Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 30 Jun 1960

Vol. 183 No. 6

Committee on Finance. - Vote 58—Health (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That a sum not exceeding £6,525,600 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1961, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Health (including Oifig an Ard-Chlaraitheora), and certain Services administered by that Office, including Grants to Local Authorities and miscellaneous Grants.—(Minister for Health.)

Major de Valera

The point I was making was that, important and all as it may be to minimise tobacco smoking from the point of view of prevention of lung cancer, we should ask the question: are we not over-concentrating on that matter, perhaps for the rather understandable reason that the cure, in theory, anyway, is a relatively simple one — a campaign to get people to stop smoking? I wonder also if it is so important a factor that it should be singled out above all others as the cause of lung cancer.

There are probably other factors which need attention. For instance, can the Minister tell us anything about the position in regard to fumes from internal combustion engines of various sorts? I heard something recently — I hesitate to give it here — but I heard it at a place where the information would be reliable. I was told that the statistics in a certain city not far from the Iron Curtain showed there was a greater incidence of lung cancer and the question was being considered as to whether there was a difference in the petrol and oil supplied to that area as against the cities in this part of the world where comparisons were also being made; in other words, that in the oil from certain of the Russian areas are aromatic compounds and carcinogenic hydrocarbons not in the oil from America and that had shown some difference in the statistics which might be significant.

Be that as it may, I wonder whether our modern urban civilisation in the pollution of the atmosphere generally is not at least as big a factor as tobacco smoking. If that is so, I wonder what general steps can be taken to deal with it? I know it would probably be a colossal task to put some kind of filter, if that were practicable, on every internal combusion engine. I make the point here merely from the point of view of balance to point out the necessity again for looking all round a problem like this to find out what, in fact, are the factors and the ratio of one factor to another in the chains causation.

As I understand the position, cancer generally is a very difficult disease to cope with. Some Deputies give the impression that they more or less consider that cancer, tuberculosis and heart ailments might be all more or less attacked by the same general approach. I doubt it. In the case of tuberculosis, a drug was found which enabled considerable inroads to be made on the disease in conjunction with other measures. It was a disease which, it seems, was apparently susceptible, once that stage had been reached, to a co-ordinated attack from many directions. It was, I admit, a much more complicated type of problem than, say, that of a disease like smallpox where an immunisation scheme was successful. It seems to me a great deal can be done with polio in that way; and to that extent the polio problem, menacing as it is, may prove to be a much simpler one in practice, once the vaccine is obtained, than the tuberculosis one.

But the cancer problem is a very different thing altogether. First, the disease is not completely understood; secondly, there is no very complete answer to it. There is nothing like the complete answer available in the case of tuberculosis. Next, there is the problem of diagnosis. Although probably in this case a scheme by which early diagnosis could be achieved would go a greater way towards helping, nevertheless the ease with which diagnosis can be made is nothing like the same as in the case of the killing forms of tuberculosis. Therefore, although this is a national problem, it is also a world problem; and it is a pressing one. One cannot blame either health authorities or Ministers for at the moment being unable to make very marked progress with it. I think everything that can be done in that regard is being done. By the way, my remarks about smoking are not meant to be at variance with the Minister's advice. I think that advice is probably perfectly good. In regard to heart diseases, from the very nature of them, it seems that prevention and care after the person is afflicted are at the moment the most effective weapons available. In the very nature of these diseases, they are such that one cannot cure them with a drug as one can cure, say, an attack of pneumonia. In that case the "before" and the "after" are very important.

I should like to reinforce what I think other Deputies have said here: the importance, first of all, of minimising strain and particularly financial strain where people in a particular class are threatened with this problem. Again, I am back to the class of people I was talking about before — the sedentary worker at a desk who may have a good deal of strain and worry. That strain results in a heart ailment. He will not have any hope of coping with that, unless there are facilities for him to relax. That, in part, is a financial problem and it is from that point of view that I think the State can help. It probably is the only way in which the State can help. But how it can be done in detail within our resources I cannot say.

Apart from the consequences to the individual himself, such diseases may have disastrous consequences for a family, having regard to the fact that very frequently it hits males at an age when they are most vital to the maintenance of their families. Therefore, there should be immediate, accessible treatment. They should be relieved from worry and strain, which suggest to me that something in the nature of the after-care provisions so successful in the tuberculosis drive — I think doctors claimed they were almost as necessary a part of the drive as the actual specific treatment measures — should be available to people who are in that category. I do not know whether it would mean a cure or not, but it would certainly mean in very many cases the saving for a time of a bread-winner at a very critical period. If the Minister, by mentioning the matter, is giving us some indication that this is being examined from the point of view of what can be done by the State here, I should like to suggest, in conjunction with Deputy Esmonde, that that approach should be considered. Again, I have very much in mind the particular sector of society I mentioned earlier.

The last thing I should like to say on specific matters about health, again having regard to that sector of society, is the cost of certain important drugs. Some Deputy mentioned the difficulty that arises from the fact that people do not want to incur expense and, therefore, avoid going to a doctor or getting the drugs from a chemist. I am not thinking so much of that as I am of people who have consulted a doctor in respect of a child. It may be the case of a child who suffers from what are commonly called ordinary chest troubles. It may be, in the first instance, a question of recurring colds but thereafter, if the condition is not checked, it may resolve into delicacy, which would be a handicap to that child for the rest of his life and may make him an inefficient member of the community.

Very often that case can be treated by prolonged medical attention involving the use of expensive anti-biotic drugs and before one knows where one is, one can have paid out a sum of £20 on chemists' bills in a very short space of time. Again, speaking for the people in the category which I mentioned, they find such a load crippling and if there is no method by which they will be able immediately to meet it, the temptation is to avoid it. The temptation is to try to do without the doctor; in other words, to let an economic factor, which is a very real factor in the situation, rule against the best treatment and try to do with a treatment that might not be the very best because of that fact. I need not enlarge on the details of that. I think every Deputy will understand what I am trying to say there.

Apart from the claims of the individual, in regard to the health of society as a whole, if that pattern is allowed to subsist to any marked extent at all, it will retard the development of the highest health standards which we are seeking and which, in fact, we are achieving at some rate anyway. I hate suggesting the idea of subsidising drugs but there might be some way in these cases of alleviating the load on the individual parent, at least to the extent that will remove the inducement to avoid treatment or to have the second best.

Again, I am stressing that in regard to this class of society for this reason. Those people who go to hospitals, dispensaries or are hospitalised under the health services will be supplied with treatment. It is a grand thing to say that we have reached the stage in this country where I do not think anyone who is in an institution or who is directly obtaining the medical services of the State will be deprived of that for any such reason I suggested. Every effort will be made in all serious cases to supply them regardless of the cost. The point I make, therefore, is that there are cases where it occurs in another way but still in an important enough way to draw attention to it here. I should, therefore, like to draw the Minister's attention to it.

In conclusion, particularly as I broke off in the middle of my contribution, I should like to summarise for the Minister's convenience what I said. First, the Minister should get all the support possible in the campaign to secure polio vaccination. In the circumstances of the case and having regard to all that is involved, it is not, I think, unreasonable in this case to say that most parents should be able to meet this particular service themselves because, as I understand, it is a matter of three injections or something like that at a very moderate cost and then it is finished. The cost is ascertained at the start and it is small.

Seven and sixpence.

Major de Valera

I would, therefore, add my voice in support of the Minister to urge upon parents whose children are not inoculated against poliomyelitis to have it done. After all, the cost in this particular case is very small, having regard to the possibility either of the death or the permanent disability of the child.

In regard to the question of cancer, I have said all I can say about it. When the Minister suggests that there should be moderation in tobacco smoking, I do not wish him in any way to think there should not but I would ask him to consider the effect of the other elements which have come into the urban atmospheres, particularly the question of hydrocarbons and the various things that are burned in internal combustion engines.

On the question of heart troubles, though I know that this is to ask for considerable State expenditure, I would ask the Minister to consider the preventive measures in the sense that this is the only way you can meet it. As soon as a person is threatened, facilities should be there to enable him to relax sufficiently to prevent deterioration. Where there has been a serious attack, there should be economically available whatever medical treatment is physically available to cope with it. I think that is there already. I think our doctors and our general medical services here will cope with that. The important thing is that after that, perhaps, for the whole subsequent life of that person, there may be a need for some supplementation by the State. I would commend to the Minister the same type of approach as was taken in the case of after-care for tuberculosis. We know this may involve expense.

There was an awful lot of talk about health services in this country in recent years, particularly that there have been a great number of problems. After the experience of some seven years ago, there were a great number of differences of opinion and frictions that would naturally prevent anything being done. I think that the present Minister for Health and his immediate predecessors have done a great deal in forwarding the objective of raising the standard of health in the country and providing the services that should be there. I see no reason, therefore, why we should not adopt this Vote in a spirit of thankfulness for what has been done in the past. Indeed since the war, great progress was made — progress which was planned during the war and since the war. There has been great progress in this matter and the matters outstanding for attack can be best attacked in the specific regions I have tried to point out. I have not enumerated them all by any means.

Finally, in doing that, the Minister must do it within a budget. If we want all these things we must pay for them, and like any other householder we shall have to choose where we are going to spend and where we are going to economise. The Minister for Health, no more than anybody else, cannot work miracles. Let us be logical when we urge him to progress in certain directions and compliment him on the success he has achieved in certain directions. Let us be mindful that the progress was perhaps possible only because he was prudent and careful in other directions. The mere fact, therefore, that he has tried to effect economies and tried to control expenditure so that it will be directed into the best channels possible should not be grounds for complaint or attack. The mere fact that he has that object in mind should not be grounds for attack but I fear at least once in this debate it was.

I have heard the Minister for Health deride as improvident and reckless the expenditure on sanatoria. I have heard him make the welkin ring as he wrung his hands before us at the distressing squandermania which made some of his predecessors courageously sponsor the expenditure of £10,000,000 of public money to build sanatoria to protect our people from one of the highest rates of tuberculosis then obtaining in the world. Years, decades, generations of neglect had earned for us the gloomy distinction of having acquired a native disease. Tuberculosis was known in many parts of the world as the "Irish disease". I well remember the day we proceeded to tackle that. We built the sanatoria and the Minister has it to tell now that the death rate from tuberculosis in 1959 was 18 per 100,000 of the population, which was the lowest ever and compares strikingly with the rate — five times as high — of 91 per 100,000 which was experienced 10 years ago. I wonder if the Minister has learned his lesson?

Would we have been wiser to exercise what he describes as his prudent restraint in connection with the Coombe Hospital when we were dealing with the problem of tuberculosis? Would we have been wiser to let the people die and have the satisfaction of saying in restrospect: "Well, we took no financial risks. We spent nothing in anticipation of our income and after all, that only involves a certain limited number of funerals"? I think it is relevant to ask that question when I read in the Minister's statement that the death rate in maternal mortality was deplorably high, although it has declined in the past year from 103 per 100,000 to 66 per 100,000, and there was a fall in the infant mortality from 35 to 32 per 1,000 live births. This compares very unfavourably with the situation in Great Britain, northeastern Ireland and elsewhere, but the Coombe Hospital has not been built. Why?

It was the Deputy's colleague who prevented its being built.

That is not my information. I understand that four years ago provision was made to build the Coombe Maternity Hospital but the present Minister gloried in the fact that because he thought there were not sufficient reserves in the Hospitals Trust Fund, he must postpone the building of that hospital until such time as ready cash was available. Now he finds himself in a position to give the sanction, four years later than need have been, for the erection of the hospital. I think one can carry fiduciary caution to excess when the lives of mothers and infants are at stake. I think it is worth taking a risk to build such a hospital in the presence of a situation in which the maternal mortality and infant mortality rate is at a figure much higher than world averages would suggest is justified.

I should like to ask the Minister to tell us why is the rate of maternal mortality higher in this country than in Great Britain or Northern Ireland? To what distressing fact is that due? We have access to all the same drugs as they have access to and it is common knowledge that the antibiotics have contributed very greatly to the disappearance of what used be known in the bad old days as puerperal fever associated with childbirth. I understand that modern research has greatly reduced the conditions in which infant mortality was high in the past and that all these instruments of care and prevention are available to us. Is it that we lack accommodation in hospitals for mothers who require hospital care, or what is it that creates this relatively high maternal mortality in our midst? I do not think the Minister should be content merely to register the fact of a high maternal mortality rate, without telling the House what his advisers tell him is the cause of it so that we can deliberate the best means of correcting that situation.

I am glad and happy to recall that at this hour we now have a number of superfluous sanatoria. I want to go on record expressly as stating that one of the proudest boasts the Government of which I was a member have to make is that in this short term we have superfluous sanatoria. It is a grave public disservice for people to suggest that because we now have superfluous sanatorium accommodation, it is evidence that we built improvidently when we did. If we accept that proposition, I think we shall fall into mortal error in our future health policy. I well remember when that scheme of sanatorium construction was embarked upon, our aim and object was to create a situation, in the shortest possible time, in which many of the sanatoria constructed would become superfluous.

We gravely weighed the cost, and we felt that perhaps it would take a 20 year period to realise that objective. Happily, in the years that have ensued, we had the benefit, as a nation, not only of the improved sanatoria accommodation provided, but also of the world progress made in the discovery of new drugs useful in T.B. therapeusis and these combined factors reduced the period in which our prime objective was achieved. Now it can be a matter of pride and satisfaction to us that that outlay of £10,000,000 has meant that instead of burying 91 per 100,000 of our population each year, we have to deplore only the funerals of 18.

I only hope we may soon have a similar tale to tell in regard to maternal and infant mortality. I assure the Minister that if his exertions in respect to the Coombe Hospital are as effective as ours were in respect to the sanatoria, he will never have to withstand derision on whichever side of the House he may then be sitting for that he was courageous in providing hospital accommodation to reduce the incidence of maternal and infantile death with which he was confronted during his period of office.

I should like to ask the Minister does he intend making any statement, in the course of this debate, designed to put an end to the disedifying row between himself and the Irish Medical Association. I do not assign the blame exclusively to the Minister, but I have to say that any of us who has had any experience of Ministerial responsibility knows that if, in dealing with any group or organisation in the country, a situation of deadlock supervenes, the primary duty of the Minister responsible for that section of Government work is to break the deadlock. It does not follow from that, that he should be asked to give any preliminary undertaking or guarantee. His duty to break the deadlock is to hold himself ready to meet the parties concerned whenever they seek to meet him, but if he contributes to the creation and maintenance of the deadlock by saying that, unless certain prior conditions are complied with, he will not meet them or will not talk to them at all, then he becomes himself principally responsible for the maintenance of a highly undesirable situation.

Apart from those of us who have had Ministerial experience, everyone who has had any experience in negotiations at all knows that even at the level of ordinary labour relations, if a trade union makes what appear to be unreasonable demands, or even if its members embark upon what appears to be a wholly unreasonable course of conduct, nothing is more fatal or more conducive to the promotion of industrial unrest and upheaval, than for one or other party to such dispute to say: "Unless some preliminary concession is made, we will not talk at all."

No harm can ever be done by meeting, by talking, and by exchanging views. That may involve a great deal of trouble; it may involve a great deal of patience; and — and here is what I think is the real stumbling block — it may involve a certain degree of humility on the part of the person who is a public servant. A wise public servant is prepared to combine all these virtues for the public good. In so far as the vanity of the Minister forbids him to meet the Irish Medical Association without demanding certain preliminary hostages, the whole country is being kept in an uproar, essential services are being seriously interfered with and an extremely disedifying spectacle is being provided for every section of the community by a Minister whose vanity will not allow him to admit that, in the past, his own petulance may have contributed to a situation which is now highly dangerous and certainly gravely inimical to the public good.

I strongly advise him, in lieu of a pilgrimage to some penitential place, to charge himself with the task of exercising the virtue of humility, and announce that in the cause of goodwill, he wants to meet the Irish Medical Association and discuss their problems, and even if they do not agree, they may possibly, in the course of such discussions, create a volume of goodwill upon which they can subsequently draw for a resolution of their misunderstandings.

Deputy de Valera and Deputy Esmonde spoke of the desirability of assisting persons who suffer from the two principal killing diseases mentioned in the Minister's statement, heart disease and cancer. Both Deputies pointed out, with, I think, unanswerable force, that any sufferer from cardiac trouble must inevitably have his condition greatly exacerbated by the anxiety of financial stringency consequent on his sickness. As Deputy de Valera pointed out, the incidence of this disease is peculiarly high amongst the white-collar worker and the professional man.

It is a fact — I do not think there is any doubt about it — that a great many young professional men recognise, on the threshold of their careers, particularly if they are contemplating matrimony, that a very necessary charge upon their current income is an insurance premium against incapacity resulting from illness. I know several young professional men who, when they marry, undertake to pay a premium when they are young and vigorous and healthy which ensures that if they should be smitten with illness and unable to carry on their practice for any protracted period, their income is maintained.

I often wonder if a Department such as the Department of Health could not with advantage discuss with the actuaries of some of the great insurance companies, particularly the insurance companies who specialise in this type of insurance, whether some scheme could be devised by way of some annual appropriation to build up a fund that would meet such a charge as Deputy de Valera and Deputy Esmonde envisage.

I do not want to underestimate the difficulty of such a plan. If you want to provide adequate protection, sufficiently effective to relieve the anxiety of people smitten with heart trouble, it is necessary to provide allowances in some degree commensurate with their ordinary income. Otherwise the fact that the income and way of life enjoyed by the family has been disrupted gives rise to the very problems we hope to allay in the case of the sick person. Therefore, the problem is one of complexity.

The suggestion is worth considering if we know the incidence of deaths from heart diseases, and we do. From that, I imagine statisticians could readily advise as to the probable annual occurrence of these heart conditions. Actuaries could then tell with reasonable accuracy what charge would provide a premium to protect the income of people likely to be smitten in this way. I do not say more than that I think that is a matter that might profitably be investigated. When it was so determined, we could then profitably consider whether such a premium should not be made available from the Exchequer by way of the creation of a fund for this purpose or whether some plan should not be worked out whereby it should be partially voluntary and partially State-aided.

In the meantime, it is hard for people who are young and healthy ever to envisage the possibility of crippling illness. However, for most people, particularly for the person whose family depends entirely on his personal exertions, it does seem that an attempt ought to be made to help in some way or another to make provision against heart disease, in view of its high incidence and its commonness now as a death-dealing disease in our society.

As Deputy Crotty stated, in the last analysis, we all have to die of something. While that is true, a great deal could be done to protect families from disease and the premature death of the breadwinner if we could reduce the causes and exacerbations of such a condition as heart disease, one of which doubtless is financial stringency created by the disease itself.

I do not want to criticise the Minister unduly for his insistence that people who can afford it ought to pay for the inoculation of their children against infantile paralysis. In theory, he is right. I brought my child and I had him inoculated against infantile paralysis. I do not think I paid anything. Perhaps that inoculation was not against infantile paralysis because I also had him inoculated against tuberculosis. I think it was the B.C.G. that I got for nothing. I discovered to my surprise I could not get it done at my own expense. That seemed rather to be erring in the other direction. I applied to the pediatrician who at that time was looking after my son's health. He told me he was not in a position to do it and that I had better repair to Rialto. I did so. The preliminary tests were carried out and the necessary inoculation was provided. When I asked the charge, I was told there was none. I left Rialto triumphant, having paid nothing.

The other inoculation was provided by my son's physician. The B.C.G. was the inoculation he got free of charge. I suggest that even if there is a public service available free of cost, a great many people would continue to get the job done privately because they would prefer to get it done that way or because it is more convenient to get it done that way. Many children get their B.C.G. injections at school. It is more convenient to get it done by the doctor attending at the school than to bring them to a centre.

If the Minister has reason to apprehend a serious increase in the incidence of the disease, he will put himself in an impossible position if he sticks his heels in the ground and says that although 70 per cent. of people under 25 are eligible for free inoculation, he will insist that the remainder will pay 7/6 up to a maximum of £1 for one family. The resulting economy must be microscopic. If there were a strenuous campaign even for a limited time, it would be very beneficial. If it were said that for the next two years anybody who wanted to be inoculated against infantile paralysis could have it for free and that at the end of that time the matter would have to be reviewed the Minister would be in a very much stronger position in insisting on the nominal charge from those who could afford it, while continuing to provide it free for those whose financial circumstances make it difficult for them to pay for it.

If it is desirable — and from the Minister's statement it looks as though this year might be a dangerous year— I urge on him at least for a limited period accompanied by suitable publicity to announce that there will be free inoculation against infantile paralysis and that those who do not avail of it within the limited period specified, say, two years, must face the fact that thereafter they will be expected to make their own arrangements. He will have no reason to regret such a step.

Over and above inoculation of this kind, there is another matter to which the Minister's attention should be turned at once and urgently if we are correct in believing that this is a year, in which the incidence of infantile paralysis may be high. There is running through the centre of this city a canal and, so long as children are children and weather is hot, the children of the city will bathe in that canal as they have nowhere else to bathe. I am assured on the best authority that to allow children to bathe in fresh water which has not been put through some process of chlorination in the summer months is a pregnant source of acute anterior poliomyelitis.

There are two courses open, and I think this must be faced: either to clean up the canal and recognise it as a public bathing centre and take steps to chlorinate the water or to provide alternative bathing accommodation which will be properly chlorinated and supervised and effectively prevent children from bathing in the canal. But there is no use in closing our eyes to what is proximate and full of danger and spending all our time dwelling on remoter remedies for present evils.

Mark you, I think you can carry all this business of prophylactic measures to fantastic extremes. I remember years ago going to the Department of Local Government and Public Health and asking them to collaborate with me in the conversion of a certain part of the river at home into a swimming pool. We had been using the river as a swimming pool for 40 years and apart from one man drowning in it, nobody ever associated any infectious disease with the use of that part of the river but it became necessary to rebuild a weir which had been knocked down in order to restore the river to the user as a swimming pool.

I was told by the Department that it was completely out of the question, that it would be most dangerous and quite unthinkable, that in any case the danger of starting an infectious disease in the area ruled the proposition out from all consideration, and in the hopping and trotting, they succeeded in frustrating the project and to this date nobody can swim in that part of the river because the level is too low and the weir was not rebuilt. The project was never sanctioned and the local authority was not allowed to do it and the ground for the refusal was that being a fresh water river, there was danger of disease.

When you come to a canal in the city, however, into which are thrown dead dogs and cats and buckets and every kind of refuse and superimposed on that a dense concentration of children bathing in restricted areas of the canal, then I think the danger is manifest and substantial and I do not think the Minister for Health is entitled to close his eyes to it. It is one of these tricky, immediate problems that Ministers are very reluctant to face because it demands some practical action and that is something they do not like, but I put it to the Minister that he has a grave responsibility if he is serious— and I have no reason to doubt he is serious — about his apprehension in regard to acute anterior poliomyelitis this year. He has a grave duty first to provide prophylactic inoculation free for a restricted period, with due notice that the period is restricted and he has a duty to intensify the publicity founded on that offer and he has an urgent and clear duty either to clean up the canal and chlorinate its water to make it safe for children to bathe in or provide alternative accommodation for children to bathe in and prohibit use of the canal for that purpose.

I am all in favour of using the canal because in my experience if you attempt to prevent them using the canal, it will become a kind of garden of paradise for them to be entered whenever and however public vigilance can be avoided and I must say I would have great sympathy with the children because bathing in the canal has a certain excitement about it and it is a traditional practice and to be forbidden from doing it on a hot day appears to me to be a great hardship. I do not think it would be impossible by the exercise of reasonable vigilance to make the canal water fit to bathe in.

I have been urging Ministers for Local Government and Public Health to do this for the past 20 years. Why they do not do it is a mystery to me but nobody ever seemed to be sufficiently interested in it. If the Minister cares to consult the records of the Custom House, he will find somewhere that pretty steadily over the past 20 years I have been battering at the doors of various Ministers, mainly Ministers for Local Government. On one occasion I think I was battering at the door of the Minister for Local Government when the present Minister for Health was sitting on the other side and urging him to stimulate the Corporation of Dublin or C.I.E. — whatever the appropriate authority was — to put the canal in a fit condition for children to bathe in.

Our prime concern should be to ensure that children's lives are not put in peril as a result of doing what they might reasonably be expected to do. I often thought that an action would lie against whoever owned the canal if a child bathed in it and developed acute anterior poliomyelitis and could directly attribute that to the water of the canal. I think there was a very well-known case of a claim for negligence — Cooke v. the Midland and Great Western Railway — and I wish that somebody would take an action of that kind against the company and mulct them in damages. If they did, if we could launch a successful action against the Minister or C.I.E. or somebody of that kind and establish their liability, within 48 hours, this problem would be cleared up.

I do not want the Minister to think that I am suggesting he is a heartless or unscrupulous person — I do not— but until something like that happens, Ministers and their advisers are inclined to close their eyes to the fact that some children die and some are crippled for life as a result of infection picked up in such a way. That fact ought to be a very much more stringent spur upon them to take remedial action than the danger of a successful action being launched against them is or would be.

I heard Deputy Crotty speak today with great satisfaction of the reforms in Kilkenny and I am delighted to hear about them because county homes are on my conscience. I never pass a county home without feeling that we are all gravely to blame because if Kilkenny has achieved this reform, it is one that is not reproduced in many counties in Ireland. I think the county home is a gloomy place and I hope we shall yet see the day when all the county homes will be closed up. We must have a county hospital for the sick but I want to put it to the Minister, as I put it to many of his predecessors, that our forebears were very much better advised in these matters than we are. We have taken over from the old British poor law a bad system, and it is being carried on simply through inertia.

There was a system which obtained here and in Great Britain in the 18th and 17th Centuries. In Great Britain it was a survival of an earlier time, the old charities of pre-Reformation days, and that possibly was true here up to the time of the Poor Law.

That system was that you sought to establish in the parish where old people became indigent or unable to look after themselves a limited number of small homes closely analogous to the homes where they lived and, instead of sending them 20, 30, or 40 miles away from their own parish and herding them together in one big impersonal workhouse, they were established in small dwellings, sometimes in the shape of little flats in one large building or else in one of a row of cottages. Almost invariably you found that in the group of cottages or apartments there would be one department reserved for a matron who would help to look after the old people who could no longer look after themselves.

The difference between accommodating people in those circumstances in their own parish — where they will see their neighbours, where they will meet people with whom they an have a chat, where they are able to move about and see familiar places or, if they are unable to get about themselves, can get a neighbour to wheel them in a chair around the town and can see their neighbours and visit the market on market day and maintain their ordinary life — and the horror of seeing old friends, as I have seen them, taken away from their homes and dumped in a bed in a county home where they do not know a living creature, is radical, dramatic and, I think, compelling.

I would urge the Minister not to spend another shilling on perpetuating county homes for the indigent poor but rather seek to empty every county home in the country into parochial centres which I do not think cost any money at all to operate because, with very little supervision, the people can look after the homes themselves. I think you will find that the charities to which I have referred, the old charities, would have it to tell that even if there is an old person who is unable to look after himself or herself the neighbours will give a hand and that life is quite possible on that basis. If you have a matron who will exercise general supervision and give exceptional help in individual cases the scheme works perfectly well.

Despite the reforms of which Deputy Crotty spoke, I hope in our day to see every county home in Ireland closed down. I recognise that you must have hospitals for the chronically sick who require constant medical attention and nursing. We made a considerable mistake, as Deputy O'Higgins mentioned, 30 years ago when we embarked on this vast scheme of building county hospitals everywhere. We would be much better off with cottage hospitals which would have provided for the chronically sick a very similar service in their own neighbourhood to that which I now suggest for the indigent poor. I hope the Minister will express his view on that where he comes to deal with this general question of county homes. All I am afraid of is that we shall find ourselves in a position effectively to grapple with this problem and that in a desire for prompt and early reform we shall pour millions of money into these detestable barracks of county homes and that then we shall be married to this system for ever more.

I should not depart from this subject, on which I have spoken harshly of county homes as county homes, without expressly stating that the rigours and horrors of these establishments are to my mind incalculably relieved by the superb devotion of the nuns who operate them. I remember visiting Roscommon County Home when things were much worse than they are today and marvelling at the old Mother Rectress who had spent the greater part of her life there looking after the people. I said to her one day: "How do you spend your life in this kind of work?" One of the distressing features of it is that those who are most difficult to nurse are often the least appreciative of the nursing. Her answer was: "If you did not see Christ in each one of them you could not do it for a day." These devoted women with high vocations have made conditions in these institutions as nearly tolerable as it is possible to make them but the plain fact is they are horrible. We ought to be able to get rid of them. If they had not been wished upon us by the English Poor Law, our mentality would never have evolved them. The time is overdue when we should take steps to escape from that deplorable tradition and establish something which would be more in keeping with our attitude to such a problem.

Now I am going to make a suggestion to the Minister which I hope will not come under the general censure expressed yesterday by the Minister for Justice about well-intentioned people who make fatuous suggestions without due regard to cost. There are in this country a whole number of homes for old people — some of them for old men, some of them for old ladies. One distressing feature that they have in common is that they are all hard up. They like to provide the best food they can for the inmates. They like to provide a fire in winter and to provide as much comfort as their funds will allow.

Almost invariably one thing falls into arrear for want of money and that is interior decoration. In the old days people used to think that interior decoration mattered very little. We are all familiar with the usual Government provision of dark brown paint because that lasted longer than any other paint and if there was to be any white on the walls it was put at a level where no human hand or eye would ordinarily reach it. I understand it is pretty generally accepted now that part of efficient therapeusis in a hospital is a suitable colour scheme and I am prepared to accept that as certainly true but I think it is also part of the essential task of preventing old lonely people from subsiding into incurable melancholia that their surroundings should be made reasonably cheerful and gay.

I agree with some Deputy here today — I think it was Deputy Faulkner —who said that the voluntary element in social services of this kind was very precious and should at all costs be preserved. These homes for old people are largely the result of voluntary effort by religious. They make collections and people preach charity sermons for them and we hear appeals on the radio for them and they scrape along as best they can. Would the Minister consider it an extravagant proposal to suggest that, where there are approved homes of this kind operated by charity, capital grants should be made available for the purpose of interior decoration? I do not think that is an extravagant proposal and I think it would be a very profitable way in which to bring together State obligations to old people and voluntary effort on their behalf. It would pay a rich dividend in increased comfort and happiness for the people who are constrained to live in these homes and would certainly greatly relieve the burden of the religious and other persons who operate them.

It is a long time since I directed the attention of Ministers for Health in this House to the vital need in rural Ireland for what used to be called the Jubliee nurse and is now being replaced by the dispensary nurse. The number of Jubilee nurses is growing less and less but the number of district nurses does not seem to be increasing. I wonder is there anything we can do about that. I suppose it is that the demand for nurses is so high that it is relatively hard to get nurses to undertake that laborious kind of work. However, I can say from personal knowledge that in rural Ireland the labours of a dispensary doctor could be greatly lightened if he had the assistance of a nurse and, what is even more important, the fruits of a dispensary doctor's work in rural Ireland could be doubled and trebled if he had the assistance of a dispensary nurse. I do not think it is unreasonable to suggest that the Minister should direct the attention of the local authorities, if it be their responsibility, to the fact that if they would exert themselves to recruit district nurses, the results of their dispensary doctors' activities would be greatly enhanced.

I wish to say a word now in furtherance of my suggestion that we should provide some assistance for the interior decoration of old people's homes and of hospitals. Would it be unreasonable to suggest that some annual grant should be made to the society that provides radios for the blind? There are a large number of people confined to their rooms because they are blind, and even those who make their way out and get themselves trained to earn a living, when they come home in the evening — and they cannot very well do anything else but come home, with their affliction — they are obliged to clasp their hands and sit and depend on the charity of their neighbours to read the newspapers to them or provide some entertainment that will relieve the tedium of hours passed in darkness.

I am told that the voluntary society which provide radios for the blind have a very long list of people waiting and they are prevented from providing radios because they have not got the money which they seek to raise by public subscription and so forth. I agree that these needs are much better provided by the charitable subscriptions of neighbours.

That would seem to arise more relevantly on the Social Welfare Estimate than on the Health Estimate.

What a brilliant thought. If I can advocate paint for the inside of old persons' homes and cannot advocate a radio or a subscription to a charitable association which provides the social service of entertainment for the blind, these are finesses which escape even so experienced a practitioner of the rules of order of this House as myself. The thought is a good one and perhaps it will wax and grow in the Minister's mind. It is wonderful what you can do if you want to do it. I am perfectly certain that if, when I was Minister for Agriculture, I had announced to the House that I was going to provide a grant for the Irish Countrywomen's Association in order to provide organisers, I would have been told that I was out of order but I did it, and when I did it, it was found I was in order because it was done and there was no means of undoing it. Here is an equally deserving activity in which I am suggesting the Minister for Health might engage, and I would urge him to consider it.

I was relieved to hear from Deputy Crotty today—he seems to be very lucky in Kilkenny — that the mental hospital there has improved out of all recognition, which must be a source of consolation to him. I am happy to hear it but I wonder how many of us have the same tale to tell? My impression is that the mental hospitals are grossly overcrowded and that the attempts to carry out therapeutic treatment are greatly harassed by lack of accommodation and by the numbers of patients being far in excess of the available staff effectively to deal with them. I want to suggest to the Minister that there is scope for improvement here and I am somewhat puzzled because somewhere, either in this Health Services of Ireland or in the Minister's statement, it is revealed that a very large number of additional patients have gone into the mental hospitals under the Mental Treatment Act in recent years. That only shows the kind of thing that can happen when you are doing the best you can to bring about an improvement.

We all thought we were doing something wonderful when we passed the Mental Treatment Act to enable people to go voluntarily in and to enable people to go temporarily in, but so far as I can see from the statistical material supplied by the Minister, what we actually did was we piled on to the mental hospitals a vast new army of patients the mental hospitals had no room to accommodate. We now have that problem to grapple with and I am told, and I offer the information to the Minister for what it is worth, that in every mental hospital, there is a high percentage of patients who could most properly be described as senile and that their care and accommodation puts a considerable strain on the staff of mental hospitals. The Minister tells me that he is embarrassed by the number of sanatoria that are becoming vacant. Why does he not use some of these sanatoria?

Why does the Deputy not know what is going on?

He does not. What is Crooksling being used for? What is Ballyowen being used for? What is happening in the hospital in Monaghan which the Deputy is supposed to represent? What about Heatherside?

How gratifying to have stirred the Minister into activity at last.

I have listened to the Deputy talking nonsense, in relation to things about which he knows nothing for so long that my patience is rapidly disappearing. That is the explanation.

I always interpret that sort of interruption as a most salubrious indication. To stir a Minister up is the principal function of debate in this House. The great danger is that bureaucratic lethargy will bear him down and he will become a mere figurehead, rambling in here to read speeches prepared for him by prudent officers of his Department. Now that I have succeeded in stirring the Minister up he will, I hope, give us some help. This is not the first year in which this matter has been referred to and I am glad to learn from the Minister that the representations pressed upon him in the past are at last beginning to register. But there is more that can be done. I am glad to hear that he is diverting Crooksling——

It has been done.

That is what I say. I am glad he has done it. I am glad he has it in mind to do others.

They have been done also as they became available.

They will be used as they become available. I recall pressing this view on the Minister on previous occasions. I welcome the news that he is beginning to act suitably. But overcrowding is still there, and more can be done. I am told that in Great Britain and in the United States of America considerable progress has been made in the domiciliary treatment of a great many of these patients. Is the Minister satisfied that a sufficient number of patients suitable for such treatment are being provided for in their homes? Is the organisation there properly to look after them in such a régime? If it is not, it ought to be provided because it will probably be much more efficient and much cheaper than expanding the accommodation in the mental hospitals themselves.

I observe with satisfaction, and with recollection of the strenuous efforts we had to make to get it incorporated in the law, that where the patients are temporary patients—that is, patients referred to a mental hospital by relatives — the approval of two doctors must be had before the patient can be brought to the mental hospital. Is the Minister satisfied that in every case that prerequisite is observed? I have heard it suggested that there have been committals under these powers where only one doctor was called and that the assistant resident medical officer of the mental hospital was deemed to be sufficient as the second medical opinion stipulated for under the Act.

I do not think the Act contemplated that. I think the Act contemplated that there should be two independent doctors, neither of whom would be attached to the institution where it was proposed to bring the patient, before the patient was handed over to the authority of the resident medical officer. I should be glad to be reassured by the Minister that effective supervision is exercised in regard to this and that nobody is committed to a mental hospital under that part of the Act without that essential preliminary being attended to.

I was interested to hear Deputy de Valera's reference to lung cancer. We are all too susceptible to the impact of propaganda and it has become fashionable now to associate lung cancer almost exclusively with smoking. I do not profess to know anything about it myself, but I remember being told by the medical officer of the Southern Pacific Railway years ago that he had been charged by the company with making a survey of their engine crews. It is sufficiently long ago, indeed, to permit recalling that at the time the Southern Pacific had about equal numbers of steam driven locomotives and diesel locomotives. He told me that, after a survey extending over three years, he reported to the company that there was a significant statistical difference as between the incidence of lung cancer in the crews of diesel locomotives and the crews of steam driven locomotives.

I think that is a line of inquiry that might profitably be pursued. I think moreover that Deputy de Valera is probably right when he says that one of the reasons that is not pursued is because, if it were discovered that diesel fumes are a fruitful source of lung cancer, we would all be puzzled to know what on earth to do about it. The oil companies will not take the initiative because they are under no pressure. The tobacco companies, on the other hand, have spent very large sums on subsidising medical research and considering prophylactic measures which might or might not be practicable.

So far as I know, however, the oil companies have done nothing to investigate the possibility of correcting any shortcomings in diesel oil fumes for the excellent reason that they do not want to let on that there could be any connection between the two. I put it to the Minister that there very probably is. There is certainly a possibility that there is. If there is, he might profitably either make representations himself to the immensely wealthy oil combines or to the World Health Organisation. He might ask WHO to make representations to the international oil combines to subsidise research on an international basis into that aspect of the possible cause of lung cancer and the means that might be employed to remove whatever element should be convicted of responsibility for its incidence.

Another topic to which I wish to refer is the White Paper issued by the Minister and his Department in regard to the problem of mentally handicapped children. I appreciate, of course, that this is an extremely complex question. It is perfectly true that a great many children who, at first glance, might be thought to be mentally handicapped prove on proper examination to be suffering from no mental handicap at all but rather from deafness, short sight, or something like that. Only those who have some experience of dealing with children realise that the child may be suffering from extreme myopia, or deafness, and that that is the reason for its apparent mental retardation. The myopic child had never properly seen the world about it and never been able effectively to read.

When the defect is corrected the mental attitude of the parents towards the child is revolutionised. But, allowing for that, and allowing for all the care that must be taken in determining correctly what the cause of a child's apparent retardation is, there still remains a residue of afflicted children for whom institutional care is the only remedy. I agree with the White Paper that where partial disablement from retardation can be provided for in the home and family background of the child it is much the best course to pursue. When you have provided for all those marginal cases, however, there remains an inescapable residue of children who cannot be looked after at home, who ought not be looked after at home, and who must have skilled institutional treatment in order to make their lives tolerable. The tragedy is that we have not got that minimum accommodation and nobody cares because people do not talk about it. Families do not discuss it and nobody realises, except those who have come into contact with it, how awful an affliction it can be for a young family to have in their midst a child wholly incapable of caring for itself or, indeed, co-operating with parents, however solicitous they may be.

The total figure the Minister estimates as being the maximum of cases requiring institutional treatment is 7,000 and, according to his figures, we have 3,200 beds available for them. Therefore, all that remains to be done is to provide a further 3,800 beds, but there is also the difficulty about getting effectively trained personnel. I do not believe the difficulty of providing the actual accommodation is the primary problem. It is the nursing, the getting of competent, skilled nursing, and I very much doubt if, outside religious, we would ever get it because there can be no more trying or difficult task than of undertaking the hourly, daily, and permanent care of children afflicted in this way. Nor must we overlook the fact that you cannot lump all retarded children together. There are an almost infinite variety of degrees of retardation, some of which can be vastly helped by educative processes, and from that down to the retarded child for whom nothing can be done beyond providing for its essential requirements and looking after it.

The segregation of these cases and their appropriate treatment are in themselves a problem, but all these afflicted children have one thing in common. When I speak of "all these afflicted children", I mean all the afflicted children for whom institutional treatment has become essential. They have one thing in common, that they disrupt a home and create problems for the mother of a home which may make the essential maintenance of a family virtually impossible. Our urgent need is to rescue, not a vast number, but a considerable number of homes on which this affliction has fallen and with which they simply are not equipped to deal. Therefore our immediate problem is to provide these additional 3,800 beds and the people to look after them.

If the Minister finds that he is confronted with difficulties which he is not able to overcome, I think, after making a reasonable effort in that direction, he would be fully justified in taking the House into his confidence and explaining what is the remaining difficulty which he is not able to resolve. If there are in the world religious orders available, prepared to undertake the work and services that ought to be made available to our people, and if they are willing to come here, we should welcome them.

Hear, hear!

Difficult problems are sometimes made more difficult by premature publicity, but there always comes a time when grave national problems have to be dealt with, and this is the place to deal with them. A problem which is not universal may still be very grave and we have a duty to protect the people for whom we are responsible. I do not think that is a duty from which this House would recoil. Moderate, prudent, public opinion expressing itself in moderate but lucid terms should be provided, if it is our duty to do so, in removing any obstacle which might exist to providing our people with access to the kind of help which they urgently need and which is not available from any other source.

I have seen too many tragedies in my own personal experience, resultant from my failure to find a place for a handicapped child in a family that was strained to the limit in trying to provide for it at home, not to feel deeply in this matter. Anyone who has knowledge of this, I think, will share my solicitude, and I hope that the Minister will take effective measures to overcome this problem and, if necessary, seek such help which he may require to expedite its solution.

I suppose we all wish the Minister well in his very formidable task, but I would be less than frank if I sat down without saying quite plainly that, as a relatively unsophisticated observer of the functioning of the Health Act in rural Ireland, I believe we are spending an awful lot of money and not getting for it what we thought we were going to get. I remember when the Health Act was going through this House that a great many of us felt we were setting up a very elaborate, very ambitious structure, but that the end result would be that the poor, who at that time were getting a pretty reasonable service — often not in the most orthodox way, but they were getting it —would get a better service.

Nobody we knew amongst our neighbours who really wanted medical care went without it. Nobody ever died for the want of a bottle or the want of whatever drugs were requisite to restore him to health. Nobody was ever denied access to a hospital if he required an operation or medical treatment. I admit it was done in an old-fashioned kind of way, but if your neighbour was sick, he did not necessarily go to the local county council or the local T.D. Even if he were an ardent Fianna Fáiler and I lived next door to that man, it was to me he came, and if there were an ardent Fine Gaeler, living next door to my alter ego, he went to him, and in one way or another, we got him into Vincent's or into the Mater. We got him in somewhere and nobody ever died because of tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis. These old-fashioned methods, which worked out pretty well, are not consonant with modern thought.

We look across the Irish Sea and we see the Welfare State. We think that is just wonderful. I often wonder if it is so wonderful. I am beginning to hear strange stories from England of the lady who went to her consultant under the Health Act and was told she was in urgent need of a gynaecological operation, that if she did not have it within the next 48 hours, her life would be in urgent peril and that he would notify the appropriate hospital, which he did. Two years and a half later, she got a telegram from the hospital to say that there was now a vacant bed, but by that time the woman had forgotten she had any gynaecological trouble at all. Providentially for her, in that case the fact that there was not a bed at the time saved a large part of her interior and she was as fresh as a bee two and a half years later. If she had been in need of treatment, however, there was no means of getting attention however urgent the case was until two and a half years later because the hospitals were all full and such hospitals as were not full had no nurses in them The beds were empty because there were no nurses to look after any patients who might be put in them.

The Welfare State might look lovely but from what a great many people have told me, it works very well in certain cases and does not work very well in others. The old system we had here did work to ensure that the poor certainly were looked after. I admit that many people in the middle income group may have found considerable difficulty in meeting their problems because they were not prepared to come forward as frankly as a poor person would have done in the old days. Therefore, they did not get the same kind of help. But I have got the feeling that today, particularly in rural Ireland, the poor who always used to be able to get what help they wanted are now at the tail end of a long queue.

I well remember one fellow I know who was complaining bitterly of persistent headaches. He went to the local dispensary doctor who looked at him for some time and said ultimately to him "What you want is a pair of ‘specs'. It is your eyesight is troubling you." We organised him to go for the ‘specs', but he had to milk the cows in the morning. The first dispensary day on which the lady doctor arrived to dispense the ‘specs', he went up. There was a queue in front of him consisting of fairly well-to-do persons. The lady doctor put out her head and said: "I shall look at the next eight and after that I am going home." So my poor client, who was about 15th in the queue, went home and said he would have to wait a fortnight. He went up again in a fortnight, after he had milked the cows, and saw the queue again. He went up four times in all and might be going up still, but he never got the ‘specs'. But we eventually adjourned to Sligo and got him the spectacles from the oculist there.

I am afraid that is being reproduced in a great many cases—that the people who really require treatment do not get it now. Those who managed to scrape along in the past are possibly getting as good as they used to get, but the people for whom we passed the Health Act are not getting as good as they got before. We are spending a terrible lot of money on the Health Act and everybody is contributing to it. I say deliberately — and I have said it not only in Dáil Éireann but out in the public streets when I was looking for votes— that if I felt the poor were getting the kind of service we hoped to give them, I would be prepared to justify that expenditure and think the money well spent, just as I glory in the £10 million we spent on sanatoria, half of which are now empty, as being money well spent. But my apprehension is that this money is not being well spent.

It was the Minister's colleague, the Minister for Finance, who passed the Health Act through this House on the assurance given to us that it might cost the rates 1/9 in the £ but certainly would not cost more than 2/-. God be with those cheerful days! It is costing the rates 9/- now and the ant is rising, and it is going to rise more. That is a pretty substantial amount. Is there a Deputy in the Fianna Fáil Party who would have the neck to say to me that the people for whom that Bill was supposed to have been passed are getting what we were given to understand they would get, or is there a Deputy of the Fianna Fáil Party who would say to me that what we are getting today is value for 2/- in the £, never mind 9/- in the £ which it is actually costing us?

I think the Minister's decision to review that whole situation is overdue. I hope when I remind him that that course was pressed upon him by this Party, he will not feel we are being unfair. I find it most embarrassing that if the Fine Gael Party drop a hint about the necessity for reform in education, Deputy Dooley asks a question the following week and the Minister for Education in the Fianna Fáil Government protests his early intention of carrying out the reform advocated. If we speak of the necessity of setting up a commission to inquire into the whole operation of the Health Act, the next time the Minister for Health introduces his Estimate, he announces that that is precisely what he intends to do. If we advocate that certain sanatoria should be used for the accommodation of certain types of patients, he gets quite indignant when he announces that he proposes to undertake the very recommendation we have pressed upon him.

He has already undertaken it for years.

In fact, what is becoming positively alarming is that they have now reached the stage at which they are on the very verge of proclaiming that they not only accept the policy of this Party but that they always accepted it and believed in it. I detected this in them some time ago in a very wide field, but the detail into which they are now prepared to go to protest their allegiance to the views expressed from this side of the House is becoming a source of political embarrassment to me. I only hope and pray that this painful process of considering that everything we propose is dear to the heart of the Fianna Fáil Government will not continue indefinitely because it makes it extremely difficult for the present political system to be maintained if the least word of the Opposition is taken so entirely to heart.

I wish the Minister all the luck in the world in his job, and I wish him especially an excess of humility and good-will so that his future relations with the medical profession may be more fruitful and more edifying than they have been.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
Top
Share