Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 30 Jun 1960

Vol. 183 No. 6

Committee on Finance. - Vote 58—Health (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That a sum not exceeding £6,525,600 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1961. for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Health (including Oifig an Ard-Chláraitheora), and certain Services administered by that Office, including Grants to Local Authorities and miscellaneous Grants. —(Minister for Health.)

On the adjournment last night I was about to refer to the Minister's remarks in relation to the Hospitals Trust Fund. I quote from the Minister's statement the following extract:—

I am glad to be in a position to report that the steps I took to restore the solvency of the Hospitals Trust Fund, strongly reinforced as those steps have been by the ever-increasing success of the Hospitals Sweepstakes, are bearing fruit.

I want to describe that statement as rubbish, and furthermore I want to describe it as pretentious rubbish. In fact, the Minister did nothing in the past few years. The only thing he did was to abandon the carefully prepared hospital building programme which had been examined in detail and which was planned despite the financial stringencies existing in 1956. For the past four years the Minister has twiddled his thumbs and he now comes to this House and says he is glad to be able to report that the steps he has taken are bearing fruit.

I want to remind the House and the Minister, if a reminder is necessary, that in 1956, at a time of a considerable capital shortage, it became the duty of the then Government, and myself as Minister for Health, to revise the hospital building programme. At that time, the Trust Fund used to receive a special subvention from the Central Fund, and so far as the Minister for Health, the Department, and those interested in hospital building were concerned, that involved Finance sanction for even minor disbursements from the Hospitals Trust Fund. The situation was not very congenial, certainly so far as the Minister for Health was concerned, and at times it led to considerable frustration.

In 1956, I availed of the then situation to have the subvention to the Hospitals Trust Fund discontinued, and a decision was reached by the Government that henceforth the building programme would be financed entirely from the income accruing to the Trust Fund. That meant that the building programme had to be re-examined, and decisions taken with regard to priorities. Some forecasting had to be agreed, and it had to be decided how the money could be spent from the income each year.

I may say, quite frankly, that the programme drawn up could not have been implemented even in the slightest degree, were it not for the fact that it was based on the belief that the Hospitals Sweeptakes would continue to grow and continue to be a success. I had little doubt that they would and, in fact, of course, they have. The programme envisaged that, from the yearly income of the Trust Fund, immediate disbursements would be made to pay for hospital building projects already in being and also to provide for the deficits of the voluntary hospitals and so on.

I know, to an orthodox conservative person such as the Minister appears to be, a programme of that kind was wrong even to think about. Apparently, the Minister's view is that you do not start a building programme until you have all the millions of pounds banked up behind you. In 1947, there were some £8 million in the Trust Fund which, of course, were spent on much-needed hospital development. Of course, anyone who approaches a building programme with that particular philosophy and viewpoint will never see it implemented. If you wait until you are certain you have the money to pay for the project straight away, you will find your finances have gone haywire because costs will have doubled or trebled.

I assert that the wise and prudent man must spend money as he receives it, and dovetail and pare his programme, so that each year he spends only what he is certain to receive. In 1956 and 1957, I asked the officers of my Department and persons interested in hospital building — in the light of the capital situation then existing, and in the faith that the Hospitals Sweepstakes would continue to be a success and that the income of the Trust Fund would run at a particular level—to prepare a new building programme giving definite priorities to hospital projects which were felt to be essential. That programme was drawn up and a decision was taken to proceed with it.

After that decision was arrived at, the present Minister became Minister for Health, and apparently he scrapped that building programme, deciding not to proceed with it. In these circumstances, I regard it as amounting to something like effrontery for the Minister to come here last evening and announce that the Coombe Hospital project was now proceeding, and to say as he did that planning of the new hospital, which was begun in 1949, had been shelved because of the financial crisis of 1956, but that he was now going to allow planning to proceed.

The Coombe Hospital project is a very old one in this city. The Coombe Hospital itself is held in high esteem by the people of this city. Despite the difficulties which confronted the authorities of that hospital during the years, it has rendered sterling services to the people of this city and this country. In fact, with the other maternity hospitals, it has won for Dublin city a place which I do not believe can be equalled in any other city in the world. The new Coombe Hospital would now be in existence, were it not for the fact that the Minister for Health abandoned the building programme I had laid down four years ago.

I should like those interested in the Coombe Hospital to realise that when the Minister came in here yesterday evening and said he had now decided to allow planning for this hospital to proceed, four years had been lost. Those four years could have been translated into action, and bricks and mortar could have taken the place of blueprinting and planning. There was no reason for not proceeding four years ago and, in fact, the faith and the confidence which I and my advisers had in the Sweepstakes Fund have been perfectly justified.

With the income into the Trust Fund running over £2,000,000 in the past four years, there is little doubt that this Coombe Hospital could have been built.

In addition, in the building programme drawn up four years ago, it was proposed to proceed during the period covered by the programme with the new St. Vincent's Hospital. What has happened to that project? How can it be explained that in 1955 the site development work, with the necessary expenditure of money on the foundation for this great new hospital were done and the contract completed? Nevertheless, in the past four or five years, nothing further has been done. If the Minister had not cancelled and scrapped the building programme I and my colleagues had decided upon, St. Vincent's Hospital would now be taking shape. Needless to say, with two projects of that size in the city, a very necessary fillip would have been given to the building industry and the building trade in the past four years. But, of course, nothing was done.

I noticed also in the Minister's statement—again I gasped at the effrontery —the reference to the Erinville Hospital in Cork. He went on to say that he had now decided to allow the building of the new Erinville Maternity Hospital in Cork to proceed as originally planned in 1947. That is quite contrary to the facts. I am delighted to see Deputy Healy in the House. According to the decision of my immediate predecessor, the Minister for Finance, the Erinville Maternity Hospital was to be scrapped. It was to be knocked down and forgotten. It was to be erased from the list of hospitals in Cork city, with all its traditions, background, lore, knowledge and the esteem it enjoys in the city of Cork.

Erinville was to be scrapped. In its place, there was to be a new local authority maternity unit in St. Finbarr's Hospital in the city of Cork. That was the decision come to by the Fianna Fáil Government in the period from 1951 to 1954. Well the Minister must know it. Certainly, if he does not recollect it. Deputy Healy, Deputy Corry, Deputy MacCarthy and Deputy Galvin can inform him of the facts.

I had to examine that situation. I came to the conclusion that that decision was wrong. With the consent of the then Minister for Finance, I decided to reverse that decision. I decided to switch the money proposed to be spent on the new maternity unit in St. Finbarr's to the building of a new Erinville Hospital. The decision was my decision and nobody else's. It was not taken in 1937, as the Minister said last night. It was not a decision approved by the Minister for Local Government and Public Health in 1937.

If the Deputy reads the relevant passage of my speech, he will see he is under a misapprehension. That is not what I said. I said the site was acquired in 1937.

I agree. The Minister refers to the purchase of the site. The building of the Erinville Hospital was a decision taken by me in 1955 or so. After that decision was come to, there was in certain quarters, and in this connection there was no political issue, quite definite opposition. However, I felt my decision at the time commanded the approval of most people in Cork city and county who were interested in hospital development in that area.

The Minister said last night that he is now going to allow the Erinville project to proceed. If the Minister had not scrapped the building programme which was available on his desk when he became Minister, Erinville Hospital would now be there. Some four years have gone, wasted years, when this hospital could have been built. It could now be providing in Cork city the kind of service which, with its tradition and skilled staff, it could so easily provide.

The Minister mentioned other minor projects. It is not possible for me to remember in detail the plans in the building programme I had drawn up. Possibly some of them may have been included. Possibly some are new decisions of the Minister. To the extent that, even in a limited way and even merely in respect of planning, the Minister is now beginning to step from the position he maintained over the past four years, I welcome what he has said. It is a pity the Minister ever interfered with the decision made in 1956. Had he not done so, much progress would have been made by now.

We have suffered very much in the past 30 years from haphazard and impetuous decisions in relation to hospital building. We have spent millions of pounds on hospitals which are badly placed throughout the country. We have the county hospital system which, if it were redone and replanned, would take quite a different shape. With the experience we now have, if we were away back in 1932, the money for hospitals would be spent in quite a different way. There is no use in talking about money that might be better spent. It has been spent. Water has flowed under the bridge.

However, even with all the money that has been spent on hospitals, there is still a shortage of certain essential kinds of hospitals. Undoubtedly, in the maternity hospitals in this city there is a definite shortage of beds. In the National Maternity Hospital, Holles Street, the turnover of beds is some three or four days. A mother who is having a baby, perhaps leaving five or six children in the home, apart from anything else may look forward to the period in hospital as being a bit of a rest. In the National Maternity Hospital and in each of the maternity hospitals in this city, that is just not possible because the beds are required and the average stay is about four days. There is a need for more maternity beds in this city, as there is in Cork, a need which in both cases will be satisfied, in my opinion, by the building of a new maternity hospital in each city. The pity is that it has not been done sooner but at least it is a good thing to see that the green light has now been given.

What I have been saying up to this has had reference to the Minister's Estimate, to the Health Act services and to other matters arising from what the Minister said last night and I think that even if events had not been as they have been in the past 12 months, I should have spoken just as I have spoken. I have to turn now to another matter and to refer—and I am going to take some time in doing it— to the situation which now exists between the Minister and his Department and the medical profession. I regret to say that the Minister in the past 12 months has allowed a situation to develop between himself and the medical profession which is inimical to the best interests of the Irish people.

I regret to have to say that the present situation is one which had already a parallel. It is similar to a situation which was allowed to develop by one of the Minister's predecessors in 1951 and 1952, a situation in which there is at the very least a state of cold war between the Minister and the doctors and allied professions who have to co-operate in the provision of health services for the people. A situation of that kind is harmful. It breeds enmity; it breeds vendettas and all kinds of things associated with a situation in which there is no trust between two sides who should trust and co-operate with each other.

Prior to the Health Bill of 1953, such a situation existed between the then Minister and the medical profession. At that time it involved, perhaps, ostensible reason because there was the Health Act controversy. The medical profession felt at the time that they had not been consulted nor was their advice sought in the framing of a national health scheme and they felt — perhaps not unreasonably — that since they were expected to work such a scheme, at least their views should have been sought. There was that controversy and it was not conducted, unfortunately at that time, in a reasonable manner on either side and because there was a lack of reason, bad feeling arose and you had prior to 1954 an appalling situation in which the Minister for Health ceased to be concerned with his duties as Minister and was more anxious to score debating points over the writers on behalf of the Irish Medical Association. Every morning one used to see at that time an exchange of bulletins, statements issued from the Custom House, statements issued from the I.M.A. house. Who won I do not know, but it was clear that the people lost.

When the Government changed in 1954, the then Government came to the conclusion that that kind of situation must end and that an effort should be made to get the medical profession and the doctors throughout the country and the Department of Health and the health authorities working together as a team in the interests of the provision of a better health service. It was my duty as Minister to carry out that policy of the then Government.

I should like to remind the House that the situation was then an extremely difficult one. The medical profession had expressed strong objections to the Health Act. This House and the Oireachtas had passed it into law. Although my Party at the time of the discussions on the Health Act were against it, we decided, since it had been approved by a majority of this House, that it must be implemented in full. It was my duty to see that that was done. I should like to pay this tribute to the Irish Medical Association whom the Minister has criticised and castigated in a very brutal and callous manner in the past 12 months — that at that time, in 1954, because they were approached in a reasonable manner and because they were treated as Irish gentlemen—which they are — and because their motives were not suspect, because they were asked to meet members of my Department and discuss problems with them, it was found possible to bring the disputed Health Act fully into operation by 1st April, 1956, and into operation with the support, understanding and goodwill of the medical profession.

That could not have been done had there not been men of understanding and reason leading and associated with the Irish Medical Association. I should also like to say to the Minister—and I know this to be the fact — that in the period 1954 to 1957, officers of the Department of Health who had come to regard certain members of the I.M.A. as possibly wearing horns and having cloven feet found that their view was quite wrong and that these men, properly approached, were as reasonable as any group of men could be. Those controversies at that time concerning the Health Act, concerning the manner of its introduction here, did no good to anyone. It was my concern to end them, to achieve a situation in which the Minister for Health and his Department could work with an understanding medical profession for the provision of effective and improving health services.

I think I am entitled to say that by the time I left office as Minister for Health that situation had been achieved. By March, 1957, the cold war between the Minister for Health and the I.M.A. was over. No one had won it. An honourable peace had been secured and the stage was then set for an orderly development of our health services.

I know it to be the fact that at that time, 1957, if there was a difficulty in relation to the provision of health services it could often be solved merely by a telephone conversation between the Secretary of the Irish Medical Association and the Secretary of the Department of Health and I am glad to recall that each at that time called the other "Paddy". That is the kind of situation which most people interested in constructive and proper government would like to see established.

When the Minister came into office in 1957 he found a situation which had a potential for great good for the country. He had the sympathy, understanding and goodwill of doctors in all walks of life throughout the country. Health had been taken out of politics. He knew that from these benches and from me he would find nothing but co-operation and understanding. He had available to him the possibility permanently to take out of the political arena the problem of health and health policies. Indeed, for the first 12 months after the change of Government in 1957, it did appear that the Minister was conscious of the opportunity and proposed to avail of it. Unfortunately and, I think, tragically, in the last 18 months the situation has changed in a most disastrous manner.

There is now no matter of principle between the Minister for Health and the medical profession. There is, on the other hand, apparently, a series of incidents which are being puffed into matters of spurious principle. In the last 18 months, for what reason no one knows — no one will ever know —relations between the Minister and the Irish medical profession have nose-dived into the gutter again. That is deplorable. It is bad for the Minister, bad for the doctors and bad for the people.

It is disturbing to find now, as one did some years ago, personal attacks being made on leaders of the medical profession, made often from privileged positions. It is bad to see, as we are seeing again now, a vendetta carried on against individuals because of their association with the Irish Medical Association. What does it all add up to? Who is going to be the winner? If the Minister succeeds in destroying, as he appears to be out to destroy, this great association of Irish doctors, when the flag of victory is hoist on the Custom House who will be there to rejoice? There will be nobody, if that day ever dawns, but frightened, frustrated doctors anxious to do the bidding of some new dictator in the Custom House. Is that the situation that we should like to see for Irish medicine and for the doctors of this country? I do believe there is no one who would not be nauseated at such a prospect.

We have a Constitution. That Constitution was enacted by the Irish people and is supposed to represent our views on the fundamental rights of our people. In Article 40 of that Constitution the State guarantees to its citizens the right to form associations. That right to form associations is no empty formula. It is a fundamental right of our people to associate lawfully in a political party, in a trade union, in a business group, in a professional group, for common objectives and common ideas. The Irish Medical Association is a group of individual doctors exercising that right guaranteed to them by the Constitution, recognised by anyone who believes in constitutional government.

I charge the Minister with attempting to deny to doctors that right of association. I charge the Minister that in the last 12 months he has deliberately tried to destroy the Irish Medical Association because it is an association of doctors. I charge the Minister that he has encouraged local authorities and county managers to negotiate with individual groups of doctors in order that doctors may be led to believe that if they stay outside the Irish Medical Association they will get something which otherwise they might not get. This effort by the Minister is impudent and wrong. It is, in my view, venting a personal spleen on an honoured profession. I do not know whether or not the Minister will succeed but, if he does succeed, the country will be the loser; so will the medical profession and so, I believe, will the Minister for Health.

I have used the word "vendetta". I think that word is justly and aptly used. There has been a vendetta waged in the last 12 months against the Association, against individual members and against individual doctors. I know it to be the fact that in certain parts of the country — and it is a disgrace — meetings of Fianna Fáil Cumainn have been held at the end of which the members were asked whether they had complaints to make against doctors in the area. I know it to be the fact that in the last six months people in the Fianna Fáil organisation were sent out to secure complaints against dispensary doctors and persons working in the health services — all apparently to bolster up the campaign being waged by the Minister for Health against the profession upon whom he should rely. Again I ask: who will be the winner? Nobody can guess that, but certainly if this continues the people themselves will be the losers.

I used the term "campaign and vendetta". It is a proper term and an apt description of the Minister's outlook in the last twelve months or so. It is the Minister's duty, as the Minister for Health and holding that honourable post in this State, from time to time to appoint to different statutory boards certain members. This year the Minister had to appoint persons to Bord na Radharcmhastóirí, the Opticians Board. The Opticians Act was introduced by me in 1956. This year their first elections were held and the Minister had to appoint under the Act certain members to the board. Section 9 of the Act provided that the Minister shall appoint four registered medical practitioners to the board, and it goes on to provide that before appointing such persons the Minister shall consult such organisations or bodies as he considers suitable to advise him on the appointments.

When I was appointing this board in 1956, although in this respect I never secured the understanding or agreement of the Irish Medical Association — certainly those interested in this speciality were very much opposed to the Bill which I introduced here and to the idea of registration and so forth for opticians — and although I did not see eye to eye with the I.M.A. at the time I could not but feel that the I.M.A. was the organisation which should advise me on who should be appointed to the Opticians Board.

I asked the Irish Medical Association to give me the names of persons who they thought would be suitable for service on this board and they nominated people who had discussions with me and with opticians, and so on, prior to the Bill being introduced. The four men they nominated were men of standing and principle, men who knew the field covered by the Opticians Board, men who so far as I know had no political axe to grind, men who were dedicated to their profession and who from their appointment in 1956 gave sterling service in seeing that the Act with which they disagreed came into operation. That counts for nothing apparently when the Minister for Health desires to have a crack at the Irish Medical Association.

When it came to the appointment of the new Opticians Board at the end of last year or early this year, the Minister decided that anyone associated with the I.M.A. would be off. No longer was the Irish Medical Association asked for its suggestions. These four men who had served so well on the board were not given the courtesy of being asked to take an appointment again. Instead the Minister asked the Department to find some organisation concerned with ophthalmology that could advise him in this matter.

Eventually a society known as the Irish Ophthalmological Society was discovered and the Minister wrote to the secretary of this society informing him of the persons he, the Minister, proposed to put on the Opticians Board and requesting from the secretary of that society any comments or observations he might care to make. I am informed that the secretary of that society replied — and perhaps the Minister in replying will tell me whether I am correct in this or not— that the society was purely academic and was not suitable to advise on such matters. The society made it quite clear that it was an academic body and also that a large number of its members were English and that its president was a person outside the country.

Nevertheless, in order to score a point against the Irish Medical Association, the Minister appointed the four persons he had nominated to this board. Then when I asked him in this House what advice he had sought in regard to these appointments he said he had sought the advice of the Irish Ophthalmological Society. The Minister got no advice and no observations from that society. The appointments he made to the Opticians Board had not been successful because the men he proposed to put on did not accept his appointment. They decided they would not become so much battle fodder in the war between the Minister and the I.M.A. However, had they accepted the appointments I doubt if they were validly and properly made under the provisions of the Opticians Act. That relates to opticians.

The Minister did not stop there. He had to appoint a National Health Council at the end of March this year. The National Health Council had been in existence since 1947. Throughout the years it has been composed of representatives of different bodies. I have gone through all the appointments made since the National Health Council was first established in 1947 and I find — and it is interesting that this should be recorded — that every appointment since the first appointments to the National Council until the appointments in March this year, contained the names of persons nominated by the Irish Medical Association.

From 1947 right through all the controversies and the bitterness of the past, in the midst of the dissension and tumult concerning health matters in the last 12 years, in the midst of the unkind things that were said and all the bulletins that were issued from the Custom House and from the I.M.A. headquarters, each time a Minister for Health had to appoint members of the Irish National Health Council he included in his appointments persons nominated by the I.M.A. This year, the Minister decided only three months ago not to accept any nomination from the Irish Medical Association. This year, for the first time, the Irish Medical Association were not asked to nominate any member to what is supposed to be the primary advisory body on health matters in this country. By a decision of the Minister, the official association representing a great, a noble and an honoured profession in this country is denied representation for the first time since 1947 on this country's National Health Council.

Again, I should like to know who is the winner? That is anybody's guess. Who will suffer if the Minister intends to get advice from the Health Council which has not available to it representatives of the official association representing the profession? I believe the Minister is making a fool of himself. That is a matter for the Minister and for his own conscience; but I am concerned when the Minister's foolish actions have their impact on the health services here, services which we all genuinely, I believe, desire to see improved and advanced.

In relation to the National Health Council, the provision in the Health Act, 1953, amending the Act of 1947, makes it quite clear what the duty of the Minister shall be. It is provided in Section 41 that "Not less than half of the persons who are appointed to be members of the National Health Council shall be appointed by the Minister on nominations of bodies which, in the opinion of the Minister, are representative of the medical and ancillary professions." That section was intended to mean that, irrespective of what war or difficulty might exist between the Minister——

It was intended to mean what it says.

I am entitled to interpret the section and I am about to do so. I am glad the Minister interpolated that comment because I shall be able to show, I hope, that it is being interpreted wrongly. That section was intended to mean that, irrespective of what difficulty, current or continued, may exist between the Minister and the profession, the profession should not be beholden to the Minister as to who should or should not be a member of the Health Council.

The Irish Medical Association were entitled under the Section to nominate their members. They always did so. Their right to do it was always recognised. Now, here in an official list of the members which I received from the Department of Health, there is something new put in, something which is not in the section. Now the members of the National Health Council, instead of being nominated by the bodies which have the right to nominate, are now "suggested" by the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland, "suggested" by the county council, "suggested" by the Irish Veterinary Council, "suggested" by the Medical Research Council.

Would the Minister now think on his interpretation? Would he look then at what the section says? It is not a question of "suggestion" by anybody. Certain bodies are entitled to nominate persons to this council and, on their nomination, the Minister must appoint. The Minister requested the Medical Research Council this year and the Medical Registration Council, if you please, to nominate members to the National Health Council.

The Medical Registration Council is representative of nothing but the Medical Registration Council. The Medical Research Council is a nominated body representative of nothing but its own members. It is sheer foolishness and absurdity for the Minister for Health to say: "I will regard these bodies as being the bodies representative of the Irish medical profession and I will cease to regard the Irish Medical Association."

Again, faced with that kind of attitude and with that kind of outlook, the losers will be the people and no one else. It is quite clear that in relation to the Irish Medical Association, the Minister has taken leave of his senses. He is so eaten with bitterness with regard to that association that he is trying to do all he can to destroy them and to take from them the right which ordinary people in this country have to form an association. Whether or not he succeeds is a matter of some indifference; but the attempt, and its success, if it is successful, can do nothing but ill to the health services of this country and for those who have to avail of them.

I have refrained time and again since 1957 from saying or doing anything which might make the Minister's task more difficult. In the past 12 months, I have intervened in relation to this dispute, if dispute it be, between the Minister and the medical profession. I have intervened in order to encourage the dawn and birth of sense on both sides. I do not believe — I say this sincerely — that any political Party gets any kudos, or will ever again get any kudos, out of health rows or health controversies. There are no politics in it and the only effect of further polemics on health is to foster enmity, frustration and difficulty — an enmity, a frustration and a difficulty which should not exist.

I have said hard things to the Minister here this morning. I felt they should be said. I refrained from saying them before this in the hope that reason would prevail where the Minister was concerned. Reason has not prevailed. Someone has to speak out. Somebody has got to say a word in defence of unfortunate doctors throughout the country who find political groups ganging up on them, who find themselves being made the victims of a vendetta between the Minister and the Association which represents them. Somebody has got to speak and I certainly intend doing so.

The Minister says that there is an unreasonable boycott of medical posts in certain hospitals and the Irish Medical Association say: "We do not boycott any post; we merely exercise our right to advise our members." Each party has called the other names. At times it appeared to be the pot calling the kettle black, but this exchange of incivilities between the Minister and the Irish Medical Association bores the people. The more bulletins that issue from the Custom House and the more replies that issue from I.M.A. House the less the people are interested. All they witness is the absurdity of a Minister for Health who is quarrelling with the doctors, and doctors who are warring with their Minister, and a continuance of that situation will lead to a lowering of standards throughout the country.

I realise that a Minister, because he is a politician, often cannot do the big thing. He cannot ever admit that he is wrong. I do not expect the Minister to admit he ever made a mistake. I am sure he would not, and I do not expect him, in an examination of his conscience over the last 18 months or two years, to say he was the least bit unreasonable. I do not ask him to do that. He himself would probably regard it as a sign of political weakness if he did so. I am not making any demand impossible of achievement by the Minister but I am going to make from this House, the Irish Parliament, a request to the Irish Medical Association to make it possible for the Minister to see an end to this dissension and dispute.

I am going to ask the Irish Medical Association, in the interests of Irish medicine and of the development of the health services in the country, to withdraw the notice which annoys the Minister, to state that they are refraining from publishing any notice henceforth seeking to advise applicants for medical posts.

I am asking them to do that, reserving their own rights, and reserving their own view on the merits of any disputes which may have existed. I am asking them to do that in the interests of ending all this senseless, arid dispute which has continued for the last 12 months. If they do so I believe it will then be possible for the Minister, in the conditions that he himself has laid down, to meet representatives of the I.M.A. in his conference room in the Custom House to discuss with them the problems which affect their members.

I believe if the Minister does so he will find, as I found in the past, that these men do not wear horns, that they have not cloven feet and tails tapping on the ground behind them, but that they are reasonable Irish gentlemen, members of an honourable profession, men who have learned to believe Irish democracy is something which operates in practice, men who have learned to believe they have the right to express their own views on proposals for policy on health matters, and that in doing so they should not become the victims of any dictatorial bureaucrat.

Despite all the hard things I have had to say, I hope that if a sign is given by the I.M.A. the Minister will be big enough to avail of the opportunity of ending this senseless situation. As I say, there are no politics in it and there should be an ending of all this disputing on health matters. We have had far too much of it in the past and the result of controversies over the years has been to delude the people who to-day do not know what their rights are, who are looking for something in the health services which is not there, and who are bewildered with the plethora of schemes and announcements made over years past. We should end that. We should try to work out, with the understanding of the doctors, nurses and ancillary professions, a health service which henceforth will accord with our traditions as a nation.

I started by suggesting that the Minister might now consider appointing a commission to investigate the equality of our present services and to advise on future developments. If such a committee were appointed, if harmony and understanding were restored between the Minister and the medical profession, I believe we could build something worthwhile in this country, something which would be an example to other countries, and something which would endure. The last 12 or 18 months have been unfortunate but an opportunity can be created for a continuance of the orderly development which I foresaw in 1957.

At the time I left office health insurance had been introduced and harmony had been restored between the Department of Health and the medical profession. I saw it possible for a development in social legislation here which would be in accordance with our traditions and our heritage, and I believed that voluntary health insurance might spread to a wider field than was envisaged in those days. I believed then that an orderly development of that kind was possible. I still think it is possible if we can get co-operation from both sides.

I was very pleased to note in the Minister's statement that it is his intention to issue a booklet to each household in the country to make the public fully aware of the health services available to them. There is no doubt that a considerable number of people failed to get the health services to which they were entitled, either because they did not know they were entitled to them or did not know the proper procedure necessary to get them. The regulations governing the operation of the health services are complicated and I feel the Minister is taking a step in the right direction in issuing a booklet to explain the intricacies of the Acts. The local authorities have issued leaflets on this matter but they are too complicated for the ordinary person to understand and I would appeal to the Minister, when issuing this booklet, to put it in very simple language so that everyone will understand what he is entitled to under the Acts.

I should like to relate the remainder of my remarks to one aspect of the work of the Department of Health, that is, the section concerned with the problem of mentally handicapped children. The Minister has issued a very fine White Paper on this matter and I think it will remove some of the misconceptions regarding the progress being made in this field. It is encouraging to note there is a considerable increase in the number of places available in institutions for mentally handicapped children, that the increase has been very considerable from 1953 onwards and that there is an immediate prospect of 600 more places.

We are faced here with a problem of great magnitude. Apart altogether from the cost, the very nature of the problem increases our difficulties in dealing with it. First, it is not, in the generally accepted sense, a killer disease such as T.B. was and still can be, and for that reason it has not had the impact on our people which creates the urge to tackle the problem in a big way. Secondly, because of the quite unjustifiable stigma which attaches to it, the parents of these children are inclined to keep them from the public view and there is always the danger that out of sight may mean out of mind.

Because of the reasons I have mentioned, we have not got the trained personnel, school doctors, nurses and so on, capable of detecting, in particular, the milder forms. As has been mentioned in the White Paper, it is most important that we should be able to detect the mild forms and not confuse them with something else. Sometimes when a child is deaf and cannot learn its lessons at school to the same degree as an ordinary child, it is thought that this child is mentally handicapped. It could have very serious repercussions on its future if it was not discovered that the child was deaf rather than mentally handicapped.

That this is an enormous problem can be seen from the report in the White Paper that there are approximately 24,000 mentally handicapped children in this country. Of that number, 7,000 are in need of institutional treatment and of those 7,000, 2,620 are at present receiving treatment. The remaining 4,000 children are, consequently, seeking admission to institutions. As I said, one of our big difficulties is that because of the nature of the problem, it is difficult to arouse the public conscience. Efforts to overcome this have been made over the past couple of years by the religious bodies in charge of the institutions by inviting the general public to visit these institutions to see the children for themselves, to see how they are being cared for and trained and to see the work being done. This has had a very desirable effect in my constituency, and many people who formerly were hardly aware of the existence of these children are now taking an active interest in the work of the institution and in the children themselves.

I do not need to stress the heartache of parents into whose family a mentally handicapped child is born. I should like to point out immediately, however, that this heartache, except perhaps in the initial stages, is not caused because the child is mentally or physically handicapped but because the parents feel the child will not be able to get the training to help it develop and to reach a reasonable stage of happiness in the future, which is its due.

As will be noted from the White Paper, the children generally are divided, for the purposes of instruction and so on, into three categories: mild, moderate and severe. The children in St. Mary's, Drumcar, in my constituency are generally in the lower group. Here, again, these children are sub-divided into other groups according to their I.Q. In the case of this institution, the I.Q. in all cases is low and in some cases nil. A child whose I.Q. is nil, though very often appearing to be normal is quite incapable of doing anything for itself and the brothers, nuns and nurses, as the case may be, must do everything for it. Above them, there are children whose I.Q. is extremely low and above them again, children whose I.Q. is low but who are capable of being trained.

Those children I have mentioned last were generally regarded a short time ago as being uneducable and in some circles they are still so regarded. However, it has been shown that it is possible to treat them and that this training increases their capacity for happiness. For example, they can be taught little things such as how to dress themselves, to tie their shoes and, in some cases, to make their own beds. They can be taught to make paper bags, coat hangers and so on. Each child does its own simple operation. For example, the first puts a line of paste on the paper, the next folds it and so on. They love to do this work and they are delighted when their puny efforts are appreciated. If Deputies were to see these children before they receive any treatment, they could not possibly imagine it would be possible to do anything for them, but the effect of the training is little short of miraculous.

At present, there are approximately 4,000 children in need of institutional treatment. I suggest that we make use of some of the former sanatoria not now needed for the purpose for which they were built. I know some people say these sanatoria are not suitable for this type of institution, but from my own experience of St. Mary's, Drumcar, I believe they are eminently suitable. The lay-out of sanatoria is very much similar to the lay-out of the institution in Drumcar.

I fully agree with the Minister that the provision of institutions is second —and a bad second at that — to the provision of trained personnel. It is practically useless to provide an institution for children of this kind unless we have the trained personnel to man it. At present, the Brothers of St. John of God have a training school for nurses. The three institutions they control in this country make up the training school. Nurses pass from one institution to another so that they will get practice in dealing with children of various degrees of mental handicap.

I would suggest to the Minister that an opportunity should be given — and some of the cost should be borne by the State — to allow trained nurses to go on refresher courses, particularly now when such advances have been made in the treatment of mentally handicapped children. As I said, one of the big difficulties in regard to the training of children in the lower I.Q. group is that people find it difficult to believe they can do anything for them. If we could send some of our nurses to Britain, where they have some very advanced schools and where these nurses would see for themselves the great advances made and what can be done even with children who have a very low I.Q., they would then realise it would be possible to train these children and half the battle would be won.

I would also suggest that doctors, especially school doctors, should have the opportunity of getting some specialist training in this matter of detecting the mentally handicapped children. I would further suggest that teachers in training should get some training in detecting the milder forms of this malady. It is relatively easy to detect the more severe forms, but it is a very difficult matter to detect the milder forms of mental handicap. The training given, while it does not improve their I.Q., helps the children to develop whatever potential they have and helps towards giving greater happiness to the children.

There are a very considerable number of children who do not need institutional treatment. It is generally acknowledged that, where a child does not need institutional treatment, it is very much better he should have treatment in his own home and that, in fact, institutional treatment in such a case would be detrimental.

If it were possible, I should like to see centres established in our towns, manned by a qualified staff, to which the children from the surrounding districts would be brought for training. Transport would be a problem, of course, but I think it could be provided by the State, by local aid and voluntary effort. I note from the White Paper that a couple of centres were established. I think it would be very helpful if we could do something about establishing them in our larger towns. Again, the main difficulty is the shortage of trained personnel.

With regard to the provision of hospital institutions for these children, I believe that we should keep the size of the hospital within limits. Personal touch and personal contact are most important between the child, the nurse or the teachers. If we allow the hospitals to get too big — we know that it might be cheaper to run a large hospital than a number of small ones-we shall lose that personal touch which is of such great importance.

The big difficulty in regard to the provision of places in institutions for handicapped children is that while in the case of an ordinary hospital, patients constantly come and go, when an institution for mentally handicapped children becomes filled, the number of patients remains static. There is not the movement out which would allow for the accommodation of more mentally handicapped children. Just as in the case of ordinary children, it is most important, and, perhaps, even more important that these mentally handicapped children should get their training when they are young. Because of the difficulties I have mentioned, because when the hospital is full with very few leaving, more young children cannot be accepted, very many of these mentally handicapped children pass beyond the stage where it is possible to train them. I feel that if we could establish, as is mentioned in this White Paper, institutions of a simple type to which the older children who have been trained could go and so allow the younger children to be admitted to training, we would be doing a good job. Those who have been fully trained can do certain types of work. I suggest that the Department should examine the possibilities of giving them a type of work for which they would be suited.

This is a very grave social problem. It is one with which we are all concerned. It is not a matter for the Government only; it is not a matter for the local authorities only. It is a matter for all of us. We should in our own way do what we can to help the religious bodies who control these organisations. Each of us can help in this very important matter.

I received this morning by post a book about the health services of Ireland, which I am very glad to see. In the first instance, I know the official who wrote it and I have a great regard for his ability and for his knowledge of the health services. I think I recognise in him the person who was the secretary of the National Health Council for quite a considerable period before his present promotion. I have not had time to read the book yet but I feel it is a good book. It may help considerably to clear up the muddle that exists generally in the minds of the people in relation to our health services.

I make no apology for criticising the health services. I think every Deputy knows I personally felt that the scheme would be an almost impossible one to administer. I frequently stated in this House in the long discussions we had on health that I felt it would end in those who are most deserving standing at the end of the queue, while others, who were not so deserving, got the benefits. Be that as it may, I think there is practically no section of the community that is satisfied with our existing health services. I want to be fair. The Minister was not Minister for Health when this legislation which is responsible for the administration that has to be carried out today was enacted. I described it before in this House as being a public futility and I do so again.

However, it is up to all of us to do the best we can to see that they are properly administered and to offer what advice we consider desirable to the Minister. I should like the Minister to give some indication as to who is entitled to a health card. That is one of the outstanding problems in the health services. One of the most frequent requests I get in my constituency — it is not a frightfully poor constituency compared with other constituencies — is from people who want to know if I can get them a health card. I am absolutely certain that 90 per cent. of the people who write to me on that subject would have been, under the old service, known as the dispensary services which, I believe, served this country well for a great number of years, entitled to free medical services. Nowadays they find they have to pay considerable sums for themselves and their dependents.

I want to cite a case for the Minister that came to my notice the other day. I know of a man who is earning £8 a week and who occasionally with over-time earned up to £9 a week. He had six or seven children and a delicate wife. He could not secure a health card. His wife had to go to hospital and spend an extended period there. He came into what is known as the middle income group and he had to pay 10/- a day over a period of three months. It is quite obvious to everybody that a man earning a maximum of £9 odd a week and a minimum of £8, with six children and an invalid wife, is not able to pay 10/- a day for three months.

Admittedly there is an escape clause whereby the county manager can use his discretion. I have no particular reason to complain about my own county manager or about any other county manager to whom I have written on behalf of such people but I want to stress this to the Minister. In his opening statement, he drew attention to the fact that the cost of the health services is now running into £17,000,000 a year and as far as I can remember — I have not got the figures before me — the figure has increased by about £1,000,000 since last year.

Experience in the United Kingdom. the only place where we can find parallel conditions, shows that it is one continual struggle to keep the figures within bounds. The Minister in his statement makes it obvious to everybody that that is what is happening and that the figures are running so high that it is the Minister's intention —and I do not blame him—to try to restrict expenditure in every way so that this country may be able to meet its obligations. That would be all right if everybody were satisfied with the service. You cannot expect everybody to be satisfied with everything but I know of no other public service which is subjected to such criticism as the health service at the moment.

I have cited this case to the Minister because it is a case in which the health card was refused and people suffered considerable anxiety. What chance had the wife who was away in hospital of recovering when she felt the whole time that she was costing the family £3 10s. a week and thinking of the children at home who were dependent on the husband's salary to keep them in food and clothing and so on? Admittedly after representations had been made, the matter was adjusted and the health authority in my constituency were reasonable and mitigated the expenses. It is true to say that a manager has paramount powers under the Act and if he so wishes he may pay certain bills and mitigate the expenses of particular individuals without giving them health cards.

The reason I cite these cases is to draw the attention of the House to the fact that if you have hard and fast rules in relation to dealing with sick people, it is not satisfactory. I know another case of a family with a valuation of just over £50 — actually, £51. A daughter was suffering from poliomyelitis and had to spend a prolonged period in hospital. They were not entitled to any benefit whatsoever under the health services and had to pay about £7 a week. They had to pay all the medical bills, for massage and so on, and there was a sizeable family as well as this girl, who was the eldest daughter.

I applied to the local authority on their behalf and I received a reply saying that they were not entitled to any benefit as they were over 50 valuation. Again, the Minister may say that there is a loop-hole whereby the manager may use his discretion in certain cases. Again I refer to the ever-increasing costs of the health services and the struggle that county managers have to wage the whole time to endeavour to keep expenses within the rates. I know the difficulty every member of a local authority has to face with a continual rise in the rates. That is not due to the ordinary social services; it is due to the health services. I maintain that the health services are not giving the benefits they were intended to give. Someone may say it is easy to be wise after the event. I am not being wise after the event, as I said that constantly before when it was being decided by a majority that such should be the pattern of our health services.

I sympathise with any Minister for Health and any local authority trying to administer what I regard as a public futility. It is a terrible thing to see money which is designed for a specific purpose not producing the results it was intended to produce. I feel that if there were a new look at the administration of the health services, from beginning to end, the benefits could be spread out far more evenly.

There is another point to remember as well. Those who advocate that the State should do everything — and I do not agree with that line of thought —are exposing practically every family to a means test. It is a well-known fact that anybody who wants to benefit from the health services today is subjected to a means test. What happens is that a Deputy or councillor writes to the health authority and makes representations on behalf of certain people, that they are entitled to certain benefits, and the first result is a means test. It is referred to the home assistance officer, as I think he is called. He refers it to the local home assistance officer and there is a means test.

There is then a disclosure of personal medical matters because if it comes to a means test, it must be found out how long the person will to be in hospital and all those facts are considered by people who are not medical people. I am not saying that they will reveal the facts, but they are not bound to secrecy and they have got to divulge to the county manager and the health authority what is wrong with the person and how long he will be in hospital. For that reason, I suggest it is not possible to have a hard and fast rule as to who is entitled to a health card. I practised as a doctor in this country some years ago—not as a dispensary doctor— and my experience was that we had not got these difficulties before. One always knew who was entitled to free treatment and who was not. Perhaps, when the Minister is replying, he will be able to tell me who is entitled to a health card and who is not.

The answer is that under our wonderful legislation the insured classes are so entitled. A man earning £6 a week and who has one child may not be in the insured classes, although I think he is entitled to the privileges to which those who went before him were entitled. A man with six children, earning £10 a week, may not be in the insured classes. It is worked out according to plan, according to the valuation of land that is worked, according to the wage return and according to the number of people in the house. I have known health cards to be refused because of the income going into a certain house, and I have known them to be refused in the middle income groups because there were four or five wage earners in the house. In some cases, there may be two married groups in the house, but that does not matter. If they have the same name, they are regarded as the same family, their total earnings are taken into account and they are denied the benefits. We are trying to administer a system which is totally unsuited to the Irish people. I have said that in the debate on every Health Estimate. Some time, perhaps, someone will realise it is true.

Deputy O'Higgins suggested that the Minister should set up a commission to examine the health services. That seems to me to be a sound suggestion. The Minister has told us that costs are rising. He has indicated, quite fairly, that he thinks costs are really going beyond what the State can carry. I am giving the point of view of an ordinary Deputy — and I feel certain that it is the opinion of everyone else— when I say that the services are unsatisfactory. It seems to me that a solution might possibly be found by setting up a commission to consider these services, as Deputy O'Higgins suggested.

Another point in the Minister's opening speech which interested me was when he said there was a certain difficulty — at least this is what I took him to mean — in the dual control, that portion of the costs is carried by the local authorities and portion by the Central Fund. The original idea was that half would come from the Central Fund and the other half from the local authority. I suppose it was wishful thinking in those days that the taxpayer would not notice how much he was paying. It was supposed to cost only 2/-, or something like that, per head of the population. Now the taxpayer knows at local level and at central level what the cost is. I would be the last person to criticise those costs if people were getting benefits.

Does the Minister think that the dual control, as I call it, of administration by the local authorities and the central authority makes for efficiency? Surely it must lead to extra officials and extra correspondence. I have been long enough in public life to know that extra costs mean an extra file, and once you get an extra file, extra officials are needed. When you get a new file going, everyone must have their little say on it. It must go from one level to another and everyone must express his opinion. That is what is known as administration, but that is costly. It costs money and it does not produce any benefit for the people with whom the House is concerned today, the sick people.

The Minister should consider Deputy O'Higgins's suggestion. If he decides to appoint a commission to review the administration of the health services, its terms of reference should include the advisability of transferring the administration to a central control and have it centrally directed under one administration, rather than having the dual system which does not seem to make for efficiency.

I do not know what actual authority the Minister has at the moment with regard to the health services. Perhaps when I get time to read Mr. Hensey's book, I may know more about the functions of the Minister for Health generally. I feel that if I were to write to the Minister with regard to the matters I mentioned — the one relative to the health card and the other to the valuation of over £50 — his reply would be that it was a matter for the local health authority. I do not know whether or not it is true, but I feel that there is some idea in the Department— I am not quite sure what it is — that there is a very trenchant case for having the matter dealt with at either one level or the other, rather than both.

In his opening statement, the Minister mentioned the reduction in the figures relating to T.B. We must all feel glad of that. There has been a dramatic change with regard to T.B. over the years in this country, and I think it is fair to remind the House that the dramatic decline in the incidence of T.B.—not only medical pulmonary T.B., but the bone disease known as surgical T.B.—started from the time of the first inter-Party Government in 1947. A great many of our T.B. institutions are closing down at the moment for want of patients. They can be used for other purposes, and I shall perhaps have a few comments to pass on that later on.

The Minister mentioned that the two primary diseases that seemed to be on the increase are cancer and heart disease. He specifically mentioned the fact that lung cancer was increasing, and it seems to be the opinion of the Minister, and his officials, that cigarette smoking, or tobacco smoking as a whole, is largely responsible for that regrettable state of affairs. I wonder is that the cause or is it not. We must regard the matter from two angles. First of all, I feel that in recent years there has been a much more accurate diagnosis of lung conditions, and it is possible that many of these cases which were in fact lung cancer heretofore, were not diagnosed as such. It is possible that they passed into oblivion diagnosed as other conditions. I do not know if there are any statistics to show that the consumption of tobacco has increased to any extent. To my knowledge, there were very many people who smoked very heavily over the years and did not necessarily fall victims to lung cancer, but I have known people who never smoked at all to die of lung cancer. It is problematical whether smoking is or is not the cause.

I should like to suggest to the Minister what I consider to be a very likely cause, and perhaps his Department might carry out some research, or have some observation made on the point, anyway. In recent years, there has been an increase in the use of diesel oil and, as everyone knows, diesel oil gives off the most pungent and unpleasant fumes. Anyone driving a car behind some of these heavier vehicles which blow off diesel oil, will automatically close the car windows against it. Apart from that, in hot weather in any city, there is a continuous smell of diesel fumes.

I believe there is a high incidence of lung disease in stokers who work in the oil rooms on ships. British Navy statistics show that it is not unusual for stokers to develop this very dread disease, so it seems to me that it is most likely that it is a modern cause of cancer of the lungs. I do not know really how it could be dealt with, but it may be that with science advancing as it does to protect humanity against the dangers which threaten it, some scheme for dealing with the problem may be devised.

Perhaps when the Minister is replying he might be able to tell the House if he thinks there is any foundation for what I said. If he does, he might tell us if he proposes to take any steps to remedy the position.

The other condition the Minister mentioned is the heart condition. It must give this country very serious cause for thought. It is not peculiar to Ireland alone. Statistics over the past few years have shown a greatly increased mortality from heart conditions in quite young people. It is probably true that they find themselves continually in a state of mental anxiety. Heart conditions are far more prevalent among the middle classes than any other class. They affect the income of salaried classes, the white collar workers, those who are struggling to make ends meet, those who find themselves — and this brings us back again to the health services — bereft of the benefits in relation to free treatment. They affect people who are constantly worried, people who are anxious lest, if anything goes wrong with them they, the breadwinners, will be removed from their family and the source of revenue they give the family. For that reason this is a matter which must engage the attention of the Minister and his Department.

Is there any remedy for the condition? Take the case of a person who is outside the immediate scope of the health services or even in the middle income group and who is unfortunate enough to develop cardiac thrombosis, which needs prolonged rest, prolonged treatment and, above all, total freedom from anxiety. Here is the particular type of case that is liable to be afflicted with heart condition. That is the particular type of person, who through the variety of circumstances we have mentioned, will be forced to return to work again sooner than is desirable from a health point of view.

I heard recently of a member of my profession who got one of these attacks. He had six children. He could not spend long away from his work; he had to return to duty again. Not very long afterwards he died suddenly. That is only one case. There are literally hundreds of these tragedies happening around us. It is a matter that should be considered in health administration.

I do not know how the Minister can deal with it but I know that there are certain benefits relative to certain diseases such as infectious diseases, whereby the individual affected is relieved of a great deal of the responsibility. In the administration of the present Acts it might be possible for the Minister to devise some scheme whereby heart cases would receive particular consideration. It is necessary in view of the statistics the Minister quoted and in view of the tremendous national loss of men in the prime of life who are being removed from their families. The treatment with regard to heart cases is costly and prolonged. The drugs are expensive. Above all, freedom from anxiety is of paramount importance.

I am glad the Minister is to appoint a commission to deal with, I think, mentally defective persons. I want to tell him what I know about this facet of the medical services. No matter what anybody says, in every county in Ireland there is a waiting list. It forces parents to keep children for whom they are unable to do anything and who are a hardship to them. It is no advantage to the child to be kept in the home simply because the parents cannot get it away. The Brothers of Saint John of God and other religious have done sterling service in rehabilitating, looking after and taking these children. Their difficulty is clear. There is a limited amount of accommodation and there is also a considerable limit to the vocations they are able to get. In other words, the personnel of the Brothers is not as numerous as they would wish it to be. They are unable to find people ready to dedicate their lives to this very exacting task— and it is an exacting task. They are limited in their accommodation, in their funds and in their staff. Where they have not sufficient of their own staff they have to procure staff outside and for them that is a much more costly business.

The Brothers of Saint John of God give all their time and energy to this work. Owing to lack of accommodation there has been a hold-up in the admission of cases. There are many cases they are not able to take in. When they do take them in, some are there for all time. They may have them for many years. They have to keep them there. They have no hope or opportunity of passing them on.

There are other cases which can be trained to do a certain amount and these cases are not so bad. To a certain extent, they can fend for themselves. These are cases they could possibly lay off. I want to make a suggestion to the Minister. I believe a lot of children in these institutions have been treated and have improved to a certain extent. They will probably never completely recover but they could be passed into an institution where they could work under supervision. I have in mind an institution where only a limited staff would be required, where one person under trained personnel could possibly do the work of 20 in an ordinary institution. I have in mind putting them into institutions where they could run the farms, produce the food they are eating, and so on.

Such cases could be trained in these institutions to lead some sort of useful life afterwards apart from the fact that they would ease overcrowding where they are at present and allow more patients to be taken on. It would help them to feel they are leading a useful life. It might be possible for the Minister to take over a country house in certain areas with a good deal of land attached and hand it over to these institutions. They then would have the staff to man them. They would not need a very big staff. They could transfer some cases who are cluttering up the places where they are at present and in whose place other cases could be admitted.

There is no need to stress how urgent this is. The Minister knows as well as I do that unless you take these cases at a very young age and commence to train them it is very hard to do anything with them later on. I should like the Minister to give that matter his consideration.

I am not very clear as to the position of public health administration in this country in regard to emergency maternity squads. It is the practice in other countries to have emergency squads with blood transfusion facilities and every modern appliance necessary who go out in an emergency to deal with cases in the homes. The voluntary hospitals, many of which find themselves financially embarrassed at present for reasons into which I need not go, have emergency squads which they send out but it seems to me that, if we are trying to introduce a national maternity system throughout the country based on certain centres, we should have in all those major centres, an emergency maternity squad which could be sent out at short notice. It is a known fact that many lives are lost because of the acute haemorrhages that may be associated with these cases, which have to be dealt with in the house without being moved. I do not know the position here, whether the special services provide for any service such as that. If they do not, and if they do not feel able to provide it, I do not see why the Minister should not call on the special voluntary services as they exist. In the case of the special services, where they are required, they should be adequately remunerated. They have taken the risk to build up the service in the interests of the public and it would probably be better to provide this service in a voluntary way. I always think one gets better service when a matter is dealt with voluntarily rather than by a State administered scheme.

The Minister has some function is the appointment of surgeons. It is a limited function; I believe it consists of laying down the conditions of appointment. If a well-qualified surgeon seeks an appointment as county surgeon, and is competing with somebody who has a much lesser service in an outside hospital, although he may have several years in an Irish local authority hospital he appears to be ineligible for appointment as against his outside counterpart. As far as I can understand, the reason is that when appointing surgeons to hospitals we do not recognise any hospital surgeon unless he has been resident or acting surgeon to a teaching hospital. To me that seems very foolish.

I know several cases where surgeons who had been doing the job temporarily and very efficiently over a considerable period were not appointed to the permanent post. One such case happened in my own county, there was another in the Midlands and another, I think, in Cork. The surgeons concerned had been doing temporary duty for three years and were fully qualified surgeons with the degree of F.R.C.S. of Ireland, England and Scotland or whatever surgeons' degrees there are, but due to the fact that they had spent most of their time in an Irish hospital which was not a teaching centre they were ineligible for appointment.

I think a simple order by the Minister would settle that question. It would only be necessary to state that in the selection of a surgeon, seniority of service in an Irish hospital even though it is not a teaching hospital should be recognised, and would count as experience for the appointment. If I am wrong in this the Minister may correct me but I can give him privately several cases in point. There was one case where the temporary service was over a period of eight years and yet the candidate was not eligible for appointment nor was he eligible for appointment in several other hospitals for which he applied.

I think the Deputy is wrong; they would be eligible but the appointment would be made on the nomination of the Local Appointments Commission. They would be eligible to apply.

They would be as eligible as the landless men are to obtain land from the Land Commission.

In theory they are eligible but in practice they have no chance of getting the appointment. However, the Minister might look into that.

There are considerable difficulties about getting house surgeons in a number of Irish hospitals. I shall not go into the controversy that exists with the I.M.A. Deputy O'Higgins dealt with that efficiently and extensively this morning. That may be one of the difficulties but to my mind the major difficulty — I am talking, not of senior surgeons, but of resident surgeons in county hospitals — is that if you are trying to get a resident surgeon to stay in a hospital, you again come up against the fact that these are not teaching hospitals and the salary and conditions are not as good as surgeons can command across the water. That is the main reason so many rural hospitals today are without house surgeons or house physicians who are most vital in a hospital. No matter how attentive a senior surgeon may be he must go away sometime and you must have a house surgeon present in a county hospital to deal with emergencies. I believe it is true that quite a few vacancies exist at present.

I do not approve of the set-up of the Opticians Board. A board that carries a responsibility such as the care of the sight of the Irish people should not be dependent upon a nonprofessional body. When I say "nonprofessional" I am conscious that you have opticians, ophthalmic opticians— who are unqualified personnel from the medical point of view — and you have ophthalmic surgeons. Also, I think, there is an independent chairman. In the first instance, this board was set up and there are more opticians or ophthalmic opticians on it. They are the majority of the people concerned in the eye services. They are entitled to examine eyes in some degree and do the test for refraction. They are not entitled to treat eye complaints — at least, strictly speaking, they should not be — but on all boards it is a question of majority and a question of decisions, vital decisions. I am not suggesting that they have made any decision contrary to the interests of the people. They may at some time take a decision relative to optics as a whole. It is wrong to have a Board on which there is a non-medical majority dealing with such an important subject.

There has been considerable confusion, about this body. I have not got the Act before me but I understand that medical personnel should be appointed to it. I do not know whether the board is fully operative at the moment or whether appointments have yet to be made but I would draw the attention of the Minister to this matter for his consideration.

There are three societies in Ireland dealing with ophthalmology of which a medical practitioner can be a member. There is the Irish Ophthalmological Society which, as stated by Deputy O'Higgins this morning, has a large number of members outside this country. There is the Ophthalmic Section of the Irish Medical Association and there is the Irish Ophthalmic Surgeons' Association. Originally, persons appointed to the board were members of the Irish Ophthalmic Surgeons' Association. That Association seems to me to be the body most concerned with ophthalmology. They represent people who are qualified ophthalmic surgeons. I am sure that any Deputy suffering from eye trouble would be happier to be treated by an ophthalmic surgeon than by an unqualified optician.

I would suggest to the Minister that of the three societies I have mentioned the society that should be represented on the Board is the Irish Ophthalmic Surgeons' Association. They are an Irish body and an academic body and they deal with matters relative to the needs of the profession. There is also a smaller body which is an offshoot of the Irish Medical Association.

I would suggest to the Minister that when he is appointing the board, if he has not done so already, he should be advised by the Irish Ophthalmic Surgeons' Association. The members of the board appointed by his predecessor were members of that body. I know all the parties concerned. I know them to be men of high principle and high standing in the profession. I suggest that the Minister should give this matter his fullest consideration.

This morning Deputy O'Higgins stated that at the conclusion of meetings of Fianna Fáil Cumainn members were asked if they had any complaints against local dispensary doctors. I want to deny that categorically because neither the Minister for Health, the Government nor our Party would be associated with anything of that kind.

I was rather disappointed with Deputy O'Higgins. At first, I thought he was the beautiful white dove with the olive branch trying to resolve any misunderstandings that had occurred between the Minister for Health and the Irish Medical Association. Then he made that statement maligning our Party, a statement in which there was no truth. I was disappointed because the Deputy had a very good point to deal with and could have been very helpful. He tried to be reasonable at one stage and then he made that statement.

The Minister for Health has a very difficult job. He has to be impartial and fair. He has to see that the Act is implemented. If the President of the I.M.A. were Minister for Health he would be forced to take the same attitude as the Minister has taken. I know that the Minister for Health is most anxious that all these misunderstandings should be cleared up. I have friends in the Irish Medical Association and I have interested myself in the matter because I am anxious that misunderstandings should be eliminated. A Minister of State cannot climb down all the time. He is there to do a job. He has no axe to grind. He has to do the job as best he can. He has to administer the Act. I have been drawn into this discussion by the remarks of Deputy O'Higgins but I do not want to be drawn into it too deeply because I feel the intelligent members of the Irish Medical Association must realise finally that the Minister for Health cannot go cap in hand to any section of the people. If he is Minister he has to rule and, if he does not, he has to get out.

The Minister is blamed for everything that happens. I am not referring to the present Minister but to any Minister. Once an Act is passed everyone must obey it. Individual Deputies may oppose certain Bills. I have opposed Bills because they affected my constituents but once an Act is passed I have to obey it. The same applies to every member of the community.

I have heard it said here that there is nothing good in the Health Act. One statement by the Minister last night proved that the expenditure under the Health Act has been a very good investment. The Minister stated that last year the number of deaths from T.B. was approximately 500. In 1944, when I came into the House, the number was almost 2,000. The expenditure under the 1947 Health Act was the best capital investment for the health of our people. Under that Act there were allowances given to T.B. patients. The provision of modern sanatoria played a great part in reducing the incidence of T.B.

Deputy Esmonde referred to the blue cards. That is a very controversial matter. It would be wrong to impose a hard and fast rule in relation to the blue cards. A discretion was left in the Act for obvious reasons. A man may have an income of £20 a week but if there is a great deal of sickness in his family and if he himself falls ill he may not be able to afford to pay for hospital treatment. Is that man to be allowed to die for want of hospital treatment? If there is no discretion under the Act the county manager can do nothing.

I realise the county manager has a tough job trying to keep down expenses and to be reasonable to every section, but there are misunderstandings as to who is entitled to the blue card and who is not. The explanatory booklet the Minister proposes to issue now will give the people some idea of what their rights are. However, I have never known the local authority to be unreasonable when I was able to convince the county manager or the city manager that hardship would be caused to people if hospital bills had to be paid by them.

The last speaker referred to the person on £51 valuation. I have come across people with £60 valuation in county Dublin and when it was pointed out to the county manager and his staff that grave hardship would be caused if such people had to meet hospital bills, the local authority was prepared to be reasonable. In one case having to meet such expenses would have meant that a man and his family would be put out on the roadside. However, I have never seen injustice done in a case like that.

Cases must be examined on their merits. The means test is there, and until some hidden source of additional wealth is discovered in this country, we must continue to make the best use of the resources at our disposal. However, wonderful work has been done under the Health Act. Take the maternity scheme alone. A woman can go along to the doctor of her choice and get specialist treatment. While there is room for improvement in relation to such services, a great deal has already been achieved. It is a great improvement on the conditions which previously existed when a person might have to go to the local guardian to get a red ticket admitting that person to the North or South Dublin, Union. That has been done away with. St. Kevin's Hospital has replaced the Union and is one of the most up-to-date hospitals in Dublin.

I wish to deal with the question of overcrowding in mental hospitals. Segregation in mental hospitals is essential. Other Deputies have spoken about retarded children. Some retarded children going into mental hospitals have to mix with older patients which is not conducive to their progress. Some of these youngsters have become violent and have had to put be away from the ordinary hospitals for retarded children administered by the religious orders. The great difficulty, of course, is lack of accommodation for young retarded children, and I hope the Minister for Health will do something to improve that position.

Many people are anxious to have retarded children treated in homes instead of in public institutions. That is one of our biggest social problems. We cannot speak too highly of the religious orders who have done so much good work in this direction. Recently I was associated with the Sisters of Charity in organising a bus service for day pupils from O'Connell Bridge to Knockmaroon Convent. The Minister for Education and the Minister for Health, along with the Minister for Finance, were responsible for putting this bus service into operation. The parents bring their children to O'Connell Bridge and they are brought by bus then through the Park to the Convent. This service is very much appreciated by the parents, and if a similar service could be organised in other areas it would be a great help to people who have these unfortunate children to look after.

Segregation of patients in mental hospitals is very necessary. Too many buildings which are gloomy and cheerless are used as mental hospitals. These old buildings should have been pulled down long ago. I should like the Minister, if he can, to lean a little more in the direction of rebuilding these old institutions. They only retard the recovery of patients. Not alone that, but they adversely affect to some extent others who have to occupy them. Some of them are like the old workhouses. When one sees what has been done so successfully with St. Kevin's, there seems to be no reason why similar plans could not be put into operation in relation to the others. As these buildings are at the moment, they are not conducive to the recovery of patients.

It is a matter for regret that so far no successful cure has been found for cancer. Perhaps the day is not far distant when a cure will be found. I appeal to the Minister to give all the assistance at his command towards cancer research. Who knows but one of our own nationals may discover a cure. All the help possible should be given to research and experiment.

I have always believed in early diagnosis but I feel that the health authorities, except possibly in the case of T.B., do not believe in early diagnosis at all. Where T.B. is concerned, people are encouraged to avail of the free X-ray service. Why is there no free X-ray service for the early diagnosis of cancer and other ailments? Frankly, the lacuna puzzles me. As far as T.B. is concerned, there is a chance of early diagnosis and subsequent cure. No effort is made along the same lines where cancer is concerned.

To some extent, of course, the effort to diagnose T.B. is a failure because there are people who will not submit themselves to X-ray. To use a Shakespearean phrase, they "die many deaths" because they are so fearful of being told they may have T.B.. That has been my personal experience. Some will go willingly for X-ray. Others will say: "Oh, no. If I was told I had T.B. I would never sleep another night." The possibility is that they are the very people who need X-ray, but they dread being told the truth. From that point of view then, the free X-ray service for the early diagnosis of T.B. is a failure. The only solution I can see is in compulsion. There should be for each citizen a compulsory X-ray and medical examination at certain intervals from birth onwards.

Long before I became a public representative, I realised the perils and I wrote letters to the Press and stressed the need for compulsory X-ray and medical examination for all our citizens. I wrote first as far back as 25 years ago. My argument was that many people do not know they have an ailment until it becomes serious. There may be something wrong but they put the discomfort down to indigestion, or something else. They refuse to believe there could be anything seriously wrong. They dread being told they have these diseases. The only solution then is compulsory X-ray and medical examinations at stated intervals from birth onwards.

The cost of such a scheme might be heavy initially but it would pay dividends in the long run because it would lead to the effective control of disease. There has been a certain measure of success attendant on the T.B. scheme, but the Minister told us yesterday that the position is worsening where cancer and cardiac trouble are concerned. Why? Because there is no scheme similar to that operated in relation to T.B. Even the T.B. scheme has its deficiencies because the X-ray is taken only of the lungs. I understand the most serious type of cancer is stomach cancer. Therefore there is no scheme for the early diagnosis of cancer and it has been proved that, as people dread learning that they have T.B., they dread even more learning they have cancer. Though they may have symptoms which, to other people, appear to be those of cancer, they themselves never think of it. I knew a man who had slow cancer for 30 years and he learned about it only the year before he died, when he collapsed and was brought to hospital. It was diagnosed as heart cancer but all those years previously he had never wanted to believe that he had such a disease.

Whatever about T.B., there is nothing much being done about cancer, heart trouble and physical deformity, and I emphasise the latter because the health authorities seem to think that if a man's body is as twisted as a corkscrew, it does not matter because he is not going to die of it. A man can have a body shaped like an S-hook, but, because he will not die of it, the medical profession do not take a serious view of it. Yet a man can have T.B. and live just the same. I know plenty of people who have T.B. and, within limits, can work and enjoy themselves, but a man suffering a severe physical deformity is dying every hour of every day of his life. He is helpless. There must be about 75,000 such persons throughout the country and because their deformities will not prove fatal, the health authorities do not pay much attention to them.

I know something about this matter personally because I, too, happen to have a physical ailment and have spent 25 years going around hospitals seeking a cure. I saw these cases and I am aware of the ignorance of the medical profession in matters of physical deformity. They say: "You may not be able to move your limbs but you are not going to die." That is their attitude and it would appear that matters concerning physical deformity were not included in the curriculum during their training. In my case, I found the medical profession totally ignorant and on occasion I was given silly cures. I was given a bottle of medicine to cure myself of a physical defect, just as if a man went into a repair shop with a broken wheel and was given a bottle of something and told to rub the wheel with it, instead of being told that the wheel had to be beaten back into shape.

That is why there are such a tremendous number of hopeless and helpless people in the country. If a system of periodic X-rays and physical examinations from birth were introduced here, thousands of cases could receive treatment in the early stages of diseases. They could receive treatment while still on their feet and could work, but, as it is, serious attention is paid to them only when they collapse and require beds in hospitals.

It is extraordinary that in spite of all the money we allocate for health services, and in spite of all the money collected by the Hospital Sweepstakes for up-to-date hospitals and equipment, it is still just as difficult to get a bed in a hospital as ever it was. That must be compared with housing. We now know that our housing programme is petering out but, as far as beds in hospitals are concerned, the situation is just as bad as before. The reason for that is that we have adopted a cart-before-the-horse policy of doing nothing much towards providing early diagnosis of disease. We wait until people collapse to deal with the problem and that is why it is a never ending one.

In regard to cancer, I am just as helpless as everybody else. I cannot suggest a cure and we can only hope that the genius will be born who will do it. The only chance for people afflicted with cancer is to have the disease diagnosed early so that they may get some kind of treatment to stop it spreading. Sometimes in the early stages a physical operation has a chance of success. We are told that cancer breaks out in spots and then branches out to other areas of the body, and once it has branched out, it is usually fatal. I myself know of people who had two or three operations but, as the cancer had branched out before it was diagnosed, the operations were no good. I am not aware of any scheme which would facilitate early diagnosis, and to say to a person: "Come in yourself and look for an X-ray" is no use whatsoever.

Many of us never know that we have heart trouble until we get a sudden collapse and a doctor tells us: "Take it easy; you have serious heart trouble." As I say, if there were a system of periodic examinations in operation, that would not happen, and I shall illustrate the moral of early diagnosis and treatment by a little story. Only last week, I found the arm of an armchair loose at home. I said to myself: "I will do that next week," but because I did nothing about it, the screw hole at the other end of the arm went, and the arm broke off because there was too much tension on it. Now, because the arm is off, the back is feeling the tension and the chair is about to collapse. At first, it was only a screw; then it was the arm; now it is the whole chair; and the moral of that applies to health. A stitch in time saves nine, whether it be a matter of cancer or physical deformity.

The blue card system is a success up to a point but after that it is a failure. There is a means test to qualify and not only do the officials take into account the applicant's means but they also take into account all other subsidiary incomes in a family. That is not fair. Even in calculating differential rent, only a certain amount of the subsidiary incomes is taken into consideration, but in a case of the blue cards, all the income of a family is taken into account and applicants are often told: "You are not eligible because there is £20 or £25 coming into your home." Everyone knows that children are not as good givers as all that. The father of a family may have only £8 a week and have two girls and a boy also working. Those children only hand over the barest amount possible because they want clothes, or need money themselves because they may be keeping company with a view to getting married. Very few members of the family will hand an extra pound to their parents to get them out of a hole. Therefore, thousands of workers of limited means get bills for £10, £15 or £20 which they cannot meet.

In my opinion, this blue card system has had the effect of worsening the health of such classes of people. They simply refuse to go to a doctor because they know they are likely to get a bill they cannot pay. Consequently, they put the matter on the long finger, and this may result in worsening the case of a child which might have been cured if treated in time. When a child becomes sick, there is a discussion which very often winds up with the parents saying: "It is nothing serious; we will do nothing about it because if we do, we will have to pay the doctor. In any case, the child might get better." Consequently, the state of health of such families is actually worsened by the Health Act because they are afraid of the bills they will get.

Thousands of children are allowed to suffer out colds and other petty complaints because their parents have no five "bob" or ten "bob" to give to a doctor. Formerly, if a child had a heavy cold, it could get a bottle of medicine for a "tanner" or a "bob" at the local dispensary, but if you have no blue card, you cannot get medicine now for that. You have to go to a doctor and give him at least five shillings, and you have to go to a chemist and give him another five shillings. Therefore, in order to treat a simple cold a person of ordinary means has to pay out ten shillings. Such people cannot afford it and it means in many cases that the child is away from school for a longer period. That is the practical effect of the Health Act in the case of thousands of people with a limited income who have not got the blue card.

Complaints have been made to the Dublin Board of Assistance that persons with the blue card do not seek the advice of dispensary doctors but go to a private doctor. It is strange that they should go to a private doctor and give him a "dollar" rather than go to a dispensary doctor and get his advice for nothing. The reason is that if they go to a dispensary doctor, they lose a half day's pay, perhaps 10/- or 15/-. They find it more convenient to give the local fellow a "dollar" and get the medicine for nothing because in that way there is no loss of money.

There is also the question of delay at dispensaries. People often have to spend two mornings waiting to have some minor matter attended to. It does not make sense that a person should have to lose as much as £2 or £3 because of a cut on the leg. A girl next door to me fell off a bus but received nothing more serious than a cut on the leg requiring one stitch. She went into hospital and lost a half day's pay, 7/6. She was told to come back two days later to be examined. She did so and lost another 7/6d. She was then told to come back in another two days to get the stitch out. This ordinary working girl was to lose three half-days' pay, so she decided to take the stitch out herself.

This system does not work in practice. For the slightest ailment requiring medical attention, you are asked to give up several days' work and there is a consequent loss of production. You can imagine the amount of time lost in the year by reason of people going back to hospital for minor matters. All hospitals should have a special clinic to deal with such matters between 5 p.m. and 7 p.m., so that if a person is employed, there will be no loss of time or money. That is one of the reasons why people refuse to look for medical attention. They suffer on and very often become bed cases. It is all a question of organisation.

I want to refer to another matter seldom brought up here or at local level. This is the question of V.D., one of the subjects none of us likes to talk about, just as if it did not exist here. But it does exist and perhaps it is just as bad here, in proportion to our population, as any other country. I do not know what the health authorities are doing about it. It is their duty and responsibility to do something about it. In my opinion, the people who spread this ugly disease should be compelled to submit to periodic examination. If you want evidence of the existence of the disease here, go around and examine the local authorities estimates and you will see the sums earmarked for it.

On previous occasions, I have mentioned the problem of physical diseases. As far as I can see, health authorities have no power to provide proper chiropractic treatment for physical disease. Having personal experience and knowing the large number of people suffering from different forms of this disease, it amazes me that the health authorities are not coming to their assistance. Those people are hopeless and helpless. If I have been in one hospital, I have been in every hospital in this city and I have been in the premises of every quack treating these diseases. I saw the thousands who suffered. Yet the health authorities have nothing to offer them, either by way of diagnosis or advice.

It all arises from muscular deformity. Some people think you are talking about a strong man act when you mention muscles. The muscles of the body actually control the limbs, keep the bones in place and protect the nerves. If a muscle is strained or twisted, some other vital organ is also strained and twisted. It is of vital importance, then, that the Department of Health should concern itself with this question of physical deformity. You know what happens in the case of machinery. Imagine a slight buckle in the wheel of a bike. Would you enjoy riding that bicycle? Imagine a slight twist in the handlebars. You know how quickly you would go into a wall. Whenever there is anything wrong with machinery, you know how it will grind. It is the same in the case of muscle disease. If a muscle is strained or becomes short, it has the effect of paralysing part of the body and crippling the person.

This is something, again, that I found is not taken seriously. The view has always been taken by the medical profession: "Oh, you can live to be a 100 years, although you may be twisted like an S-hook". But what about the unfortunate person so afflicted and what about the person who is suffering every minute, hour and day of his life? I hope the Minister will give the matter some consideration.

With regard to the question of heart trouble, I know it is not a matter for the Minister for Health, but I think it is his responsibility to make representations to those who have the responsibility. Thousands of old people suffering from heart trouble live in rooms at the top of tenement houses. How their hearts stick the strain of climbing beats me. The condition of such people will worsen day by day. The Minister for Health should use his good offices to ensure that the local authorities give priority to people where there is evidence that they suffer from heart trouble and are living in rooms at the top of tenement houses. It is pitiful to see people who cannot climb 10 steps endeavouring to negotiate five or six flights in Dublin. The local authority says that people cannot get priority unless the medical authority says so. I am not aware if the medical authority gives priority, but something should be done about the matter. It is pitiful to see those people climbing up and down steps. We cannot do a lot about the matter but it is one of the things that we should do something about.

With regard to medicines, up to about three years ago there was a dispensary in Beresford Place. It was privately run. I do not know whether or not it was subsidised but in any event one could go in there for examination and get a prescription at a cost of only 2/6d. It amazed me that one could get that service for 2/6d. With the operation of the Health Act, that sum became 10/- or 12/6d.

There should be some investigation into the cost of medicines. Let us consider this matter of medicines in an objective manner. What are we paying 7/6 or 10/- for but a mixture which is in large part water with the addition of some other ingredient? No wonder people allow their health to deteriorate rather than go near a doctor or a chemist. This great Health Act helps many people but it worsened the conditions of an equal number of people.

I stressed many times before — and I do so again — that there ought to be at least free dispensary treatment for those people and particularly children's petty ailments. People who do not have a blue card and who have enough to do to pay their rent and try to maintain their families in food and clothing cannot afford to pay 10/- every time a child gets a cough or suffers from some minor ailment. Children are always developing ailments. In fact, at certain periods of the year, whole families suffer from the flu. How can people with £7, £8 or £9 a week keep sending their children out for treatment at 10/- and 12/6 a time? They cannot and will not do it and so the children are allowed to suffer on.

At least so far as children's ailments are concerned, the parents ought to be able to receive the benefit of the local dispensary treatment, if not free, then at no more than 1/-. If that were done, it might ease the adverse effects of the Health Act because the Health Act helps only so many but it has worsened the position of as many. If children could be treated at the local dispensary, their ailments would be prevented from getting worse. They would not have to remain out of school and they would save their parents expense.

Again, I put the emphasis on early diagnosis. We ought not to wait for the collapse of the patient. We ought to aim at a situation where the hospital beds are empty. As it stands, it seems we base our whole health outlook on the collapse of the patient and then the treatment. So long as that outlook obtains, it will contribute to ill-health.

It is a pity, having regard to the few words I am about to say, that the Minister is not here. I trust that his colleague, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, will convey my views to him. I think the speech delivered by Deputy O'Higgins could be accepted as a means to bring to an end the situation obtaining between the Department and the Irish Medical Association. It is not in the interest of the Minister, the Government, the Department or the public that it should continue. When an opportunity is given to a Minister whereby he can, without loss of face or without, as Deputy Burke said, going with his hat in his hands, take a step that would bring the dispute to an end, I think he should do so. I appeal to both the Minister and the Irish Medical Association to reconsider the whole matter. Peace should be declared between the Minister and the Association. It is unseemly that the present situation should continue, as it was unseemly that it should have arisen. No matter what the rights and wrongs of it are, it is not to the advantage of the people. It is undignified on the part of both parties.

I feel that there is something radically wrong with our health services. The complaints by certain sections of the community are more grievous than they ever were. While I do not exactly know, perhaps, as much about it as I should, it is true to say that there are people who feel they are entitled to free medical service, who always got it in the past, and who are not getting it now. The whole health service was designed to improve the situation. It was not supposed to take service from those already enjoying that service.

A very fine gesture was made to the people when it was announced that, when the new Health Bill was functioning properly, a great number of people would be much better off from the point of view of health services. The truth of the matter is, as Deputy Sherwin pointed out, there are people who cannot now make use of the services. That is something the Minister should consider very carefully.

I subscribe to the view that a medical service or system should be built up here on Irish traditions and when I say Irish traditions, I mean Christian traditions in the full sense of the term. It can be done and I am satisfied that were it not for the many charitably-minded people who render medical and other services to members of the community, there would be many people in a very bad way today. It is a great blessing that we have these charitable organisations to come to the aid of the people.

I am glad the Minister and his Department have taken steps to improve the conditions in mental hospitals. I do not know what the solution is but we all know that there are patients in mental hospitals who should not be there. For some reason, people are anxious to avoid its becoming known that anybody belonging to them is in a mental hospital. When a person is committed to a mental hospital, the inclination is to leave them there. There should be a survey carried out to see what can be done to rehabilitate a number of the people who are in these hospitals. Many complaints have been made in the past about the matter and while it is true there has been an improvement in recent years, there is scope for more.

In passing, I should like to refer to a local matter. For years we have been in the process of building a new hospital in Longford — since about 1937 or 1938 — and we are still building it. The Minister might let me know when he is replying — or would I have to put down a Parliamentary Question? —what are his intentions regarding hospital building and in particular, what are his intentions regarding the proposed hospital for Longford? I have said so much in the past about it that I shall not refer again to the matter. It is imperative, however, that there should be a clear-cut decision on this question so that the ratepayers will know what the Minister's intentions are. It would also indicate to the new council coming into office what steps they will be able to take and what plans to make in the matter.

The cost of our medical services is now very great. Somehow one has the feeling that the people are not getting the value for their money or the service they should get. It is very difficult to deal with this matter but we were told by the Minister when the Act was going through the House that his estimate was that the increase on the rates would not be more than 2/- or 2/6 at the most. The increase has gone far above that now. Of course, through the direct action of the Government, the purchasing power of the pound has been reduced; the cost of administration and the cost of food and other essentials for hospitals has been increased but that does not make it easier on the ratepayers who have to bear the cost.

I feel in view of the amount of money contributed by the local authorities and by everybody concerned that, with harmony, we could have a more efficient and Christian type of medical and surgical treatment generally. I appeal to the Minister to take the first step towards achieving that by making peace with the Irish Medical Association who are representative, if not of all the medical people, at least of the majority of them. It is essential that the expert and the administrator should be in harmony. As I say, the Minister will not lose any face and will not lower his dignity by taking the right step. In my opinion, he could do that as a result of to-day's debate.

I was delighted to hear the Minister in his introductory statement dealing with the question of representation and taxation. I agree with him fully when he pledges his support to the theory that there should be no taxation without representation and also the corollary, that there should be no representation without taxation. During the recent local authority elections, there were some groups pressing very strongly for an increased contribution from central funds towards local expenditure. That, I think, is an extremely dangerous gesture because already the contribution from central funds to local authorities in respect of health and other matters is so great that the amount of responsibility left to the local authority itself is greatly reduced. Therefore, it should be made more widely known that local authorities must be more prepared to impose the taxation through the rates if they really wish to have increased responsibility in the spending of whatever money becomes available.

The Minister also referred in his speech to the provision under Subhead N of the Estimate in respect of publicity and information services. This is a matter which has given rise to some adverse comment in the proceedings of the Committee of Public Accounts in previous years and it was referred to in the proceedings of the Committee last year at page 56 of the Report where Deputy Sheldon commented as follows:

Dissemination of Information and Advice on Health — The expenditure on this subhead has been running at around about the same figure in the two years previous to this. The reason given for savings in the other years — if I still remember correctly —was that it was an economy measure. Now, the Estimate is increased. It is not, in fact, used. The note says: "The necessity for publicity by way of press advertising and window bill display did not arise"?

The reply was as follows:

The additional provision was made in the Estimate for two publicity programmes, £1,000 for press publicity about the connection between lung cancer and smoking and £1,000 for a campaign which it had been contemplated would be carried through in regard to polio vaccination. On further examination, it was felt it would be more effective and cheaper to issue leaflets to particular groups of persons...

I am glad, therefore, that the Minister has now made provision in his Estimate for increased expenditure for the dissemination of information on health and the health services, and I hope the amount provided will actually be expended.

The Minister also admitted that there was considerable ignorance about the health services. I agree that there is, and I think part of the trouble is that people do not know the services to which they are entitled. An even greater number do not know how to go about getting the facilities which are available. I would hope, therefore, that the Minister would overlook the fact that the average member of the public is completely at a loss to know how to get started on claiming the health services to which he is entitled. I hope every conceivable effort will be made, and every conceivable means tried, to effect a reduction in the amount of general public ignorance. The radio might be of considerable help, and might be worthwhile trying, in an effort to give a greater knowledge of what is available.

I was delighted to see the new book on the health services of Ireland and I think the Institute of Public Administration deserves our very best thanks, as well as the author, of course, for the production of such a work, but it must be remembered that it is a manual of use mainly to public administrators and people in public life, and that the average member of the public will be quite unable to grasp all its contents. Consequently, the publicity material will have to be very simple and very easily assimilated, very direct and very constant, if it is to have any real effect on the whole situation.

It is disappointing to me that the only real effort being made with regard to polio vaccination is a rather alarming statement from time to time by the medical officers. It is literally appalling to me that so many parents are still so careless and so lacking in appreciation of the situation that they refrain from having their children protected against this disease. This is a matter which will cost them nothing, but even if it were to cost them something, surely it is a worthwhile expenditure. I hope, therefore, that the publicity will stress that polio vaccination is freely available to all children.

Provision is made in the Estimate under Subhead I for maintenance allowances and payments in respect of persons suffering from infectious diseases. Deputy Esmonde referred to this matter this morning, and I should like to support him strongly in the suggestion he made that the scope of these allowances might be increased. He did not say whether the scope of the allowances could be increased without additional total charge to the Exchequer, but I think it could. At the moment, those who are most amply provided for are sufferers from T.B. who are entitled, in suitable circumstances, to very considerable assistance.

Those who need them are entitled to housing priority, new beds, bedding, wearing apparel and food, extra butter, milk and eggs, and if the patient is a married woman with a family, she is entitled to a domestic help allowance. There is also, of course, the free treatment to which any patient is entitled, and after-care in the clinic which is a most important factor in the treatment of T.B. We now find that the general trend of health statistics shows that the danger from T.B. has been very greatly reduced, but the danger of mortality from heart disease and cancer is on the increase.

In each case it is essential that those who are suffering, or fear they are suffering, from those diseases, should be relieved from mental anxiety due to financial worry. I would suggest that the original provisions for these very great allowances which are made to T.B. sufferers might conceivably be reduced without any unfairness to those suffering from T.B. Some of those allowances are possibly unnecessary, and could be reviewed, and if there could be some slight saving there, without penalising T.B. sufferers, it might be worth considering whether some allowance and consideration could be given to those suffering from cardiac trouble or cancer.

In each case early diagnosis and early treatment are essential, if there is to be a chance of complete recovery, and in each case there must be a complete absence of mental worry during treatment. I ask the Minister, therefore, to consider this matter very seriously and to see whether we could make a bigger impact on the problems of cardiac trouble and cancer by making some such provision.

Reference has also been made to the question of air pollution. I am a smoker myself and yet I have noticed how much more pleasant it is in a cinema where there is no smoking. I was greatly struck by reading the company report of one of the biggest London stores which commented on the fact that there was a no-smoking rule in each of their shops in London, a rule which they found was greatly appreciated by their customers as well as the staff. The Minister might be able to take some initiative there in encouraging people such as cinema owners and shop owners to have smoking-free zones, if not a complete no-smoking rule, in their premises. Quite apart from the possibility of the cancer-producing qualities of nicotine, it is certainly fairly obvious, I think, that premises which are not in a continuous haze of tobacco smoke are much more pleasant and almost certainly much more healthy.

I was glad to hear the Minister was planning to give assistance in the matter of the rehabilitation of the handicapped people of our community. This is a matter very well dealt with by religious Orders and voluntary agencies. I would hope that as much as possible of that work would continue to be left to those bodies. It is essentially a matter where a religious vocation is a great help. It makes a tremendous difference to the patients when they are cared for by people who are doing the work out of a purely religious spirit.

The same applies to the voluntary bodies such as the Cerebral Palsy Association and the Central Remedial Clinic. I hope the Minister will continue to support those bodies. Not only do they deserve all the help they can get but such investment of public funds is very much more economic than trying to set up State bodies as separate units.

I am not sure whether I heard all the Minister's speech but there is one last matter to which I want to refer and to which I do not believe any reference has been made so far. This country was one of the first, and I think is still one of the very few countries, to accept the Convention on the Exchange of Therapeutic Substances of Human Origin which means the exchange of blood for blood transfusions, blood plasma, and so on. There was a Convention on the exchange of such substances which was negotiated through the Council of Europe. I am very proud to hear that we have accepted that Convention and adhered to it. Possibly the Minister may be able to tell us something more about the implications of that Convention, what rights we now have under it and our obligations. I am very glad we are one of the countries to accept the obligations, whatever they may be. I understand that the National Blood Transfusion Association will act for the country in that regard.

In general, while our minds are not content about our health services I feel great efforts are being made. I wish the Minister and his Department the very best of good luck in their work. I hope they will receive the support they deserve.

I want to disagree with Deputy Booth's suggestion that allowances for T.B. patients should either be reduced or cut away altogether. I want to protest in the strongest words possible against that proposition. These allowances have helped people to admit that they suffer from tuberculosis. Not many years ago people who were afflicted with that disease did not admit it and did not get treatment.

I thoroughly agree with what the Deputy says — only if absolutely necessary.

That is the one point on which I disagree with Deputy Booth. These allowances helped, together with propaganda, to bring the light of day to T.B. patients. When you bring the light of day to anything it helps to clear up the matter. In 1947 over 2,000 persons died from tuberculosis. In the past year something like 500 persons died from that disease. I suppose it is very difficult to bring the figure below 500. We have sanatoria accommodation for anybody who is so afflicted.

When I first became a Deputy in 1948 I recollect meeting a person whose wife was afflicted with tuberculosis. At his request I went to the then Minister for Health to try to get priority for her entry to a sanatorium. She had a big family. It was necessary that she should get the proper treatment. The then Minister for Health told me he could not raise her on the list. The sanatoria at that time were packed out. He said she would have to take her turn in the queue and that she had no hope of being taken out of place. Due to continued improvements over the past 12 years such a situation no longer holds. If it is discovered that a person has that disease now he can obtain immediate treatment. The patients are then restored to their families. They are brought back again into the normal life of the country.

The Minister pointed out that £19,000,000 is being spent on the health services. I wonder if we are getting value for that money? I do not think anybody objects to £19,000,000 being spent on health services so long as we get value for the money. Naturally, it will take some time to get things straightened out. The main point is that it is a lot of money and that we should ensure we get value for it.

About the time the Health Act of 1953 was coming into operation I remember that Deputy Dr. Ryan assured the Kilkenny County Council that the cost would be in the neighbourhood of 2/6 in the £. In fact it is costing 9/6 in the £. Strangely enough, the people do not object to the payment of 9/6 in the £ provided they are assured of getting full value and that services formerly available still obtain. There is a lot of confusion at present. A few day ago I met a married man who is earning £6 a week. I do not know if he has a family. He asked me if he must pay £1 to a private doctor. If such is the case, it is a very poor health service. We are spending £19,000,000 on health and if people such as that unfortunate man get a cold or a chill and must pay a doctor the prospect frightens them. Hospital charges have got out of hand.

I am a member of a county council and as such I meet people who are liable to pay hospital charges. Sometimes they tell me that the charges for hospital accommodation and medicine are too much for them. Many people who are sent to hospitals in Dublin would be delighted to receive the treatment in a public ward, but sometimes they are not put into a public ward. When the bill comes along afterwards, it is so high that it breaks them. It may be all right in the case of a person who has to spend a week or two in hospital — most people can cope with that — but if the patient must spend a few months there the charges for accommodation and medicines are frequently more than they can cope with. I was astonished when a person showed me a bill for £74 in respect of medicines while he was in hospital during the past 12 months. He was rather a bad case but, nevertheless, it is a tremendous charge.

I want to congratulate those responsible for improvements in our mental hospitals. I am a member of a mental hospital visiting committee. When joining that committee my principal object was, with the other members and with the help of Government aids and grants, to convert that institution from an asylum into a hospital. Such institutions are now really hospitals. People who require treatment in a mental hospital no longer have the fear which was prevalent in the old days that if you were put in there you would be forgotten and neglected by your relations and everybody else.

It is completely different now: instead of the old padlock and chain on the gate, the gate is thrown wide open. We had barred windows but the bars are off and we now have normal windows. I am speaking of Kilkenny Mental Hospital where there has been a wonderful improvement over the past few years. That place defied description some years ago. I am sure much of the improvement has resulted from the activity of the Resident Medical Superintendent because he is an energetic man and set out to improve the hospital in every way. He is allowing people out on parole, so to speak, and letting them have outdoor treatment. We have now started two or three clinics where people who are allowed out for a time can be treated. They are much better off than formerly; they can go back to their own families and live with them whereas before when put into the mental hospital they were left there practically until they died.

This is a completely new outlook on mental hospitals and all Governments we have had are responsible for this improvement. The Hospitals Trust Fund has also done wonderful work. We shall, of course, always have people who are handicapped— unfortunately they are born that way —but in the past many people who had come in for some treatment in the early stages used to be left there and could not be brought back to full health. Now quite a number of these people are brought back to full health and many, who some years ago would never have seen their homes again in their lifetime, are restored to home life.

Much the same applies to our county homes; the improvement is astonishing. They are no longer county homes but hospitals and are a great help to many people. If one pays rates and gets services and finds things are improving, the payment of rates is really worthwhile. Kilkenny County Home has been improved out of all recognition. People can now go there and they are not, as it were, just thrown on the scrap-heap. They are people who are chronically ill or incurable and they are very well treated for the remaining days of their lives. They are helped in every way and given as good attention as they would get in any other hospital.

I now come to another aspect of this matter in Kilkenny, that is the regional hospital which was opened only within the last 12 months. I do not know if this has being brought to the Minister's notice but it is hard to realise that such a thing could happen. Here we have a regional orthopaedic hospital with no orthopaedic surgeon resident. The surgeon lives in Waterford and if somebody breaks an ankle or a leg in Kilkenny we have a regional hospital with every appliance, operating theatre and everything, but nobody to operate.

This has been brought up several times in Kilkenny County Council and, while I shall not divide responsibility between the Minister and his predecessor, both of whom are now present, that such a situation should exist is the responsibility of somebody. It is merely an auxiliary hospital and is not even fit for that although it was built as a regional hospital. We asked the county manager for a report and, like all good county managers, he submitted one but it was a very long and full report from the surgeon who was resident in Waterford. We wanted a report from the county manager himself and while I have nothing to say to the surgeon in Waterford, who is a very decent man and a very good man in his own line and a specialist, the report was so full that we had a very late meeting and even then we could not wade through it and decide on it. But one feature of it that struck me was that he said that this hospital had not a quarter of the required capacity. That comes back to the Department — who in the Department sanctioned a regional hospital which is not fit for two or three counties not to mention five?

I should like to bring this to the Minister's notice if it has not been brought before him already. The surgeon said in his report that he was a specialist and would attend only for specialist advice and not to treat the patients who were in Kilkenny. He was not in the position of a surgeon who attends in the normal county hospital. We have a county hospital, of course, a good hospital with a first class surgeon there who has been treating accident cases up to this but we now have the position in which the surgeon is not allowed to treat patients in the county hospital and there is no one to do it in the regional hospital.

We are spending £19 million on health services and yet there is this confusion occurring in a small county. Somebody must be held responsible. The first report we have on this new regional hospital opened only months ago says that it provides only one quarter of the required capacity and that patients have to be removed to Waterford for treatment. They did have an orthopaedic ward in the county hospital but it was transferred to the regional hospital. It is now said they will have to reopen the ward in the county hospital. I think somebody should be brought to book for that. While we have a new hospital with all the most up-to-date equipment it cannot be used. It is merely a skeleton.

In his opening statement I heard the Minister say that Dublin County Council wanted him to receive a deputation regarding the division of payments for the health services in county Dublin. The Minister pointed out all he was contributing, up to 50 per cent. or, perhaps, 60 per cent. but, in his usual courteous manner, he said that while he would be delighted to receive a deputation he threatened Dublin County Council — and I suppose the threat was meant for every other county also — that if they called on him to pay the piper he would call the tune; if the central authorities were asked to make a greater contribution than the local authority the central authority would have power to call the tune and direct services.

I smiled when I heard the Minister say that and I am sure he smiled to himself also. Has the Minister not called the tune all the time? I am a member of Kilkenny County Council; Kilkenny County Council never suggested that the medical cards should be brought in and a complete review of them held, as happened in the past few months. This was as a result of an order by the manager. Where did the manager get his inspiration? Apparently, there was a time when county councils had some power and control over certain things but the county managers now have their organisation and, as far as I can understand — and I look fairly closely into these things and am fairly wide awake at county council meetings — I feel that the county managers have their meetings and that there must be an official of the Department directing them what to do.

The county council have no hand, act or part in the control of the health services or any other service. If they had any control, I doubt if they would recall all the blue cards and publicly advertise that they would issue white cards. That was done all over the country. Kilkenny was not the only case in point. If it happened only in Kilkenny, it would be all right. There was a recent parallel in respect of another Department. I refer to the increase in rents. Is it suggested that every county manager decided to do that one morning? The county manager in Kilkenny city decided, against the wishes of the Corporation, that rents should be increased. The same thing happened in Bagenalstown, Carlow and throughout the country.

The Minister may say, "If I pay the piper, I can call the tune." The Minister is calling the tune at the present time. Whether he is paying the piper or not is another matter. In my opinion, the reviews which are taking place are very harsh. In some cases, men who have an income of £6 or £7 a week and who have a wife and two children have had their medical cards taken from them. They come to me and ask me how could they afford to pay a doctor out of their earnings. They have to pay for rent; they have to live. They ask me how it can be expected that they can afford to pay £1 for a doctor and pay for medicines and so on. They are of the opinion that they will have to pay for hospitalisation if they have not a medical card. They are wrong in that belief. They do have to pay for a doctor. The managers are advised what to do — they take their line from the Minister. Parallel cases exist in respect to rents and in respect to medical cards. The local authorities have very little say at the present time.

I was very pleased to hear from the Minister that there has been a reduction in the number of deaths from tuberculosis. It will always be the case that a certain number will be affected by tuberculosis and will die from the disease, no matter what is done to eradicate it.

The Government should give all the help that it is possible for them to give to cancer associations. Cancer is taking a big toll of life and I would ask the Minister to promote the best cancer service possible. I know that there is a good service at present but I would ask the Minister to advise the Government that money spent on the promotion of cancer treatment would be money well spent. People have a great dread of cancer. As a result of efforts of previous Governments, the incidence of tuberculosis has been reduced to very small proportions. It would be a great thing if the same could be done in the case of cancer. Even £19,000,000 would not be misspent in achieving that object.

Major de Valera

There seems to be still considerable complaint abroad about the working of the Health Acts and I feel compelled to admit this, in company with other Deputies. However, when these complaints are made, it should be realised that Governments and Departments have made every reasonable effort to secure efficiency in this matter. As I see it, the difficulty stems from an attempt to provide global services and to meet everything all at once. In the attempt to provide global services, we quite naturally run into huge expenditure and expenditure which, unfortunately, is often not made in the most efficient way.

It is not hard to discover the reason why that should be so. When you approach the problem of social services in general or health services in particular, you are up against a number of factors which make for inefficiency. The first, of course, is that if it is allembracing, if it is nationwide in its coverage and attempts to cater for all aspects of the health problem, an impersonal element enters into it which immediately brings of itself psychological problems that make for inefficiency. Being impersonal, there is immediately a lack of elasticity. In attempting to apply a statistical notion of fairness and equality, one often finds in practice that unfairness results in individual cases. Unfairness results in two ways. Either somebody gets more than he is entitled to or somebody who is entitled to something in all equity does not get what he deserves. In other words, the fluctuations around the statistical mean — and it is the statistical mean alone that a broad impersonal service can really cater for —are much greater than in theory one would like to admit and consequently the factor of impersonality, as I may call it, in itself is immediately fruitful of complaint and is immediately also the cause of inequality.

The second thing, of course, that happens when you attempt to organise a service on this scale is slowness of administration and all the drawbacks of central administration come into play. It cannot be helped. With the best will in the world it cannot be helped. Unless there is real decentralisation and a real delegation of authority in such a scheme you will have the operations of red tape and the operations of red tape mean slowness and more complaints. Unfortunately, you cannot always meet that by simple decentralisation measures because if you decentralise too much you will have more expense, more expense that it is very difficult to control at the centre and that expense will always be referred back to the centre. You will have more expense and you will also have disproportion between different parts of the country.

On top of that, of course, the amount of money that is needed to run such a service is colossal. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that events are now proving that those people who were conservative in their approach to the problems of health services when all this was mooted were not completely wrong nor were they completely devoid of sensitivity for the people that we all, no matter what our approach may be, genuinely desire to help.

Whatever the explanation may be, the fact is today that we have a very expensive service. Let me emphasise, in case I may be misunderstood in this, that nobody will grudge the money that is spent on health services. The problem is to see that that money is spent in the most effective manner, that there is an improvement in the health of the population and that the services for those who are ailing are adequate.

In contradistinction to what I have said there, although these objections can be raised and maintained on experience up to the present in regard to health services conceived on a broad socialist scale, the same need not follow when specific areas are isolated for attack. There you may get very useful results, and when that approach has been adopted, we have got good results.

Before I come to the specific targets, if I may call them that, I want to refer to one further thing in regard to the generality of health services. People have come to me as they come to all Deputies, with complaints — and frankly, I have had some difficulty sometimes in understanding the intricacies of the cases — about uncertainty, lack of information and claiming services they say are unjustly denied them. I am very glad to find the Minister is doing everything in his power to make the information available and I think that in time his actions in these matters will meet the problem of uncertainty in the matter of what services are available to particular people in particular cases.

In spite of the provision in the legislation enabling discretion, I am still hearing complaints in regard to the 10/- charge. In reply to a question here by another Deputy the Minister gave a very clear answer on that matter and the Minister also has taken steps to circulate an instruction in that regard. I want to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the Minister's Department for the information it supplied to me when I sought it. I had no difficulty in getting the requisite information and although I have heard it mentioned again in the House, that situation should by now be rectified. However, there is always the basic problem as to where you will draw the line and as to what stage it is fair to call in a contribution.

That brings me to a section of the community which we should consider in regard to the health services generally, that is, the lower paid salaried classes. I have in mind the city of Dublin particularly. The section of society that used to be called the very poor are in the matter of health services relatively well catered for. There may be some substance in what Deputy Sherwin said about delay, difficulties and expense for people in the lower income classes, but there is another problem for the white collar worker, the lower salaried class, which we should take into account.

Such white collar workers have a certain social status, if you like to put it that way, though, thank goodness, in this country there is not very much distinction between people on that basis. Nevertheless the white collar worker in the problem of meeting health charges is at a disadvantage and that disadvantage can show itself in a number of ways. It is more inconvenient for him, if it is possible at all, to avail of the general public services that may be there. He will be expected to pay more because of the very type of his employment rather than have his case judged from the cold level of the income he has. When it comes to hospitalisation or when it comes to medicines he is frequently at a disadvantage, too.

I know the Voluntary Health Insurance Scheme is there and it is a very useful thing in its own way to be availed of, but one must remember that to get into it at all there are the usual insurance preliminaries of medical examination, and so forth.

No, there are not.

Major de Valera

Not medical examination; the Deputy is right but a form has to be filled in. The Deputy knows very well that on the form you are expected to say if you have had any hospital treatment or any illness, and you are accepted or rejected according to that. I am glad Deputy Dillon raised this point. They would make exceptions of particular things. A person may be accepted in the voluntary health insurance scheme except for a particular complaint because he has revealed he has been suffering from it. I know a case—I am prepared to give details to the Minister if he wants them — where a person had once a mild form of sinusitis and who returned that fact on the form and is excluded from benefits in that regard.

I have had sinusitis for the past 30 years and I have got in without the slightest trouble.

Major de Valera

I do not know what the Deputy put on the form. That is a matter for the Deputy and I do not want to go into personal matters here.

Sinusitis is a polite word for a bad cold in your head.

Major de Valera

I know it is.

Does the Deputy say that if you have a bad cold in your head from time to time they will not take you into the voluntary health insurance scheme?

Major de Valera

The Deputy might like to know I am taking a specific case. The person in question had not a cold in the head but sinus trouble which necessitated, not surgical, but medical treatment only. It was a bit resistant for about two months. That person returned that quite honestly in answer to the question: have you been treated medically? He was accepted subject to the exception of that.

That is another story.

Major de Valera

The point I am making is that that may be the very thing for which he will require medical assistance later. I am not complaining about the voluntary health insurance scheme as an insurance against the unforeseen but in so far as it is thought of as a provision for what is or what is likely to be it has defects. They are two different matters. The voluntary health service does not, therefore, meet everything. That is the point. It is certainly an excellent scheme as against the unforeseen, but the fact remains that there are many people who will have medical and surgical expenses arising from already apparent defects or probabilities, or from an existing disease. I have wandered a little. I had not intended going into such detail but Deputy Dillon stimulated me into it.

It was the sinusitis undid the Deputy. It broke the thread of his discourse.

Major de Valera

I shall not follow the Deputy any further on that. There is one other important point. It is one with which I am sure he will agree. In modern urban society, there are categories of relatively poor people on whom the incidence of hardship bears more severely now as compared with hitherto. They cannot be catalogued on the basis of income, social status, or type of work, but they may be found in sectors of society which heretofore were well-off sectors.

To put that rather complicated sentence into plain English, there are clerical workers, those employed in the lower grades of the Civil Service, and people in the lower income groups generally, all of whom are struggling relatively, with less security behind them, and very often less income than manual workers have or even those who do casual work. They are less secure and they have greater hardship to bear and, very often, they have less remuneration. It is these people — they are not exactly a particular social class — whom I should like to bring to the attention of the Minister. Means tests, and so forth, will tend to exclude them. There is also the possibility that in pretty nearly every aspect, whether it be hospital treatment, medicines, or anything else, they are liable to pay more. They should not be forgotten.

That is the overall picture. Now, in the past, specific approaches to health problems have been very fruitful. The history of the tuberculosis drive is gratifying reading. It reflects great credit on all concerned, right from those who laid the foundations during the war and even after the war down to those who implemented the scheme and those who are still working on it at the present moment. But one must bear in mind that the tuberculosis drive was successful because it was concentrated and all aspects were dealt with. There was the initial publicity which made people conscious of the problem. There were the checks and examinations and early diagnosis. There were the health services organised to cater for those smitten with the disease. There were the convalescent services and all the other services provided to enable the patients to recover and maintain the recovery. Steps were taken all along the line to deal with both the psychological and the physical factors simultaneously. The scheme has been eminently successful.

Where a similar scheme can be adopted in relation to other diseases, steps should be taken to implement such a scheme. In that connection, I was disturbed to hear from the Minister that there are grounds for a certain amount of disquiet in the matter of polio. In the first six months of this year, the incidence of the disease has been as high as in the whole of last year. A warning has been issued that we are entering a dangerous period. I understand the vaccine is available. There are also other precautions which can be taken. While avoiding scaring people unnecessarily, parents should quietly have their attention drawn to the necessity for availing of the vaccination services. Everything should be done to ensure that parents are fully alive to the threat. The local authorities and the public generally should follow the sanitary precautions prescribed. If that is done, the threat need not be a serious one.

With regard to lung cancer, everybody is talking about smoking. I wonder is all the emphasis being put on smoking simply because it is so easy to say: "Give up smoking"? I do not think the peril is as easily combated as that. There is a certain doubt entertained as to the importance of smoking as a factor. Possibly it is a factor. I am not against urging people to cease smoking, but I think we fail to face the problem properly if we allow ourselves to be deluded into thinking that, if we stop smoking, we will stop lung cancer. I do not believe we will. I think the fumes from motor cars and diesel locomotives and engines provide an even greater threat.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
Top
Share