure mine was the right policy and our Government had the right policy. I do not charge the Minister with bad faith. We want more than token proof of that, if anyone bandies that charge lightly about. However, I do think that sometimes he sins against the Light in, for the purposes of expediency, doing what he believes is wrong in principle. I do not make that allegation in this context but I do say he is falling into error in believing that good intentions are a substitute for good policy. He forgets that the way to Hell is paved with good intentions and, with the best intentions in the world, he is embarking on a dialectic which is going to bring catastrophic results to a section of the community very dear to me and to anybody who understands the social pattern of the Gaeltacht and the western seaboard. What depresses me in connection with this business is that it is one of the things that, in my view, is irreversible. If you destroy the pattern of living and employment associated with inshore fisheries, it can never be reconstructed again and we shall have lost something that, in my view, is of incalculable value to our society.

In the circumstances of the time being, this Government has a large majority to make its will prevail, and an ultimate judgment cannot be made between their policy and our policy except by the event that, perhaps the results of the elections that are now coming to hand may expedite the eminently desirable advent of a general election in which it is not unlikely that the people of this country will choose a new Government which can correct, in time, the errors into which the Minister—perhaps with the best intentions—is none the less certainly falling.

The question is: "That the Bill do now pass."

We are not agreed. Would the Chair put the question?

I am glad that the Minister got somebody in to support him. A minute ago he was in a minority.

The Opposition was not very forceful.

But it was still in a majority of two to one, which shows the value of statistics.

Question put and declared carried.
The Dáil adjourned at 4.55 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 21st October, 1959.
Top
Share