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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 16 Feb 1961

Vol. 186 No. 4

C.I.E. Report and Accounts, 1959-60: Motion.

I move:—

"That the Dáil takes note of the Report and Accounts of Coras Iompair Éireann for the year 1959/60."

There are many satisfactory developments to note in the Report and Accounts of C.I.E. for the year 1959/60 which I will mention in the course of my speech. The immediate reason for arranging this Debate at this time is, however, the anxiety of many Deputies for a discussion on the subject of the closing of branch lines. The question of closing any particular branch line cannot usefully, or even intelligently, be considered in isolation from the overall position of public transport. It is not yet even three years since the Oireachtas passed the Transport Act, 1958, which gave to C.I.E. carefully expressed powers to close uneconomic branch lines.

There was then no opposition from any side of the House to delegating these powers to C.I.E. and the only point of difference which arose on the relevant Section was whether C.I.E. should have an absolute obligation in all circumstances to provide a substitute road service whenever they terminated a rail service. As C.I.E. have in all cases provided such substitute services, this question has never become a practical issue.

To consider why the Dáil unanimously voted these powers to C.I.E. it is necessary to cast one's mind back to the circumstances which led up to the enactment of the Transport Act, 1958. In June, 1956, the Chairman of C.I.E. submitted to the then Minister for Industry and Commerce a report which indicated that despite Exchequer assistance to the amount of £12 million over the seven years 1949-50 to 1955-56 and the raising of £7 million by means of stock issues guaranteed by the Minister for Finance to meet the cost of dieselising the undertaking and providing new rolling stock, losses nevertheless continued to grow and the railways continued to lose both freight and passenger traffic. Annual losses, which had then reached £1.6 million—representing £2 million for the railway alone—had to be borne by the Exchequer. The only remedy which C.I.E. could suggest was drastic and entirely unacceptable restriction of private transport.

The precarious condition of public transport in this country revealed by the C.I.E. report raised as a practical and urgent issue the question of whether public transport, or at any rate the railway undertaking of C.I.E. should or could be maintained at all. The then Government decided to refer the matter for urgent examination to a special Committee of Inquiry—the Committee of Inquiry into Internal Transport, known popularly as the Beddy Committee after its Chairman, Dr. J.P. Beddy.

The Committee's report, which was published in May, 1957, was a most comprehensive and informative one which subjected our transport problems to the most rigorous examination and analysis and which arrived at some challenging, but in all the circumstances, heartening conclusions. The Government decided that in the main the recommendations in the Report were soundly based and, with some important modifications, should be implemented. The Minister for Industry and Commerce when introducing the Supplementary Estimate for Transport and Marine Services on 27th November, 1957, indicated that the necessary legislation to implement that decision would be prepared and the Transport Bill, 1958, was subsequently introduced in May, 1958.

The Committee of Inquiry had reported that they could see no reasonable justification for the continuation of the railway undertaking of C.I.E. as then constituted and operated, but they considered that the railways should be given a limited period of years under conditions wholly different from those then prevailing to show whether their continuance could be justified in the national interest.

The Committee rejected decisively and categorically the proposals made by C.I.E. for limitation of private transport. They also considered that subsidies for the railways could not be justified save for the transitional period during which the railway undertaking could be reorganised on the lines proposed by them.

In regard to the reorganisation of the railways, the Committee recommended reduction of the length of line and number of stations while still providing that as many as possible of the areas served by C.I.E. should be within convenient reach of a railway station by short motor transport.

The Committee made it clear that they did not possess the necessary information to make firm recommendations as to the precise lines and stations which should be closed, but, as shown on the map at page 186 of the Report, they suggested relatively drastic pruning of the railway system which would reduce the mileage of line from 1,918 to 850.

The Committee also recommended the closest co-ordination of rail and road transport, and urged that C.I.E. should operate with strict impartiality as between road and rail, using to the fullest extent the advantages of each type of transport.

In other words, the Committee looked unsentimentally on the railway as a means of transport, and not as an end in itself They could see justification in retaining railway services only in so far as they contributed to an economic and efficient public transport system and they believed that a large part of the railway could usefully and profitably be retained for that purpose, if the hopelessly uneconomic parts were pruned and if the "railway-first-at-any-price" system of operation were abandoned.

On the second stage of the Transport Bill, 1958, the Minister for Industry and Commerce made it clear that the Government did not accept the specific suggestions in the Report relating to the reduction of the mileage of railway lines or the number of stations, which in any case the Committee had put forward only as an illustration.

It was the Government's view that the actual implementation of a reorganisation policy on the lines suggested by the Committee could be undertaken only by the Board of C.I.E., who alone had day-to-day administrative responsibilities and access to all the relevant facts and who alone, therefore, were able to judge the value of any particular section of a line or any particular station to the community and the prospects of operating it economically within the foreseeable future.

The Bill, therefore, empowered the Board to close down any line or station for which there was clearly no future and to do so on their own decision. They were, however, given a statutory direction not to terminate any rail service unless they first satisfied themselves that there were no prospects of its continued operation being economic within a reasonable period.

The Board were also placed under a general obligation so to conduct the undertaking as to eliminate losses on its working by 31st March, 1964. These provisions meant that the fate of any branch line or any station depended on whether sufficient business was generated to justify its retention and, in effect, therefore, that the future of these lines and stations fell to be determined primarily by the amount of local support given to them.

When this Bill was introduced, almost two years after the submission of the C.I.E. report to which I have referred, the financial position of the undertaking and particularly the railway had deteriorated still further. The losses, which had amounted to £1.6 million in 1956, had grown to £1.7 million in 1956/57 and for the year 1957/58 had swollen to £2.3 million.

It was clear to every Deputy that the powers proposed for C.I.E. were essential and if public transport were to be preserved, that C.I.E. might well have to use them drastically and the probable measure of the pruning which would be required was inevitably estimated in the light of the suggestions made by the Committee of Inquiry. These powers were, nevertheless, voted unanimously. The only point of difference arose on whether C.I.E. should have an absolute obligation to provide a substitute road service.

The extent to which the Government and the House believed that relatively drastic pruning of the railway system and the general reorganisation of C.I.E. might be necessary was further evidenced by the provision made in the Bill whereby the heavy cost of compensation of redundant employees would be met by the Exchequer in the case of redundancy occurring within the five-year period of reorganisation provided for.

The capital was drastically written down to relieve the Board of the load of deadweight debt and provision was made for the payment of a subsidy to the Board at a fixed rate over the five-year period of reorganisation, after which it would be expected to continue entirely without State assistance.

The Bill was accepted by the House as a measure to enable a once-and-for-all, realistic and rational reorganisation of our public transport system to be undertaken which would necessarily involve the pruning of hopelessly uneconomic railway services and the rational co-ordination of road and rail traffic.

The decision to give sole statutory responsibility to C.I.E. for deciding whether any particular rail service should be terminated was a new departure, carefully considered and deliberately implemented by the Oireachtas. It was obvious to every Deputy that C.I.E. would use these powers subject to the limitations provided and that public opposition and agitation could be expected to greet every proposal to close a branch line no matter how uneconomic it might be.

Against this background, it is difficult to see why the closing of a few branch lines by C.I.E. should now cause consternation or should be regarded as a matter of urgent public importance. C.I.E. have, in fact, closed lines and stations to a far more moderate degree than was envisaged in 1958 and the reorganisation planned by them, which will be completed with the closing of the West Cork line, will leave in existence many services not featured in the railway pattern envisaged by the Committee of Inquiry. They will have closed only 420 miles of railway as compared with over 1,000 miles suggested by the Beddy Committee.

It is still more difficult to understand these protests when regard is had to the progress made by the new Board of C.I.E. in improving services and restoring the finances of the organisation in the short time since they took over. The losses, which amounted to £2.3 million in 1957/58, fell to £1.9 million in the year 1958/59, but in the year ended 31st March, 1960, the first year of the 5-year period during which the Board was required to reach solvency, the loss fell to £709,000, a reduction of £1.2 million over 1958/59 and of £1.6 million over 1957/58.

In this connection, it should be remembered that the loss of £2.3 million in 1957-58 was for C.I.E. alone; the loss of £709,000 in 1959/60 covered losses on the portion of the G.N.R. taken over in 1958, the losses on which in the year ended 30/9/58 amounted to £238,000. On the other hand, it does not take account of the liabilities written off in the 1958 Act, representing £632,000 per annum. If these adjustments are taken into account, the net improvement in 1959/60 over 1957/58 due to the Board's own efforts is £1.2 million.

This most astonishing improvement in so short a time was not secured merely by reducing uneconomic services. The Board's report shows that there were substantial increases in railway receipts for both goods and passengers and improvements in every department of the undertaking. This result was achieved notwithstanding that the full effect of the closing of certain uneconomic branch lines during the year will not be apparent until the accounts for the year ending 31st March, 1961, are available.

C.I.E. have since reported further successes in their drive for new business, particularly in the form of package deals which enable them to give competitive comprehensive services which were not possible until the Board was relieved by the 1958 Act of a number of obsolete legislative restrictions on their commercial adaptability.

The Board are confident that provided their costs are not increased by new wage increases not related to increased productivity, they will be able to break even well before the expiry of the five year period.

This extraordinary change, which was undreamt of two short years ago and which marks the virtual resurrection of an almost moribund undertaking, is not attributable merely to the closing of some uneconomic lines, though this necessary surgical pruning of the unhealthy extremities of the railway system is essential to the reinvigoration of the whole undertaking.

The results reflect even more the energy and drive which is now evident in the organisation. There is a new wind blowing through C.I.E. There has been a remarkable improvement in the morale of the employees, who are now conscious of being members of what is becoming an efficient and successful undertaking and who feel that their efforts are worthwhile to themselves and to the community.

The company are exploiting the commercial freedom given the C.I.E. for the first time in the 1958 Transport Act with aggressive salesmanship and improved services. In the past year C.I.E. have carried more freight than ever in their history and their freight carryings are increasing.

In the year ended 31st March, 1960, C.I.E. concluded some 400 package deals with an annual revenue potential of £235,000. A further 240 package deals concluded since then are worth £365,000 per annum of new business. Both rail and road freight revenue are sharing in new business.

The most modern management methods and new equipment are bringing about increased efficiency and economy in the organisation. The opportunity for these developments was provided by the 1958 Transport Acts and by the supplementary Government measures, including the reconstitution of the C.I.E. Board. It is only right that I should pay tribute in this connection to the Board and, above all, to the remarkable impact on the organisation of its chairman, Dr. C.S. Andrews. Dr. Andrews has brought to his new post in C.I.E. the practical idealism and sense of purpose, the same concern for the development of the country, particularly of rural Ireland, which distinguished his pioneering career in turf development. He has already infused C.I.E. with something of his own adventurous spirit.

These advances have been secured in consultation and co-operation with the trade unions. There has been inevitable redundancy and there may be more, but the redundant workers are protected by the generous compensation provided for in the 1958 Act. It is evident, of course, that only the achievement of a self-supporting and efficient public transport service can guarantee permanent stability of employment in C.I.E. It has been argued by critics of C.I.E. that the improvements in the finances of the undertaking have been secured only by reducing standards of service to the community and that the Board have become more concerned with their statutory obligation to achieve solvency than with their equally important statutory obligation to provide reasonable, efficient and economical transport services. This accusation has become a chorus among those who have been opposing the closing of hopelessly uneconomic branch lines. The critics do not appear to have bothered to find out whether the evidence supported their views. I have already pointed out that the improvement in C.I.E. finances reflects not merely a reduction in uneconomic expenditure but a substantial increase in business.

The remarkable growing increase in freight traffic to which I have already referred is, as anyone acquainted with the history of C.I.E. will know, a most significant index of improvement. As any businessman knows, increased business is the first and acid test, not only of the efficiency of his organisation but particularly of the services it offers to his customers.

The agitation against the closing of branch lines has been carried on on the basis of another assumption, for which there is, equally, no evidence— that the existing rail services in the areas concerned are necessarily superior to any substitute road services that can be provided. C.I.E. who are the national transport authority and the only body in possession of all the necessary experience and know-how, are satisfied that they can provide substitute road services which will be at least as efficient and probably more satisfactory than the rail services which are being terminated. It is, I think, in any case, obvious that for many purposes road transport is superior to rail transport, especially in rural areas. In the case of passenger services, the existing rail service may be more convenient for a limited number of people who live and work adjacent to the stations, but the substitute road services will give a door-to-door service to a great many more people.

In many rural areas, the provision of road services is a step forward and advances the prestige and amenities of the district. There are thousands of industries, hotels and places of interest throughout the world which do not depend at all on rail services. In the case of freight services, it is equally evident that for shorter runs the door-to-door service which cuts out double handling offers many advantages to customers.

It has been argued, particularly in the case of the Waterford-Tramore line, that road services could not deal adequately with heavy summer excursion traffic such as from Waterford to Tramore. C.I.E. are fully satisfied that they can supply adequate services and, as every Deputy knows, C.I.E. are already meeting such needs by road in many parts of the country. The buses to be used on the Waterford-Tramore summer services will be specially adapted to carry prams.

In some cases, the change to road transport has meant some small increase in fares, but this was inevitable sooner or later, even if the railways remained open. As part of the old policy of directing all traffic to rail, fares on many of these uneconomic lines were kept below the corresponding road rates. This was a practice which was criticised by the Beddy Committee. There is, in any case, no good reason why the relatively limited number of persons in a few areas who enjoyed subsidised fares under these conditions should expect to retain them indefinitely at the expense of the rest of the community. Recently the weekly charges for provincial buses have been substantially reduced to bring them into line with rail charges. This should eliminate the principal source of complaint about substitute road passenger services—that they were more expensive than rail, particularly for children.

So far as freight transport is concerned, C.I.E. have decided to retain the railway rates and through rates in order to facilitate the change-over for all concerned. Much play has been made with problems of beet haulage in West Cork and I have examined the statements made in this connection very closely. I find that in the West Cork area there has already been a gradual shift from rail to road haulage of beet. In the year 1959/60, only half of the West Cork crop was carried by rail to Mallow. C.I.E. will carry beet by road on the same terms as it was formerly carried by rail. Those who previously engaged C.I.E. road services to deliver beet to railhead will even secure a small saving of 9d. per ton. Those who formerly delivered their own beet to railhead will have to pay an extra charge in respect of the distance from roadside pick-up to former railhead, but they will, of course, be saved the cost of supplying their own transport.

It was claimed, particularly in relation to the West Cork area, that the closing of the railway will prevent the establishment of new industries which were hoped for. Before the decision was taken to close the West Cork line, C.I.E. were fully informed of the possibilities of industrial development in the area and they assured themselves that any new industry in the area could be just as well served by road as by rail. The position was subsequently examined by the Industrial Development Authority and the Department of Industry and Commerce and it is a fact confirmed with the promoters that the closing of this railway service will not affect in the slightest degree the prospects for industrial development in West Cork.

Grossly exaggerated claims have been made about the heavy expenditure on the roads which would be necessary to cater for substitute road services. Examination of the facts in each case has shown that there is little to fear. The increase in traffic on the existing roads which will be brought about by the substitute road services will be only marginal. C.I.E. have indicated that the following numbers of vehicles will cater for the additional traffic to be carried by the Board's substitute road services following the closing of these branch lines:—

Buses Lorries

Waterford/Tramore

3

1

Plus appropriate trailers, containers

West Clare

4

5

and special bodies required for various

West Cork

3

11

Kinds of traffic.

Some additional vehicles will, of course, be required for peak traffic. For example, two additional buses will be required for the Waterford-Tramore service during the holiday season.

In the case of West Cork, 40 additional lorries and some trailers will be used for the transport of beet to Mallow during the beet season. C.I.E. intend to meet this requirement by better utilisation of the existing road transport fleet and no new vehicles will be acquired for the purpose. Of a total of 83,000 tons of beet carried from West Cork to Mallow in the 1959/60 season, 41,000 tons, or almost 50 per cent., was carried by road by C.I.E. and the licensed hauliers.

The estimates of additional vehicles required to replace regular passenger and freight traffic made by C.I.E. in the case of previous closings have been fully borne out. The significance of the numbers of additional vehicles required for the substitute services can be appreciated by reference to the total numbers of vehicles registered in Counties Waterford, Clare and Cork. Those figures are:

NUMBER OF VEHICLES REGISTERED IN AUGUST 1960.

Commercial vehicles

Other vehicles

Total

Waterford (including County Borough)

1,274

6,998

8,272

Clare

1,167

4,507

5,674

Cork (including County Borough)

7,146

32,330

39,476

TOTALS

9,587

43,835

53,422

In the light of these figures it is clear that the volume of additional traffic on the roads in these counties arising from the additional numbers of vehicles due to closure of lines will be marginal. Recent reports of the county engineers suggest that certain portions of roads on which the substitute services will operate may be already substandard, even for existing traffic. While there may be a need for improving these roads, the necessity for such improvement in relation to the substitute road services can only be very slight.

All the roads concerned are already used by buses, having been licensed for that purpose by the Minister for Local Government and there is no limitation on their use by privately owned lorries, which are much more numerous than those of C.I.E. C.I.E. are as much entitled as any private firm or individual to the use of the roads, for which they pay heavy taxation on their vehicles.

The argument is that the increased C.I.E. road services, relatively small though they may be, will, so to speak, provide the last straw to break the camel's back. This may be a good argument for undertaking any improvements and repairs to the roads which may be necessary; it does not support the contention that C.I.E. should continue to run grossly uneconomic railway services in order to postpone any necessary expenditure on the roads.

The appropriate course for the local authorities and other interested parties to take is to pursue with the Minister for Local Government as a separate matter the question of whatever improvements are required in these roads. The Minister for Local Government has already indicated in the Dáil in relation to the Waterford/ Tramore road that he would be prepared to consider carefully any submissions made to his Department as to the condition of the road.

A striking fact in the history of rail closings has been the contrast between the public outcry before the closing of a line and the almost complete absence of complaints about the substitute services thereafter. A remarkable example is that of Bundoran, which had feared complete extinction as a holiday resort with the closing of the railway service in 1957 but had a better tourist season than ever in the following year.

It is, I fear, the case that much of the public agitation is carried on by people who do not themselves use the particular rail services or who will not be affected adversely by the closing, but who are motivated by misguided sentimentality or, in some cases, perhaps, by political considerations.

The only genuine interest a farmer, merchant or anyone else can have in the public transport services is that they should be speedy, safe, economic and convenient. Where substitute road transport services compare favourably in these respects with the rail services they displace there can be no reasonable grounds for grievance. It can hardly be expected that C.I.E. should continue to subsidise the operation of these services merely to gratify the sentimentality of railway lovers.

In the particular cases of the Waterford-Tramore, West Clare and West Cork branch lines, receipts failed to cover the direct expenses of the lines by £82,000 per annum, without taking into account the cost of providing for workshop administration and other overheads. C.I.E. are satisfied that efficient transport services can be provided by road in these areas at a saving of £79,000 per annum, compared with by railway.

The branch lines are being closed for one fundamental reason and one only; they have not received the measure of local support necessary for reasonably economic operation. Nor is there any prospect that they would receive such support in the future. Of all the letters of protest and appeal received by C.I.E. and by myself and other Ministers not a single one contained any specific offer of new business for the lines.

I hope I have said sufficient to put the whole question of the closure of a limited number of hopelessly uneconomic branch lines into proper perspective against the background of general transport policy. It is true, but yet difficult to realise, that we have now before us, for the first time, I think, since the State was founded, a real and imminent prospect of having an efficient and economical public transport system which will give good service without subsidy from the Exchequer. The pruning of the most inefficient and uneconomic parts of the railway system and the substitution therefor of efficient road transport is an essential prerequisite to the realisation of this prospect.

The really important issues in the field of public transport now are to consolidate the financial stability of C.I.E. and on this solid foundation to build up a highly efficient transport system which will give a first-class service to the community comparable with that of any public transport system in Europe. The Oireachtas has willed these ends and has also, thereto, willed the means, which include the termination of hopelessly uneconomic rail services.

Public agitation about the relatively moderate reduction in the railway system can only distract the attention of all concerned from the really important tasks before them. Sentimentality and misguided optimism about the railways have been a millstone about the neck of public transport for far too long. In future we must concern ourselves with securing an efficient public transport service and any such service will inevitably include, on its own merits, a substantial railway system which, when fully rehabilitated, will play an invaluable part in catering for the types of passenger and goods traffic for which railways are specially suited and inherently superior to other means of transport. The experience of the past two years and the rapid improvement in the finances and efficiency of the C.I.E. undertaking give us a reasonable assurance that public transport is now on the right lines. The soundness of the main conclusions of the Beddy Committee have been vindicated and the wisdom of the Government and the Oireachtas in implementing them, with appropriate modifications, fully justified.

One last word. The terms of the 1958 Act made it clear to every Deputy that C.I.E. would drastically alter the character of services. In giving C.I.E. executive power to close uneconomic lines every Deputy knew that this could only be done in the public interest by rejecting the shortlived universal protests prevalent here and elsewhere against railway closings at the time that such intentions are made public. They are responsible and they alone for making this decision; they ordained and wrote the new policy into the Statute Book.

Finally, may I point out once again that the 1958 Transport Act is based on the general principle that there is no special merit in a rail service as such and that the objective is to establish the most efficient widely used type of public transport in each area.

The Act eliminated completely the attributes of special privilege and importance to any particular type of transport. The Act was based on the fundamental assumption of the Beddy Committee that the investment in private transport in this country is of record dimensions in relation to national income. Any public transport service would have to compete with this huge volume of private transport and there was no justification for any element of subsidy when capital was required for other projects for which private capital was inadequate.

I move the amendment standing in my name:

After "1959-60" to add the following:

"and deplores the closing of branch lines without adequate prior consultation with local interests contrary to the undertaking to Dáil Éireann given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce during the debate on the Transport Bill, 1958."

That amendment has been tabled for quite a while. Those who prepared the Minister's 18-page brief, and the Minister reading it, did not make one reference to whether there was an undertaking given in May, 1958, with regard to the closing of branch lines or not. He has made two inferences which, I would submit, are a further misrepresentation of the situation in which the 1958 Act came to be passed.

My amendment had been tabled, as I say, drawing attention to what was said by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, the present Taoiseach, in May, 1958 One gloss has been put upon that in answer to Questions put down by Deputy Wycherley in December last. I would assume it is accepted in this House that when an undertaking such as C.I.E. is set up and when powers are given to it based upon undertakings given to the parliamentarians when the legislation comes before them for their approval, the Board of that undertaking would feel itself in honour bound to accept any undertaking and to operate their system in the light of the circumstances that were detailed to the Parliament when the legislation was put before it.

I want to get this back into the framework of May, 1958. On December 14th, 1960, Deputy Wycherley put down a Question relating to the resentment of the people of West Cork because of the refusal of the Chairman and Board of Coras Iompair Eireann to meet a deputation to discuss the question of rail services and asked: "What steps he will take to have Coras Iompair Eireann honour the promise given in the Dáil with regard to deputations."

The answer given by the Minister was:

As I have already explained in reply to a question by Deputy Murphy on 2nd November, 1960, C.I.E. have informed me that they have never refused to receive a deputation from local interested parties in connection with the closing of a branch line. The Board have, however, confined such discussions to the proposed substitute road services. The Board's attitude in this respect is in conformity with the relevant provisions of the Transport Act, 1958, and is not in any way inconsistent with the statement on this subject made in Dáil Eireann by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce on 8th May, 1958, to which, I presume, the Deputy's question refers.

That, of course, was an evasion which was immediately noted by several members of the House. Deputy Dillon ejaculated "Oh!" Deputy Wycherley asked a supplementary question:

Would the Minister agree that that is a most misleading statement to make as regards the procedure of C.I.E.? C.I.E. have definitely refused to meet a deputation of representative people of West Cork in connection with the closing down of the railways. Will he now ask C.I.E. to reconsider that position and to receive a deputation in connection with the closing down of the West Cork railways?

The Minister replied:

C.I.E. are meeting any deputation that will request that facility to discuss with them the substitute services in relation to the closing of the line.

Deputy O'Sullivan broke in with a number of further supplementary questions:

Is the Minister aware that the present Taoiseach, when Minister for Industry and Commerce, promised, in introducing the Bill to which the Minister refers, that any line would not be closed without prior consultation, that there was no reference to restriction in that consultation to the question of alternative services, but that it would be in relation to the actual closure; that this applied to branch lines, and that the line to which Deputy Wycherley and I are referring is not a branch line but a main line from Cork to Bantry; that C.I.E. have adamantaly refused to discuss with the Cork County Council, the Bishop of Cork or any authority who desired to do so, on any basis in relation to the closure of the line and wanted to restrict any discussion that would take place to alternative services? Is he further aware that this is entirely apart from the undertaking given by the Taoiseach when introducing the Bill in 1958?

Deputy Ó Briain broke in with the interjection:

Why do not the people of West Cork use the line?

Deputy Dillon continued again:

Do you not think that the Minister ought to answer that question? There are points of principle arising. My recollection is that when we discussed the Transport Act the present Taoiseach was asked to incorporate a provision in the Bill requiring C.I.E. on request to discuss a decision to close a railway line. He is on the official record as saying that he does not think it is necessary because he has provided a fortnight——

—which should be two months——

——during which it would be ridiculous to imagine that Coras Iompair Éireann would not discuss the proposed closure with local authorities or other representative bodies. On that personal undertaking of the Taoiseach the matter was dropped. Coras Iompair Éireann now——

Then the Minister for Health broke in with an irrelevant statement. Deputy Dillon continued:

Does the Minister for Transport and Power consider it a fulfilment of that undertaking, given by the present Taoiseach, for Coras Iompair Éireann to receive a deputation and to tell the deputation that they will not discuss the closing of the line, that they will discuss only the alternative service they propose to provide?

The Minister attempted a further evasion:

There is nothing in the statement of the Minister for Industry and Commerce made in the Dáil on 8th May, 1958, which would oblige C.I.E. to discuss the question of whether to close a line or not.

Deputy Dillon intervened again:

Wait a moment. What did the Taoiseach mean us to understand? I understood him to mean that he was giving his personal word that he would not put in the section because he was satisfied that the Board of Coras Iompair Éireann would use the fortnight——

There were interruptions of "Two months," and Deputy Dillon continued:

—two months; I knew it was either two weeks or two months—to discuss with local authorities the question of closing the line.

The Taoiseach said:

Read what I said again.

I propose to accept that invitation almost immediately. Deputy Dillon continued:

I read it again only this morning. I do not feel that it is a fulfilment of that undertaking to say that you will meet the people but that you will not discuss the closing of the line, that you will discuss only what you are going to do after you have closed the line, and I do not believe that any Deputy believes that is a fulfilment.

Deputy Wycherley said he would quote the Taoiseach from the Official Report and the Chair ruled it could not be quoted on that occasion. That was a gloss put on the promise, on the undertaking, on the statement made by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce with regard to the future activities and conduct of C.I.E. in connection with the closing of lines.

On the first page of his brief today, the Minister for Transport and Power said:

There was then no opposition from any side of the House to delegating these powers to C.I.E. and the only point of difference which arose on the relevant Section was whether C.I.E. should have an absolute obligation in all circumstances to provide a substitute road service whenever they terminated a rail service.

On page 5 again, he said:

These powers were, nevertheless, voted unanimously. The only point of difference arose on whether C.I.E. should have an absolute obligation to provide a substitute road service.

That is deceit of the worst kind. If that deception is deliberate, it is a most dishonest performance. It is dishonest on the part of the Board of C.I.E., and it is very dishonest on the part of the Minister to try to get away from what was promised in this House.

What was promised in this House? On the debate on Second Reading on 8th May, 1958, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce was recorded as speaking at column 1680 and in one paragraph at column 1682, we come to the heart of this matter. The Taoiseach said:

There is not much point in giving the board liberty of action with one hand and trying to get it back with the other. Deputy Cosgrave talked about the desirability of having a tribunal to which a trader could appeal if he alleged he was being unfairly discriminated against by C.I.E. in regard to charges. Other Deputies talked about maintaining a right of appeal against a decision of the C.I.E. Board to close down branch lines.

There are the two points picked out by the Minister as the subject matter of the debate. The point was put to him that a tribunal should be set up to which traders could resort if they felt they were unfairly treated. C.I.E. had power always to give one rate to one trader and another rate to another. That was the point that was noticed and anxiety was expressed that there might be discrimination as between one trader and another. Deputy Cosgrave raised that point.

The other point raised, as the Minister said himself, by other Deputies, was the point about maintaining a right of appeal against a decision of C.I.E. to close down branch lines. That is the net point. I shall come to what the Taoiseach said in answer to that in a moment, but in between in half a column there is not a reference to substitute services by road—not a comment. The Taoiseach said that we were now about to have a nationally-owned board, "not concerned with making profits, under a statutory obligation to provide reasonable transport services for our people, controlled by the best people we can pick for that job."

He continued at column 1682:

I do not see any problems in that regard ...

——that is, giving people the right to appeal against a C.I.E. Board decision——

He continued:

We know the Board has got to keep the confidence and goodwill of the public. We know that no matter what may appear in the statute, any misconduct on the part of the board, any unfair utilisation of the powers given to it, will be ventilated here in the Dáil, in public bodies and by organisations of traders throughout the country. The Board will be conscious of that, too. It is superfluous to set up statutory channels by which these protests can be ventilated. They will be ventilated anyway.

That is an important paragraph which is to be found at column 1683.

In cases of decisions to close down a branch railway line——

—that is the point of the paragraph; it is to close down a railway line——

——the Bill says two months' notice must be given. I do not think we need to write in there that during these two months the Board will have the power to hear the deputation from the local council of the town using the railway service or meet the representatives of the trade unions who may have a point of view. Of course they will do it. Indeed, the whole purpose of the requirement to give two months' notice was to provide a statutory period during which these inevitable representations could be entertained. It is far better to let our knowledge of what will happen guide our judgment in this matter than to be seeking to write into the Bill a rigid statutory safeguard.

It was on that statement that the Board of C.I.E. got the powers given to them in the Act. That statement was made by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce that of course there would be representations and of course the Board would hear them. The representations were with regard to the closing of a branch railway line. I invite any member of this House to consider the Second Reading debate which took place on 8th May, 1958, and to say if it is a fair comment that the only point of difference that arose in regard to the 1958 measure was whether there should be an absolute obligation to provide a substitute road service.

The point in this plain statement by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce is that C.I.E. agree to hear the deputation from the local council of the town losing the railway service or meet the representatives of the trade unions who may have a point of view —not to receiving deputations confined to the discussion of substitute road services. The Minister for Transport and Power comes here today with his prepared brief to evade the issue— certainly to evade the issue raised by the amendment to this motion and to tell us twice that "the only point of confusion is whether there should be an absolute obligation to provide a substitute road service."

The Minister's statement in answer to Deputy Wycherley was that there is nothing in the statement of the Minister for Industry and Commerce made in May, 1958, which would oblige C.I.E. to discuss the question whether or not to close a line. I wonder does the Minister think that was a fair statement to make, having now heard what the then Minister for Industry and Commerce said? "There is nothing in the statement by the Minister for Industry and Commerce made in the Dáil on 8th May, 1958, which would oblige C.I.E. to discuss the question of whether to close a line or not.""Oblige"—no, there is nothing in it.

Was the representation not that there was no necessity to put in a statutory requirement that they should do so because they would be open to public criticism? They would have to meet these deputations anyway—and the deputations contemplated by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce were about the closing of a branch railway line.

The other statement is "that the Board's attitude in this respect is in conformity with the relevant provisions of the Transport Act, 1958..." That is so. On 14th December, 1960, the Minister for Transport and Power said the Board's attitude is in no way inconsistent with the statement made in Dáil Eireann by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce on 8th May, 1958. Is it now put solidly before this House that what C.I.E. are doing is not inconsistent with the statement made by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce?

This is all a matter of hindsight now. If it were intended to limit the discussions between traders and local representatives and the Board of C.I.E. to substitute services, could that not have been stated simply? Could the point not have been made that branch lines will be closed down? The only point at issue is what sub stitute road service will be given. A deputation will be received on that matter but on nothing else.

I suggest again that if it were intended to limit this to the discussion of substitute road services, surely another formula could have been found for telling the Dáil what was intended? This is a wholly incomprehensible formula to use with regard to these powers if the intention was to keep any discussion with the Board of C.I.E. down to substitute services. Many forms of words could be got to put that simply but that was not in the mind of those who spoke on this matter from the Government side of the House. They were agreeable then to the thought of local people being received to urge further consideration —and representation was given to the House that they would be received.

Is there any harm in suggesting that before a decision should finally be taken to close a line, the local Deputies, traders and representatives should be received? Certainly nothing of the arrogance that breezed through this speech by the Minister today is to be found in the debate of May, 1958. There was no question then of the Board being the only people who would have all the requisite information and necessary figures in order to come to decisions. Everybody knows they will have to meet deputations. It would be completely illusory to make a promise that deputations shall be received, if the deputation were merely to hear of decisions.

The only point in having a Board receive a deputation would be so that interested people might add their local information and make whatever protest they think fit. If their representations were not based on good local information, they could easily be refuted. If whatever representations they were making were based on wrong or insubstantial information, would that not be the best way the Board could achieve what the then Minister for Industry and Commerce referred to? He said that any misconduct on the part of the Board, any unfair utilisation of the powers given to them will be ventilated here in the Dáil, in public bodies, and by organisations of traders throughout the country. Was that ventilation of local views not regarded as a good thing? It would enable the Board to get rid of any suggestion that they were misconducting themselves by abuse of their powers or if it were suggested they were unfairly utilising their powers.

Instead, we have the statement by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce in May, 1958. The Government are now pretending that the only thing that can be taken out of that phrase is that when deputations would be received, they would be received; they would merely accept a decision to close a line and merely discuss what special road services would be provided. In his speech today, the Minister speaks of whether there should be an absolute obligation on them to provide a substitute road service.

The other matter that arises is with regard to the general standard of C.I.E. As the Taoiseach said today, we can discuss it on a later occasion when the Estimate comes up and when the Minister stands for all the debtor agents he has under his control at the moment. I wait again to refer to the scheme of public transport put before the Dáil by the present Taoiseach in 1956. That was the occasion on which a piece of legislation was introduced consisting of about three sections in order to build up again a fabric to mend a gap torn by a court decision with regard to a private trader.

The then Deputy Lemass took the opportunity to give his view of what public transport should be in this country. He spoke on 22nd February, 1956. I quote from Column 666 of the debate on that occasion:

There are some observations I should like to make in that regard. The Merchant Lorry Owners' Association have in their minds the idea, which is, I think, shared by many of the public, that the aim of the Road Transport Act of 1933 and the purpose of the restrictions imposed by that Act upon the carriage of goods for reward on the road by motor vehicles was solely to preserve the railways. Now, that was not the aim of that legislation, and I can speak with some authority in the matter because I was responsible for framing it and for bringing it to the House; if any Deputy is interested enough to look up the matter, he will find that in the speech in which I submitted the Road Transport Act, 1933, to the House, I made it quite clear that that was not its purpose and that the aim was to provide this country with a nationwide transport service operating by rail or by road, as the public required, a service that would be obliged by law to carry, without discrimination as between persons, or trades, or towns, or ports all goods that were offered for transportation at known terms and at uniform fixed rates.

At Column 667, concluding in that vein, he said:

I agree that the public will not be willing to maintain the present restrictions on the operation of private lorries on the roads, if the public transport services continue to need substantial subsidies from the taxpayers, or if they prove to be too costly in their operation, or incapable of giving efficient service to the public.

We have gone a long way from that. It is no longer a question of carrying all goods offered for transportation at known terms and at uniform fixed rates. The Board of C.I.E. got complete freedom in that matter. They can bargain as between traders. They can give preferences as they like. They can tout for business by offering better services as between one group and another and, when any question is raised about unfair discrimination, the Minister takes refuge in the expression that this is a matter of day-to-day administration and that he has no power to interfere.

The Minister in recent years made several visits to different countries. In nearly every case, his object in going abroad was to study railway or transport administration. What he has got to do with public administration or transport administration may be of great concern to himself, but, when he is asked a question about public transportation in this House, he hides behind the fact that either one or other board has been giving that particular service and he is not entitled to interfere. Would the Minister argue for any group which had a right to decide that transport services in this country are better now than they were two or three years ago? The public would have a different answer from the one he would give.

The question I asked the other day was quite clear. The number of motor vehicles on the roads is growing. More people are being driven over to private transport than ever. It is not the best testimonial to the public transport service. In addition to that, the Minister said in some speech the other day that the provision of magnificent roads is going relentlessly on. Certainly, the rates are going relentlessly up, particularly that part which is applied to expenditure on the roads.

I do not know what the meaning of the word "relentlessly" is when used by the Minister as a phrase in his speech the other day. Certainly, there is no yielding to the ratepayer. There is no compassion for the ratepayer. The new public transport board is giving, in my view, less efficient service. It has been cutting out certain branch line services and, in the view of the people in the area, not giving a good substitute service. The number of operatives is down by 1,200 this year and C.I.E. have the advantage of passing over more and more of their costs to the ratepayers for the make-up of the roads. These are matters I can discuss on the Estimates for the various services of which the Minister has control.

There is one thing I cannot understand with regard to transport in this country and with regard to the moving of human beings by different machinery. I asked a question before Christmas to find out for whom, so to speak, did C.I.E. cater. Taking as a standard the number of passengers, I wanted to contrast that with the number of people catered for by Aer Lingus and Aer Linte. The figures are striking. The number of passengers catered for by C.I.E. in the years 1958, 1959 and 1960 was between 306 million and 312 million people. The highest number ever carried by Aer Lingus was 572,000 —a very small fraction of the number carried by C.I.E. The number of passengers carried by Aer Linte—the transatlantic lines—was 23,000, the highest figure they touched in the half year ending September, 1960.

That does not seem to indicate any big increase, having regard to the fact that the company catering for 312 million passengers in this country is tied in this way. It has been asked to make the services pay, even if that means the ruthless cutting down of branch lines and the provision of an inadequate substitute transport. Aer Lingus, I think, have never yet paid the bills they would have to pay if they were a privately operated transport company. In recent years, they made their operations a financial success but their accounts do not take into consideration the various matters provided by the taxpayers, the two airports and the meteorological aviation services. Aer Linte, as far as I can understand the recent statements of the general manager of Aer Lingus, are to have their fleet provided by the taxpayer and it is hoped that one of these days they may make their operations a financial success.

It seems strange that the company that really caters for the natives of the country, although it has certainly a great advantage over a privately-owned and operated concern, has been rather hampered by certain restrictions. There will be no subventions, the Minister says, after another couple of years, even though they have a number of debts forgiven, capital written down or written off and a lot of other advantages given them. More particularly, they can charge whatever they like, whereas charges operated by other concerns are under the control of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Aer Linte are apparently to be allowed to run into debt, even after having their aircraft provided for. Aer Lingus, providing for half a million passengers, are not expected to make the sort of success of the concern that a privately-owned concern would have to do. C.I.E., catering for 312 million passengers in the last year for which I have the figures, have certain restrictions and are put on a certain financial basis on which none of these other companies is.

These are matters I propose to leave over for debate on the Minister's Estimates, when I can get a full view of the organisations over which he presides. In the meantime, I ask the Dáil to agree that the statement made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce on 8th May was not the type of statement that it has been explained it was in recent months. Certainly, it was not a fair representation of the discussion which took place and that the only bone of contention was whether there was to be an absolute obligation to provide substitute services. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, then in charge of the measure, took as the two main points of the discussion whether there should be the right of appeal by traders if prejudiced by unequal charges and whether there should be representations on the closing of branch lines.

This discussion today arise directly from an announcement made in September last year that three additional rail systems would be closed in the not too distant future. Subsequent to the publication of this announcement, in the months of October, November and December, Deputies representing the people of these areas again and again endeavoured to get some information from the responsible Minister, the Minister for Transport and Power, in this House on the proposed closure of these railways. They were extremely anxious to put certain viewpoints before the Minister, or before the Board of C.I.E., but to no avail. Now we have this discussion taking place more than four months afterwards, when already two of these lines have been closed down. One cannot understand the mentality of the Government and of the Minister in approaching a discussion on these matters. They have held out wantonly for over five months during which two lines have been closed down and now it is proposed to close the other within the next five or six weeks. It is quite evident from the Minister's statement that he endorses the action of the Board of C.I.E. He has given it unqualified support and has gone to great extremes in expressing admiration for the businesslike attitude and approach of that Board in dealing with transport matters since it took over a few years ago.

There is no constituency in the country more adversely affected by this decision of C.I.E. in September last than the constituency of Cork West which I represent. The whole rail system in that constituency has been completely wiped out by the sudden blow struck three or four months ago. Since the announcement made in September that this line would be closed, members of the Dáil from West Cork have been endeavouring to bring it before the House. All local authorities in that country have endeavoured, in every way possible, to get an interview with the Taoiseach, or with the Minister for Transport and Power, or the Board of C.I.E. in accordance with the assurances set out in the Transport Act quoted at length by Deputy McGilligan.

A few days subsequent to the announcement we had a resolution from the Western Committee of the Country Council, consisting of 12 elected councillors from that area. That was subsequently supported by the Cork County Council, the major local authority in this country, the Cork Corporation, the Committee of Agriculture and other district councils, development associations and private bodies. Their demands were quite simple: that they be given an opportunity to place certain views which they held regarding the proposed closure of the railway before the Board of C.I.E. and, if the Board of C.I.E. would not receive them, before the Head of the State, the Taoiseach, who was responsible for the Transport Act of 1958, and the Minister himself, Deputy Childers.

All these efforts failed. The replies of the Chairman of the Board were of the most curt nature possible. In fact, that gentleman sent a reply consisting of only one line to the Cork County Council, a body which represents such a wide volume of public opinion. The reply merely stated that he did not propose to receive a deputation. How did this gentleman come to get the office that he holds? We are told by the Minister in the——

We cannot have a discussion on the officials of C.I.E.

We can have a discussion on the Board of C.I.E., because the Minister has endorsed the decision of the Board. He claims it to be an infallible decision.

The Deputy is about to discuss the appointment of the official in question. That does not arise.

I am not proposing to discuss that; I am proposing to discuss how the present Board came to be set up as a result of the Transport Act of 1958. First of all, we were told by the Minister that we had an enquiry into the transport requirements of this country in 1956, known as the Beddy Commission. As a result of the report submitted by the Commission it was decided to promote legislation and in consequence we had the Transport Act, 1958.

The Board of C.I.E. was set up as a result of that Act. It was set up for the purpose of making C.I.E. economically sound and to wipe out the losses they had incurred for a number of years. It was not implied at that time, or at any subsequent time, that these losses were to be neutralised mainly by cutting away a large mileage of branch lines, such as has happened since the Board came into being. That was not the implication. On the other hand, the Minister, the Taoiseach now, in the course of his Dáil statements, implied they were going to set up a Board of men who were capable of making the system pay without any drastic reductions in the services, with particular reference to the railway services provided. He suggested that the Board proposed to be set up would be second to none. He made that quite clear in the course of the debate and said that the Board would find ways and means of bringing additional revenue and additional traffic to C.I.E. which would make it sound economically. It was never implied at the time that that would be brought about by cutting away some 420 miles of railway within two or three years.

It certainly was.

In the Minister's statement the figure 420 is mentioned. Deputy McGilligan has reminded the Taoiseach, who was present, of the assurances he gave in this House during the various Stages of the Transport Act. It is regrettable to have to state, but one is forced to do so having regard to the circumstances, that it is now quite evident that these statements were deceitful, that they were made with a view to getting Dáil Éireann to agree to the passage of the measure without division. It is quite evident also that the support for the measure was secured by false pretences. In any case we on this side of the House, being a minority, could not successfully oppose the Government's implementation of the Transport Act but we endeavoured to get certain assurances which were freely given and which we thought were quite fair and quite just. Unfortunately, these assurances are not being honoured. It is scandalous that the man who is now leader of this country, the Taoiseach, should so dishonour the assurances he gave to the elected representatives of the people in this Parliament within the past few years.

Like Deputy McGilligan, I could quote several statements indicating his outlook on rail services made by the Taoiseach during the debate on the Transport Bill. On 8th May, the day on which he made the famous announcement about the reception of deputations, he had something else to say:

However, I do not believe that railways are obsolete. I want to state a personal conviction in this matter. I believe that, as a technical device for the transportation of traffic, the railways are superior to road transport for most classes of traffic and certainly when the problems of peak requirements are taken into account. I expressed the doubt here in November whether it would be physically possible to handle our grain harvest, our sugar beet harvest, the pilgrimage traffic that develops during the year and the other special traffics in respect of goods or passengers that arise from time to time, without railways.

Would the Deputy give the reference, please?

Column 1681, Volume 167 of the Official Report of the 8th May, 1958. The Taoiseach added:

It would be most detrimental to the development of our tourist trade if it became known abroad that no railway services were available in Ireland.

There is one passage from the Taoiseach which made it quite clear to the members of this House where the Taoiseach stood, so far as railways are concerned. He clearly indicated that he was quite satisfied that railways were essential. That was one of the reasons he got such co-operation in the passage of the Transport Act, 1958.

I am sure that in the course of his intervention in this debate the Taoiseach will explain the meaning of the passage at Column 1683, Volume 167, quoted by Deputy McGilligan, regarding the reception of deputations where he said, "Of course they will do it". Will the Taoiseach tell us now how that assurance has been honoured, how the many representations of every kind that have been made by such bodies as the county council and the others that I have mentioned have been ignored and completely refused?

There were other statements made regarding what the present Taoiseach thought about the closing of branch lines at the time which equally assured us in the year 1958 and which are now being dishonoured. As a result of these statements he put our minds at ease as to his outlook on the closing of branch lines.

On 27th November, 1957, reported at Column 1050, Volume 164 of the Official Report, the present Taoiseach said:

There is another aspect of this financial problem that I should, perhaps, deal with now. There is, I know, a popular belief that the financial difficulties of C.I.E. are due mainly or entirely to the continued operation of branch lines. All the information available to me would make it quite clear that the elimination of branch line operations would not make any appreciable difference to C.I.E.'s financial problem. The C.I.E. Board tells me that there are 22 branch, link and secondary lines and that all these branch, link and secondary lines between them lose £100,000 per year. That loss on these lines has to be related to the overall loss of £2 million on the operation of the whole system. Against that loss of £100,000 per year on branch line operation, the Board claim that these branch lines contribute traffic to the system worth over £800,000 per year.

That was another clear indication of the Taoiseach's faith in retaining rail services. In any case, the measure was approved and subsequently put into operation and a Board of seven members was appointed and we had a statement from the chairman of the Board, a man who we all believed, with the help and co-operation of his colleagues on the Board, would give us a first-class transport service without taking from us a large mileage of railway in various parts of the country.

The Minister has expressed his belief in the Board's infallibility but the Board itself, through their chairman, do not process to be infallible. The chairman has quite clearly stated that he is not infallible in transport problems or, at least, was not 12 months ago. On Monday, 22nd February, 1960, at Jury's Hotel, Dublin, the chairman prefaced his remarks by stating—this was six or seven months prior to the announcement about the closing of the Cork railway and the Clare and Waterford sections—

It is now more that a year since I became Chairman of C.I.E. and there is still about six weeks to go before the end of the first financial year of the new C.I.E. When I became chairman of C.I.E. I think I said my mind was completely open and uninformed on the subject of transport.

So that, 12 months prior to the month of February, 1960 the Chairman of C.I.E. himself admitted that he was uninformed on the subject of transport. We all know what a complex subject that is.

The Chairman continued:

I had no fixed ideas and indeed, after nearly a year and a half of very close association with the problem, while my mind is very much less of a blank it is still in a state of flux—

In February, 1960 the Chairman's mind was in a state of flux, according to himself, and I am sure the Minister appreciates what it is when a man's mind is in a state of flux. The Chairman continued:

and I could not predict at this stage what the ultimate pattern of public transport in Ireland might be over the next five years.

That is a very interesting chapter coming from a man who was deemed by the Government to be infallible and who was Chairman and Managing Director of public transport.

He prefaced the statement he made on public transport, in February, 1960, by saying that up to twelve months ago he was uninformed on the question of transport, that then, after twelve months, his mind was still in a state of flux and that he could not predict what would happen in the future. Is it not rather peculiar that a man who was uninformed so far as transport was concerned in 1958 or 1959 and whose mind was in a state of flux in 1960 should, within six or seven months, close down a railway in Cork to a total of 92 miles, serving some 100,000 of the population of that big, widespread area, giving employment to 210 men and a wage income of £93,000?

The Minister endorses that policy, the striking attitude of a man who so far as transport problems are concerned was, to put it mildly, somewhat mentally incapacitated. He did not understand those problems, but he made these sweeping decisions within six or seven months with the full approval, as has now been indicated, of the responsible Minister for Transport and Power.

Naturally Deputies such as Deputy Wycherley and I and the representatives from the Cork South constituency were anxious to ascertain whether or not the Minister stood over the action of this Board—which action, incidentally, was taken on a majority decision —under the chairmanship of an uninformed man as far as transport is concerned. We got little or no satisfaction from the statement which the Minister made in Cork some short time afterwards. I need not mention the repeated representations to which that gave rise, to meet this chairman and Board. The chairman was in a state of flux on the 22nd February last, but here is another statement from him on that date:

Nor do I consider it reasonable that when decisions to close lines are actually taken and published that we should be asked to receive deputations whose object is to get us to reverse our decisions.

Then he says further down:

... the most exhaustive investigation of the past results and future prospects, that somebody outside the organisation will have an inspired solution to the problem which has baffled not merely us, but transport experts all over the world. If anyone has any suggestions, even now, we would be most anxious to have them and to examine them sympathetically.

Will the Deputy give the reference?

A statement by the Chairman of C.I.E. on Monday, 22nd February, 1960, at Jury's Hotel, Dublin. That was a rather peculiar statement in the light of the Chairman's opening statement. Even though the man was in a state of flux about transport he would not avail of the advice and suggestions of any local interest whatsoever. It is completely contradictory because he clearly indicates in the latter part of the statement which I have read that he firmly believes there is no one outside the Board of C.I.E. who is capable of advising the Board on any problems whatever. By making that statement he proclaims his infallibility which he took great pains to deny in his opening statement.

He makes another statement which is also peculiar in the light of the action he has since taken. He states:

I can well conceive, however, of the Government paying C.I.E. money to render a public service which must, in the nature of things, be uneconomic but which public policy requires should be given. But as I have already said, I think these public services should be isolated in the accounts of C.I.E. and that the taxpayers should know exactly for what they are paying. I repeat that in the course of time—we will not be able to do it this year— we hope so to isolate these services in our accounts.

I consider that a fair statement. In other words, he felt that where branch lines were losing money and where it was in the national interest that they should be maintained, they should be shown as separate items and isolated from the general body of the accounts. The Taoiseach and the Government used to express the view that even though a particular service may not be an economic one it might be essential to the national good that it should be retained. If that is the Taoiseach's belief, it is not for a Board such as C.I.E., who represent no one, who have never had the confidence of any sections of the community other than the confidence of the Government in doing a particular job, to make such decisions. In my opinion their job does not extend to doing something that may affect the national interest because any decision in the national interest, such as retaining an uneconomic service or a service which may be slightly uneconomic, should be a decision for the Government.

There is no doubt that the Board of C.I.E. have been over-blamed in respect of their actions in the closing of these railway lines. There is no doubt that before such drastic measures were taken by the Board the Chairman had prior consultations with the Taoiseach or with the Minister for Transport and Power, Deputy Childers. I am satisfied, having regard to the statement we have heard here today and to the manner in which the Minister has glossed over the many considerations, which should have been taken into account in his statement, that there was connivance between the Board and the Minister for Transport and Power before these measures were announced.

It is our bounden duty as representatives from a constituency so harshly and unfairly treated and, in fact, so scandalously treated by a responsible Board with the approval of the Minister, to protest as vigorously as we can. In doing so we are expressing the general viewpoint of the people of West Cork, which they have clearly set out by way of protest petitions which the vast majority of the population signed in the past nine or ten days, in a last effort to get the Government to intervene with the Board of C.I.E. and get them to retract their decision or at least to defer it for some time.

The Minister was asked by Deputy Wycherley and me on a number of occasions to intervene and we were told he could not intervene in regard to the day-to-day affairs of the C.I.E. Board, that he had no function in that matter and that it would be exceeding his duty if he were to agree to our suggestion. I endeavoured by way of Question to get some information as to the functions vested in the Minister for Transport and Power because according to his own expressed statement he has no functions whatever in these matters.

It is, therefore, peculiar to read in the papers in the past day or two that another Minister who, I am sure, has no functions so far as C.I.E. is concerned, is intervening in a matter directly relevant to the affairs of C.I.E. We read that Deputy Lynch, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, is to use his good offices with the Board of C.I.E. to effect a reconciliation in a dispute that has arisen between the Board and some of its employees. Would it not be just as reasonable for Deputy Childers, as Minister for Transport and Power, to accede to the demand of the Deputies from South and West Cork, to accede to the demand of the members of Cork County Council, the Cork Committee of Agriculture and other subsidiary bodies, that he should intervene with C.I.E. regarding their decision to close the railway lines?

The Minister for Industry and Commerce is not using his good offices with C.I.E.

He is intervening in a dispute which has arisen.

That is a very different thing.

It is the same thing. This dispute arises between C.I.E. and a section of its employees while, on the other hand, a dispute arose between the C.I.E. Board—we shall use the term dispute—and a big section of the people regarding the decision of C.I.E. to withdraw certain services. I think it would be quite in keeping with the Minister's office, in charge of Transport and Power, to intervene in such a matter.

The natural case to make—and it has been made—is, of course, that the C.I.E. Board got certain directions and were given certain duties under the Transport Act of 1958. One of the chief directions was that subsequent to 1964 no further subventions would be paid from national funds and that C.I.E. should turn their undertaking into an economic proposition from that date and that they should take whatever steps they deemed fair and reasonable to achieve that position. That is the situation from the Minister's point of view. How have C.I.E. addressed themselves to the matter? In expressing my view on the closing of the West Cork railway line, I am deliberately leaving out Waterford and Clare railway lines because I have no doubt that Deputies from these areas will be much more conversant with the position there and will be able to address themselves to the question much more capably than I could hope to.

On the motion before us concerning C.I.E.'s financial position we are told that the loss on the railways section was reduced to £558,614 for the last financial year. We were told some time ago that the loss on the Cork portion of the system was £56,000, or some ten per cent. of the total amount. The then Minister got a further brainwave subsequently and added an additional £22,000 to that figure bringing it to £78,000. That is the highest sum he could possibly put before us as the actual loss. He gave no details as to how that figure was compiled. We endeavoured to get some information as to how the losses were incurred but we failed to do so. The Waterford line was said to have a loss of less than £3,000; the Clare line, I understand, was losing in the region of £20,000 or a little more. It can be seen that the total loss—on C.I.E. figures which they were not prepared to substantiate and I have no doubt they gave the highest possible figures —would not mean much more than £100,000 or less than 20 per cent. of the total loss for the last financial year.

If on those figures, it was right and just to close a line of 92 miles in Cork serving such a big part of the country, surely it must be equally right and just to close a number of other branch lines because it is quite obvious there are several other branch lines responsible for the further loss of £450,000 in the C.I.E. rail system for the past year? It is evident beyond any doubt that there are a number of other lines far less important than the West Cork Line—which could not properly be described as a branch line at all—losing a good deal of money but C.I.E. has made it clear that before the operative date for economic working of the railways it does not propose to close any more lines.

To my mind that clearly indicates that we have been victimised and discriminated against in West Cork. That is the only possible interpretation of C.I.E.'s actions. If they came along and said: "We must close all these uneconomic lines; we cannot afford to continue asking the taxpayers or our other profitable services to subsidise these uneconomic lines. We must close them all by 1964", then there might be some justification, but to come along and close a line 92 miles long serving a section of the country that is second to none so far as tourism is concerned, is outrageous. That is the mildest language I can use to describe it.

Another feature of this report which is the subject of the Minister's motion, is that for the year ended 31st March there were improvements, and vast improvements, in the finances of C.I.E. and that, on account of the fact that losses were curtailed by some 60 per cent. or 70 per cent. it is presumed here that when the West Cork line, which is losing £56,000 plus the additional figure subsequently mentioned of £22,000 is closed and when the Clare and Waterford lines, losing between them £25,000, are also closed, C.I.E. will be on firm ground financially. That is the implication: "We do not want to close any other lines when we have the Cork, Waterford and Clare lines closed. We can then plod along nicely and face 1964 with confidence because we shall be able to say to the Government that we have fulfilled our objectives and that we require no further subventions. The closing of these lines will balance C.I.E.'s accounts." Surely that paragraph needs some explanation from the Minister as to how its promises can be achieved, as to how the Company can discriminate against particular lines which he says are closed because they were uneconomic while leaving other lines which I have been informed are used only to a very small extent and must obviously be uneconomic.

When speaking in support of the retention of the West Cork line, it is not my policy to mention other lines which undoubtedly are uneconomic especially in cases where there is only one train in each direction daily. Yet, there is no question of closing these lines. It is not my intention to focus attention on that matter but someone was kind enough to provide me with a list of what were deemed to be uneconomic lines. There is no mention of closing them down, of course. There is one line of 70 miles which carries one passenger each way daily. That is hardly economic. There is another stretch of 50 miles carrying the same traffic. There is another stretch of 18 miles with one train daily. There is another stretch of seven miles with one beet train from December to January; it is closed for the remainder of the year. There is another line of 40 miles with one freight train daily —no passenger service. I wonder did Dr. Andrews forget that these lines were in existence? How is it that we in Cork have had so much attention brought to bear on us in comparison with these?

Because the Deputy was not using them.

I should love to see Deputy Galvin stand up here and make his own contribution to this motion. Indeed, it would be no harm for him to make a start.

With regard to the argument that these lines were not being used, I am sure the Minister has in his possession all the information as to what use was made of the lines in West Cork. He knows very well the intake in goods and passengers on the line from Albert Quay to West Cork. It has been put to him very clearly that numbers of people are involved. When I speak here I speak as a public representative; I give a representative viewpoint. I do not speak because I, or my colleague, Deputy Galvin, may not use the railway line. It does not happen to suit us in our particular business. We have to stop in towns and villages in order to interview constituents, and so on. That is not the case with other people who are anxious to use the line and it is on behalf of these people I am making the case here. Their anxiety is quite evident if one is to judge by the size of the petition which will be submitted, I understand, to the Taoiseach in the near future.

There is another side of the picture. The Government, and particularly the Taoiseach have made many appeals exhorting us to keep as many people as possible at home on the land and put an end to emigration by trying to provide employment for them. The Government are prepared to subsidise industry irrespective of whether that industry is run by Irishmen or foreigners. A list of attractions has been advertised in an effort to get people to come here and establish industries, industries which will provide employment, increase the national income and keep more of our people at home. Did the Minister ever mention that aspect of our policy to the Board of C.I.E.? Even accepting the Minister's figure of £78,000, there are at the present time 210 families provided with a reasonably good income as a result of their work on the Cork railway line. If we could get an industry in West Cork which would give the same level of income to 210 families we would be very glad to have it.

With the development of the area industrially plus tourist development it is absolutely essential that we should retain the railway services. One can today take a £6 rambling ticket issued by C.I.E. which entitles the holder to visit any part of the rail system over a period of 15 days. If this railway line is closed down Baltimore, Courtmacsherry and Bantry will be put outside the ambit of such rambling tickets. The tourist will not be able to visit these areas unless he decides to avail of bus transport. It is reasonable to assume that many tourists will not put themselves to the inconvenience of switching from one mode of transport to another. From that view alone the closing of this railway will be a big disadvantage. We have several scenic attractions at Baltimore, Courtmacsherry, Bantry, Glengariff, Schull and other districts. Tourists who visit these areas spend money. Obviously it is the intention now to cut off this source of income from the people.

From the point of view of industrial development, it is not possible to forecast the result but there can be no question that such closing will have unfavourable effects. The Cork County Council addressed themselves at recent meetings to the question of the economics of the matter. They wanted to find out from the county manager and their chief technical advisers what the impact would be on local revenue if the proposal to close down the railways were to mature. These experts reported as to what would be involved and it was decided at a recent council meeting to send a copy of that report to the Taoiseach, to the Minister and to the Board of C.I.E.

Deputy McGilligan referred to the upward trend in local taxation, and he said that people were most desirous and anxious that local taxation should be kept at the lowest possible level. Naturally, that is the aim of every public representative, always remembering that essential services must be provided for at all times. The document to which I refer is a joint effort and, at the conclusion of the meeting which discussed the report, members of the council of all shades of political thought paid tribute to those responsible for the preparation of the document, for the way in which it was produced, for the factual data collated and for the fairness and impartiality of the conclusions reached as to the position likely to result were this proposal permitted to mature. I can inform the Minister that the Fianna Fáil members commented just as favourably on it as any member of the Opposition. They were able to prove by experience what the growth in local revenue would be. Earlier in the report, it is stated that 24½ miles of railway were closed about three years ago, the Cork to Macroom line. The report adds that the impact of the closing of that line is being felt, as the southern road to Macroom is already showing signs of failure on its south side.

Further on, the report states:

If these lines are closed, it is anticipated that the total volume of extra traffic thrown on to these roads would be approximately 120,000 tons. Approximately one-third of this traffic is beet, which will be transported in a 12-week period when roads are most susceptible to damage. I have gone into details before arriving at the above figures. The points inquired into were as follows:

(a)Goods to and from West Cork.

(b)Coal and other items carried.

(c)Livestock to and from West Cork, which is an appreciable figure, and

(d)The haulage of beet.

I shall send Deputy Galvin a copy of this report for his information. It clearly answers some of the questions he addressed to me earlier on. If he reads this, he will find out what the West Cork railway line is carrying in goods traffic, and I am sure the Minister will have no hesitation in supplying him with percentage traffic figures as well. The report goes on:

Assuming an even distribution over the year (300 days), which would be most conservative, as beet lorries operate for only three months in Winter when damage to road surfaces would be greatest and livestock transport would cause a greater concentration of traffic on a lesser number of days, the number of extra lorries or large vans would be greatly increased.

The report continues to state the nature of the increase, and the final summary states, in respect of the 113 miles of roads directly affected, that it would take at least £10,000 to £15,000 per mile to bring them up to the reasonable standard required to cope with the additional bus and lorry traffic placed on them. That figure represents a cost of from £1,130,000 to £1,695,000.

And the Deputy believes it?

I have no doubt that I believe it and every member of the council approved of this factual statement.

Are the roads not substandard anyway?

I have not completed my statement about the cost of improving the roads. In addition, there are 48 miles of roads in the area contiguous to this line which must also be brought up to standard and that would require a further £480,000. Therefore, the cost of meeting the engineer's estimate would be in the neighbourhood of £2,200,000, and the Minister can judge for himself how insignificant £56,000 would be in comparison with that formidable figure.

It is just laughable.

As the Minister appears to be rather doubtful, I shall give him the exact quotation: "...an estimate of the total cost would not serve any useful purpose, as it would run into a prohibitive figure." That is what we were told—that it would be futile for these people to waste time in giving us an exact estimate of the money involved.

I shall not go into the subsequent portion of the report which deals with the question of grants, but I must stress forcibly the concluding paragraph, which states:

In conclusion, another important aspect of the increased traffic is its passage through Dunmanway, Clonakilty and Bandon, especially at the peak point in the beet season, as one-side parking in the last two towns may not meet the problem, and the question of by-passes may have to be considered.

This report visualises the possibility of by-passing three towns in West Cork and everybody knows what this would mean for the towns concerned.

The Minister has been legitimately elected by a majority of the members of this House. He is now running into his last year of office and the time is coming when the people will have an opportunity of again assessing the merits and qualifications of their Ministers and other representatives here. To-day the Minister has endorsed in no uncertain manner the decision of C.I.E. suddenly to wipe out a railway line, 92 miles in extent, which has been operating in County Cork for more than 90 years. Its advantages to the county and the people it has served over that period must indeed be clear by now. Yet one is amazed to think that, by an abrupt decision of a State-sponsored body, this railway line is to be wiped out and, if we are to judge by what took place in other areas, the lines are to be pulled up immediately without the local people having an opportunity of discussing the position with the Board.

That is all the more regrettable when we take into account the frame of mind of the man deemed to be chiefly responsible, Dr. Andrews. About five or six months before this decision was taken, Dr. Andrews' mind, to use his own words, was "in a state of flux about transport." I believe I am within my rights in criticising the dictatorial attitude of the Board. What right have C.I.E. to say to the representatives of 100,000 people in West Cork: "We will not waste time with you"? Who do they think they are? Where do they come from? Where do they get their infallibility? Any Minister or any Government who would stand over that attitude on the part of a board such as the Board of C.I.E. is not fit to be a Minister or a Government, and I have no doubt that the people will give their answer on this matter when they get an opportunity.

However, our obligations and duties as Deputies are to make representations. I want to make representations to the Minister, and I am sure my colleagues will follow me, to reconsider this decision, even at this late stage, and to ask the responsible body concerned to receive a representative deputation and discuss this matter with them. I have no doubt that if I, in my capacity as a Deputy, were to phone the Minister's office this afternoon— or next week because, perhaps, he might not be in such a good mood this afternoon—and said I wanted to see him about a particular matter, he would accede to my request, and I am pretty sure the Taoiseach would do likewise.

When a major matter arises such as the wiping out suddenly of a railway which has been serving people for more than 90 years—providing a decent living for 210 families as well as serving people with passenger traffic and goods traffic — we cannot possibly be helped and a deputation will not be received. The General Manager of C.I.E., Mr. Lemass, said it would be a waste of time to discuss the matter.

Another unfortunate aspect of this question is that it has been alleged, and I believe rightly so, that C.I.E. deliberately sabotaged these lines by driving traffic and custom away from them, particularly in the matter of the haulage of beet. They were so abrupt in their communications with farmers and others that those people had no alternative but to use the road services. It is equally true that instead of doing what Dr. Andrews said they would do in his address in Jury's Hotel to secure additional traffic for C.I.E., they made opposite efforts in West Cork. Possibly having in mind the closing of the West Cork railway, they endeavoured to reduce the income to the lowest possible figure in order that they would have as good a case as could be made for the closing of that line.

As time is limited, I do not think it would be right for me to delay the House much longer. Other Deputies will require an opportunity of speaking on this matter. To sum up, the case to be made is, first of all, that the loss on the C.I.E. railway services in Cork proposed to be closed down is a very small percentage of their total losses on rail services; secondly, the persistent refusal of the Board of C.I.E. to meet any deputation is a clear implication that they have not a good case to make for the closure. Surely if the Board or the Minister had a good case, there would be no hesitation in receiving any deputation, and they would be only too willing and anxious to have a deputation before them to tell them plainly and bluntly why they were closing the railway and why it was the only possible way out. It is quite evident that the dictatorial attitude of the Board must be influenced to a large extent by the absence of good grounds for the proposal to close the railway lines.

Does the Minister agree that the assurances given by the Taoiseach in the course of the debate on the Transport Act have been carried out, or does he agree that they have been flagrantly flouted in the most outrageous manner possible? Does he agree that C.I.E. acted in conformity with the terms of that measure in endeavouring to ascertain the future potentialities of the lines proposed to be closed down? Whom did C.I.E. contact in West Cork for information with regard to increased custom? I know of no one, no public person, no private businessman or no group of people such as development associations or local councils. Was any such body contacted by C.I.E. with regard to the future potentialities of the railway lines?

One would imagine, since these lines have been in existence for so many years, if C.I.E. thought they had a good case they would receive these deputations and at least give a respite to the railways of, say, two, three or four years, with a view to seeing what would happen in the meantime. C.I.E. do not propose to act in any but the mose dictatorial way possible. They will not grant any respite and are prepared only to give these railways a sudden death without giving a hearing to any of the local interests concerned. That is not the spirit of the Transport Act. That is not the spirit of the Act which was passed in this House in 1958. The assurances given have not been honoured as it was clearly and definitely implied they would be honoured when the Act was being passed through the House. The Act was flouted also in another way. Even before the expiry of the two months' statutory notice, C.I.E. were busily engaged dismantling portions of the railway system. That was completely in conflict with the terms of the Transport Act.

It is incumbent on and imperative for me, in accordance with the viewpoints of the people I represent and in accordance with the expressed views of every public body in Cork, including the premier local authority, Cork County Council, to ask the Minister again to reconsider this decision which I believe was taken jointly by the Minister and C.I.E. That was more or less implied. I am asking him to use his good offices with C.I.E. in a similar manner to that in which the Minister for Industry and Commerce is using his good offices on another problem of some concern.

I ask the Board of C.I.E. to grant a respite to these railways in West Cork. If they are not satisfied to retract their decision entirely, would they at least agree to allow the railways to continue in operation for, say, three years, until 1964? When 1964 comes along, the situation so far as the economics of the railway system are concerned could be reviewed, and we will be in a better position to arrive at a fair and just decision than we are at the present time when we are arriving at a hasty and undue decision without taking any account of the viewpoints of the local people involved.

I am delaying the House for a few further minutes to repeat that request to the Minister. If nothing else can be done, will he at least accede to a request for a respite for, say, two years? If he and the Board decide to agree, they could make a statement, saying: "We are now agreeing to the many representations that have been made to continue in existence this railway that you have had for almost 100 years, for at least another two or three years on a trial period, and could review the position then. If it is not used in that period to the extent we think it should, we shall have to implement our decision of some months ago." I believe the Minister is obliged to do that. If he does not, he is flouting democracy and is not fit to hold his job.

There have been few occasions in this House on which such a blatant example of political insincerity has taken place. The amendment was moved, on behalf of the chief Opposition Party, by Deputy McGilligan. It is a new departure for Deputy McGilligan to criticise a Fianna Fáil Minister for Transport and Power for doing something which he, Deputy McGilligan, considered would cause a loss of unemployment and hardship in certain areas.

Deputy McGilligan should cast his mind back to the early days of 1948— still on transport, still on employment —when he closed our transatlantic air services and when the Lockheed maintenance factory in Shannon Airport, which was to give employment to 600 families, was closed not by the State body, Aer Rianta or Aer Lingus, but by the first Coalition Government of which Deputy McGilligan was one of the leading lights. He comes along to-day and launches a vicious and insincere attack on the Minister for Transport and Power and, through him, on the Government and the Taoiseach. Deputy McGilligan, described by Deputy Norton on a memorable occasion as a bulldozer traversing Ireland and levelling our industries, has the audacity to put down an amendment here to-day.

Deputy M.P. Murphy was, if anything, consistent in his inconsistencies. He sought a stay of execution on the one hand and on the other hand queried why the management of C.I.E. were not closing more branch lines. He cannot have the stay of execution—or does he want, to quote a memorable extract in relation to a very tragic occasion by a famous newspaper in this country: "a few more executions and the Government will stay its hand"? Evidently that is what Deputy M.P. Murphy considers C.I.E. have in mind when they announce that these closings will be the last until 1964.

The misrepresentation, particularly by Deputy McGilligan, here to-day should not go unanswered. Section 19 of the Transport Act, 1958, gave power to the Board of C.I.E. to close a branch line under two conditions. They had to be satisfied the service was uneconomic. That was not sufficient. They had also to satisfy themselves, and were under statutory obligation by virtue of Section 19 of the 1958 Act to prove and satisfy themselves, that there was no prospect of its continued operation being economic within a reasonable period.

As we know, the overlying principle was to eliminate losses by 31st March, 1964. Deputy McGilligan bemoans the high level of local and central taxation and yet wants a State body to continue to run branch railways which they have satisfied themselves are uneconomic and show no prospect of their continued operation being economic. It is the old Fine Gael mentality of trying to have it both ways. In the Press, and on Radio Éireann to-night, the public should be made fully aware of the purpose of this debate. Deputy McGilligan's amendment is purely political. A general election is in the air. So long as Deputy O'Sullivan admits that that is the purpose——

He does not.

——in whole or in part——

No. The Taoiseach's promise is good enough for us.

Deputy M.P. Murphy's speech is for local consumption. No doubt Deputy W. Murphy, that most respected Deputy from Ennistymon, will have his contribution to make for the Clare Champion.

Undoubtedly.

No doubt Deputy Corry will have his contribution to make as well. The attitude of the Opposition is pure political hypocrisy, which was blatantly expounded here by Deputy McGilligan and Deputy M.P. Murphy. The public should also be aware that most of the provisions of the Transport Act, 1958, were enacted by this House as a result of a Commission set up by the Coalition Government. Is that agreed? They will not even agree that the Coalition set up the Beddy Committee.

It was set up in 1956. When they reported in May, 1957, Fianna Fáil were in office. We accepted most of the recommendations. We did not accept all of the recommendations of this Coalition—not Coalition-constituted—body; I agree it was independent.

It was set up by the Coalition. Fortunately, not all of its recommendations were accepted by the Government. The Beddy Committee wanted, as can be shown on the maps furnished with the report, a mileage of 850 miles closed down compared with the then existing 1,918 miles of line. The Government did not accept that suggestion. As to the extent to which the lines would have to be closed, the Government took the view that it was a matter for C.I.E. themselves and C.I.E. only and not a matter for this House, the members of the Government and Deputies who had only a superficial knowledge of the transport system. The Government, in their wisdom, decided that the most competent people to close a branch line would be the transport body, having regard to their day-to-day knowledge, experience and administration.

What is the main reason these branch lines are being closed at the present time? There is one reason and one reason only-the fact that they have not received sufficient support from local people. Deputy McGilligan in his amendment:

deplores the closing of branch lines without adequate prior consultation with local interests ...

Would the Deputy read on? Would the Deputy mind concluding the sentence?

I do not: "contrary to the undertaking to Dáil Éireann given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce during the debate on the Transport Bill, 1958."

Now we have it. That is right. That is more fair than to take it out of its context.

If anyone has been taken out of his context, it is the former Minister for Industry and Commerce. A past master at taking speeches out of their context is the same Deputy McGilligan. The then Minister for Industry and Commerce, speaking at Col. 1595, vol. 167 of the Official Report said—and I will quote a little more fully than did Deputy McGilligan this morning:

This Bill empowers the Board to close down any line or any station for which there is clearly no future. It empowers them to close down a line or station on their own decision and without having to seek the prior approval of the Transport Tribunal.

They are, however, given a statutory direction not to terminate any rail service, except where they first satisfy themselves that there are no prospects of its continued operation being economical within a reasonable period.

Then he goes on to say:

The Board, are, of course, also placed under a general obligation so to conduct the undertaking as to eliminate losses on its working by 31st March, 1964. That means, in effect, that the fate of any branch line, or any station, depends on whether sufficient business is generated to justify its retention and the future of these lines and stations will be determined primarily, therefore, by the amount of local support given to them.

We were not given that statement by Deputy McGilligan this morning. Here was the then Minister for Industry and Commerce—now Taoiseach— speaking on 8th May, 1958, giving ample warning of what would happen, what powers were being vested in the Board and giving his reasons, which received the unanimous approval of the House, for saying that the C.I.E. Board was the competent body to judge whether a branch line should be allowed to remain in existence or should be closed, since, as I have already said, they had the knowledge and figures on all these matters.

I should like to refresh Deputy O'Sullivan's memory. At Col. 1596, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce said:

If C.I.E. is to be put in the position to act entirely on the basis of the information available to it, there will be no further justification for the continued existence of the tribunal.

—in other words, suggestions by some members of the House at that time that, if a branch line were to be closed, there should be an appeal. It was agreed by most of the members of the House and passed, indeed, unopposed that C.I.E. were the people to close the branch line. With regard to the undertakings which Deputy McGilligan states the Minister gave——

You will get it at Col. 1683 of the Official Report, second paragraph.

"Of course, they will do it."

That is right.

By their fruits, you shall know them.

Quite so. Hear, hear!

Do not "hear, hear" too quickly. The Minister said:

In cases of decisions to close down a branch railway line, the Bill says two months' notice must be given. I do not think we need to write in there that during these two months the board will have to hear the deputation from the local council of the town losing the railway service or meet the representations of trade unions who may have a point of view. Of course, they will do it.

Of course, they will.

The Minister went on:

Indeed, the whole purpose of the requirement to give two months' notice was to provide a statutory period during which these inevitable representations could be entertained. It is far better to let our knowledge of what will happen guide our judgment in this matter than to be seeking to write into the Bill a rigidly statutory safeguard.

That is right.

I will come straight to the point. I have quoted the Taoiseach a little more fully than, perhaps, Deputy McGilligan did. Let me again read Deputy McGilligan's amendment:

and deplores the closing of branch lines without adequate prior consultation with local interests contrary to the undertaking to Dáil Éireann given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce during the debate on the Transport Bill, 1958.

Is Deputy O'Sullivan's mind, or Deputy McGilligan's mind, so small as to visualise that the only type of representation that can be made to a board is when the board is sitting around a table and a deputation comes up from West Cork to put their case before the board? Would Deputy O'Sullivan—and it is not stretching the imagination too far—not agree that when he was Parliamentary Secretary and received a letter from a constituent, or a member of this House, he would very often in the course of a speech on an Estimate say that he had received representations on this matter; that "representations were made to me on this matter"? He did not have to get the people up from Limerick and have them sit down in front of him and say to them: "This is the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach" or they say to him: "We are the people of East Limerick and we petition you to do so-and-so."

They either submit a memorandum or have representations made by a member of the Oireachtas, or their solicitor, or someone acting on their behalf. I throw in Deputy McGilligan's face the exact terms and say they are completely incorrect, untrue and a misrepresentation of the facts. The suggestion is that the undertaking given by the Taoiseach as Minister for Industry and Commerce in regard to prior consultation with C.I.E. was broken. Again——

"To hear the deputation" were the words.

Before they closed these branch lines, they consulted all interested parties.

Cork County Council, for example.

A county council knows "sweet nothing" about railways. As a matter of fact, if I were Minister for Local Government and heard Deputy M.P. Murphy telling us about this tremendous report prepared by the Cork county engineer in regard to the costings of the roads as a result of the closing of this line I would surcharge the county engineer. He has enough to do there——

Surcharge him for what?

What business was it of his to enter into a deliberation which is no concern of his?

What is no concern of his?

Stick to your brief.

He was asked to give an estimate of what it would cost.

It was at the direction of the county council. The Minister has a very bad man handling his brief today. I must commiserate with him. It was a very bad selection.

He was doing all right while he stuck to his brief.

He is in a state of flux, like the chairman of C.I.E.

Before I depart from the reference to the county engineer, reports were received from the local authorities concerned in West Cork, Clare and Waterford, and they suggested that a major portion of the roads over which the substituted services are operated is very much sub-standard already. When Deputy Murphy speaks of road costings, and so much per mile, his figures, as anyone who can do ordinary arithmetic will see, are quite fantastic. If we were to go on his costings, it would mean that instead of getting £10 million annually from the Road Fund, we would have to get £1,400 million per annum.

Can we take the Donegal costings as being fair?

Let the Deputy not misunderstand; it is not a question of road costing. Deputy Murphy's figures were given as a result of the closing——

That is what I mean. The Donegal figures are absolutely comparable.

They were so ridiculous, in fact, that they are not worth mentioning.

£375,000 grant for over 500 miles in Donegal—a special grant from the Minister for Local Government.

This kind of interruption does not carry any weight because the Deputy is not fooling anybody.

These are facts.

Was it not explained by the Minister for Local Government that whether or not that line was closed, certain works would have to be done, and very substantial works?

These are special railway closing grants for four or five——

Deputy O'Malley should not be interrupted in this fashion. He should be allowed to make a speech.

I have already pointed out that the Taoiseach's undertakings have been fully honoured in regard to the question of having adequate prior consultation with local interests. They consulted the county council and they consulted the Department of Local Government. With regard to the possible detrimental effect of the closing of these lines on future industrialisation of the areas in question, they consulted the Department of Industry and Commerce; they consulted the Industrial Development Authority.

A Deputy

How does the Deputy know this?

How do I know this?

What agricultural interests were consulted?

I am not finished at all.

Give us the rest.

I am giving a long list to show how the undertakings of the Taoiseach, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, were kept. I shall give the House the entire list and I shall have something to say about the carriage and cartage of wheat as well. When they consulted all those in-interested parties in West Cork, West Clare and Waterford and Tramore, they gave the fullest consideration to the effect of the closing of these lines on future industries. They were satisfied that any new industrial development in the area would be served at least as well by road as by rail. Deputy McGilligan bemoaned the fact that no one was consulted locally. Deputy Murphy said that no public man was consulted. Is the Board of C.I.E. to send down for all the county councillors in Cork and ask for their considered opinion on the closing of the West Cork line or these other lines? Deputy McGilligan cited the fact that his Lordship, the Bishop of Cork, was prepared to head a deputation. The local parish priest would head a deputation anytime, if he deemed it to be in the interests of his parishioners.

Good. That is fair enough.

Is that not reasonable?

Quite reasonable, when he is met.

Why should C.I.E. consult a T.D., a Senator, a public man?

A county council.

A county council.

Because the county council have to pay £1,700 in rates to C.I.E. That is one reason.

If Deputy O'Malley's arguments are not sound, they can be refuted when Deputy O'Sullivan or any other Deputy is speaking.

He is only looking for inspiration. He is finding it hard to keep going.

I deprecate these interruptions. The Deputy must be allowed to make his statement.

We are co-operating good-humouredly.

I have established that fact, a Cheann Comhairle. There are a few other points. I was on the point of giving a list of the bodies consulted by C.I.E. before they came to this decision. There is no necessity to recite it. Is Deputy O'Sullivan aware, is Deputy Murphy aware——

Which Deputy Murphy?

Deputy William Murphy or Deputy Michael Pat Murphy, or any Deputy——

I will have a chat with you later on.

Are any of the Deputies from these supposedly afflicted areas aware that C.I.E. consulted every local trader in those areas?

I beg your pardon —they did not.

The definition of "trader" does not include one who sends a greyhound once or twice a year.

I contradict that statement. They did not consult the traders. They refused to hear them.

Where did they refuse to hear them? The kernel of Deputy McGilligan's amendment is that Mr. Lemass, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, gave a certain undertaking which he has now gone back on.

How much further can I go in showing that this undertaking has been faithfully carried out by the Board of C.I.E. and that, if anything, they have leant over backwards to try to placate all the interested parties? I suppose the Ennistymon Chamber of Commerce would like to come up and see the Board. I suppose the Board of C.I.E. have nothing else to do but to receive deputations from the 101 bodies who could set themselves up as interested parties.

Is it not just as natural for the Ennistymon Chamber of Commerce to be interested in the West Clare railway as it is for the Limerick Chamber of Commerce to be interested in a university for Limerick, which the Deputy spent three hours talking about here?

I have pointed out, to the derisive laughter of Deputy O'Sullivan and Deputy William Murphy, that C.I.E. representatives called on every one of their regular— and I underline the word "regular"— customers and the Deputy knows it.

I am sorry, I do not.

They certainly did. A memorandum was prepared by their local officials and a number of men were specifically given the duties of going around to each of the areas.

They called on them to tell them——

The Deputy now says they called on them. A minute ago, it was suggested that they did not call on them.

They called on them two days before the line was to be closed to tell them it was to be closed.

I presume Deputy Murphy proposes to contribute to this debate. He should refrain from interrupting Deputy O'Malley and make his own statement later.

There is no need to interrupt every statement that Deputy O'Malley makes, even if the Deputy thinks it is a wrong argument.

To get on to Mr. Lemass's famous undertaking here on 8th May, 1958, I refer the House to column 1680. That was skipped over by Deputy McGilligan. He said:

In this Bill, I am giving them general directives——

"them" being the Board of C.I.E.

and powers to achieve our general aims, but the intention is that it should be left to them to apply the powers in particular respects and seek to attain these aims in accordance with their own good judgment.

I respectfully submit that the people of this country will value the considered, completely impartial and independent opinion of the Board, presided over by Dr. Andrews, who has already proved himself by the success he has made of Bord na Móna, more highly than the bleating and wailings of Deputy William Murphy, Deputy Michael Murphy and the Fine Gael representative, the mover of the amendment to-day, Deputy McGilligan. I hope my esteemed friend, Deputy Donnellan, will read my remarks.

I always read them.

I do not think the Ceann Comhairle was present earlier when I suggested that it was interesting to hear Deputy McGilligan talking about transport, the same Deputy McGilligan, whom Deputy Norton described as being like a bulldozer going through this country closing down industries.

Like the Shannon Scheme?

Shannon Airport he nearly closed down—the transatlantic air service and the Lockheed repair factory.

The Deputy admits that he is repeating himself.

And he will repeat it for every Deputy who comes in.

I do not hear very well.

The Deputy says that he is repeating himself.

I think I am doing very well so far.

It is a good thing that somebody thinks it.

I would also recall that it was in the mind of the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, as indicated at column 1640 of volume 167, that consultations would take place. At the bottom of column 1640, he stated:

For instance, it would not be unreasonable to ask to have imposed on C.I.E. an obligation to consult beforehand with some kind of consultative committee which, I think, would be the most desirable method——

I beg your pardon—I have the wrong quotation.

Continue quoting the column you were reading.

I am sorry—it is the wrong quotation.

Deputy Michael Murphy suggested in his speech that there should be some appeal from the decisions of C.I.E. That was dealt with fully when the Transport Act, 1958, was going through the House. It was agreed by all Parties in the House that it would be quite ridiculous to have C.I.E. coming to a certain decision after considering all the information available to them and then to have a second body sitting on the decision of the C.I.E. Board. Deputy Murphy inquired where such a matter was mentioned. I quote from column 1682, Vol. 167, of the Dáil Debates of the 8th May, 1958, where the Taoiseach, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, stated:

There is not much point in giving the Board liberty of action with one hand and trying to get it back with the other. Deputy Cosgrave talked about the desirability of having a tribunal to which a trader could appeal if he alleged he was being unfairly discriminated against by C.I.E. in regard to charges. Other Deputies talked about maintaining a right of appeal against a decision of the C.I.E. Board to close down branch lines. We are not dealing here with a private organisation working for profit. That fact must be continually before our minds. Here we have a nationalised undertaking controlled by people chosen by the Government of the day because of their particular suitability—or who should be chosen because of their particular suitability for the operation of that concern... What is the point of making their decisions subject to an appeal? If we pick the best people for the Board, it will be the second best who will be exercising a veto or judgment on their decisions if we give them that power.

To the best of my ability I have shown that the amendment by Deputy McGilligan is quite unnecessary, irresponsibly put down solely for political motives. When Fine Gael have nothing better to do and no constructive suggestions to make to the Government, they put down this amendment for the purpose of political flagwaving. Because this is considered an opportune time to look for a few extra votes in West Cork, West Clare and in the Waterford-Tramore area, they indulge in this blatant and hypocritical conduct.

I have shown here by quotation and example that the adequate prior consultation, referred to by the Taoiseach when he was Minister for Industry and Commerce, and which was mentioned here by Deputy McGilligan, did take place with the Board of C.I.E. which leaned over backwards in this matter. I have shown that even before the expiration of the statutory period of two months which had to expire before the final decision was made, C.I.E. had consulted the Department of Local Government about the subsidiary services and about the provision for road transport services as against those for the rail services. They also discussed with the Industrial Development Authority and with the Department of Industry and Commerce whether closing the lines would have a detrimental effect on the encouragement of new industries in such areas. Their considered opinion was that these areas would not be harmed either from the tourist point of view or from the point of view of potential industrialists being put off if these branch lines were not in existence.

Again C.I.E., before they reached a final decision on the closure of a line, contacted each and every one of its regular customers in the area, discussed the matter with them and submitted a report for the entire Board. The most senior members of C.I.E. interviewed the customers of C.I.E. in the areas in question; furthermore, not once or twice but several times they returned and discussed the question as to whether the frequency of the substitute road services would suit the needs of the traders in question. Yet we have this criticism by Deputy McGilligan that there was no adequate prior consultation.

Would the Deputy name one trader in Tramore or Waterford who was approached?

I do not know any traders from Tramore or Waterford.

The Deputy is only reading from a brief. We know what we are talking about in our own constituency.

The Deputy will have ample opportunity to express his viewpoint.

If the Deputy talks for a couple of hours we will not have any opportunity. That is all he is there for.

Always when Fine Gael know their opponents have scored they get a little narked.

We know the Deputy is trying to filibuster this debate because he does not want the Deputies to speak on it.

There is no question of that. I have not been speaking half as long as either Deputy McGilligan or Deputy Michael Murphy.

Notwithstanding that, the Deputy had to repeat himself half-a-dozen times.

I repeated only one thing half a dozen times, Deputy McGilligan's amendment.

The Deputy should not repeat anything.

No, Sir. Before Deputy Dillon graced us with his presence I reminded the House it was the Coalition Government in 1956 who set up the Commission——

The Deputy is repeating himself there.

One point to which I did not refer was that raised by Deputy Michael Murphy, as to what the charges for road transport would be as against the rail charges. A short time ago the Board of C.I.E. announced reductions in the weekly charges for provincial buses, bringing these in line with rail charges and in certain circumstances very much under the rail charges. I had intended to refer to certain other matters dealt with by Deputy M.P. Murphy, but perhaps I have said enough.

I regret very much the attitude taken up by Deputy O'Malley. While he seemed to throw the onus for making this a political issue on Fine Gael it is extraordinary that no member even mentioned politics until he stood up. I was glad when the Taoiseach came in because he seemed to have a curbing effect on Deputy O'Malley who was not so free with the balderdash afterwards. The Taoiseach is a sensible man, a business man, who knows very well that the sort of speech made by Deputy O'Malley is no help to him or to his Party or to the House.

It is useful for wasting time.

Deputy O'Malley even tackled me on what he thought I would say although I had not opened my mouth until now. He said my speech would naturally be reported in the Clare Champion; possibly it will, and Deputy O'Malley should know by now that I shall come back here after the next election without any trouble.

Let us get down to the motion and the amendment.

I feel that speaking about the West Clare line now is more or less a matter of discussing what should have been done by way of closing the stable door before the horse was stolen. It is a pity that representatives of the House and of the people concerned did not have the opportunity that is afforded here today of putting their views forward. If they had there might not have been— indeed, there would not have been—as much dissatisfaction as there is at present in the areas concerned because of the closing of that line. Undoubtedly, there is a lot of truth in the statement—I have proof of it—that the representatives of the people, or the public bodies, in Clare at any rate, were not allowed an interview by the Board of C.I.E. The answer given was that the C.I.E. Board would see a deputation but only on the question of roads and there would be no mention of retaining the line. That was hard on the people of Clare because there is a history and tradition attached to that line and even though the line has gone I believe that tradition will live on.

The people are very disappointed because if C.I.E. are making the profits they claim and reducing their debts, as stated here to-day, the £10,000 gained by closing the West Clare railway would not mean much. It is also hard on the people of Clare to have to continue to pay their contribution towards the subsidy of £1,000,000 to keep other railways open while their own line is closed. Further, it is very hard for the overburdened rate-paying community of Clare—and overburdened it is at present—to be asked to make and maintain the roads of Clare for the extra traffic now being put on them. There is no doubt that it will mean extra cost because when asked for an estimate the county engineer, I think, spoke about £200,000 or £300,000. He also made it perfectly clear to C.I.E. that the road from Ennis to Ennistymon was a death-trap. There are 48 bends on that road, one more dangerous than another. Already, even before the extra traffic, there are four crosses on the road marking places where fatal accidents occurred. Every day we see appeals for safety on the roads, but how can that be achieved now? On one Sunday alone 1,900 cars passed along the road from Ennis to Lahinch. From that, one can judge what conditions will be like with the extra traffic.

I am expressing what I believe the people feel in West Clare. We shall still have to pay our contribution towards the £1,000,000 subsidy and we believe that it would be only just and fair that the West Clare line should be allowed to remain until the end of the term—that is two years more. If by then the line was not showing a profit or was not being run as well as any other line in the State, by all means close it down. I could guarantee no voice or finger would be raised against it. But, I suppose as I said already, it is a case of talking about locking the stable door when the horse is gone.

I shall intervene briefly. I can assure Deputies that I shall not encroach unduly on the time available to them, but I think it is desirable to try to get this discussion back to some realistic basis. The Government decided to give the Dáil an opportunity of discussing on this motion the policy and administration of C.I.E. in a comprehensive way. We had hoped that the Dáil would welcome and avail of that opportunity. The amendment which was moved, however, by the Fine Gael Party and the speech delivered in support of that amendment by Deputy McGilligan seemed to me to make it clear that, so far as they were concerned, they have decided to decline that opportunity. Instead of getting a constructive debate on transport policy, we have had what I can only describe as a nagging amendment supported by a nagging speech on a matter of a comparatively trivial nature.

That is not true.

I think I am entitled to assume from the terms of the trivial amendment moved by the Fine Gael Party, and the speech delivered in support of it by Deputy McGilligan, that, in fact, the Fine Gael Party, the principal Opposition Party in the House, have no serious complaint to make about transport policy as it is now being administered and have, indeed, no objection to the closing of branch lines so long as local politicians are given adequate opportunity of blowing off steam on deputations to the C.I.E. Board.

That comes ill from a politician. We are all politicians.

Allow me to say that I am prepared to defend to the utmost the right of any politician to blow off steam.

And to represent his constituents.

I do not want to force the Fine Gael Party into some policy announcement based upon irritation, but am I entitled to assume from the amendment they have proposed that the only point of complaint they have to make regarding the administration of C.I.E. is the failure of the Board to receive a deputation from local politicians before closing a branch line?

From tearing up all the rails in the country.

At any rate, so far as the record will show, there will be nothing to indicate that the Fine Gael Party has any policy regarding the closing of branch lines other than that which the C.I.E. Board are now implementing.

They never got an opportunity.

If there were a policy to be advocated by that Party surely it would have been the subject of their amendment. On the question of whether or not the Board should have received a deputation, while that may be the subject of some local irritation, it is surely of very minor significance in relation to the broad issues of transport policy embodied in the Act of 1958 and the manner in which the C.I.E. Board are now administering that policy.

Does the Taoiseach not consider it undemocratic to refuse to receive a deputation?

I am not aware that the Board refused to receive a deputation. In fact, I know the Board did not refuse provided they were confined to discussing——

Provided they did not discuss their methods in relation to the closing of the railways.

——the practical and important issue of the future transport arrangements in these areas.

What about the Taoiseach's own undertaking?

Let me put this question to the Deputies opposite: if the Board had met the deputation, as they might well have done, and if they had given these local political representatives——

Not political.

——an opportunity of making in public the protests which they felt they wanted to make on behalf of their constituents, an opportunity of going through this exercise of blowing off steam, would that have ended the agitation about the closing of these branch lines?

It might have ended the closing.

Do not all of us know that this was just a peg on which all this agitation is being hung and, if that peg were not there, another would have been found.

What does Deputy MacCarthy think of that?

Order. The Taoiseach is in possession.

Is he denying the right of Deputies to make representations?

Deputy Murphy should allow the Taoiseach to speak without interruption. He himself was allowed to speak without interruption.

I am only asking a question.

Personally, I do not think there is the slightest obligation on me to defend the C.I.E. Board for not receiving a deputation without limitation as to the matters to be discussed. However, if they had received such a deputation, would that have been an end of the matter?

It would not have been an end of the railway anyway.

Of course, it would not have been an end of the matter because the important issue is not whether the Board were right in deciding to limit the deputations to discussing future transport arrangements in the areas, but the effect of their decision to close these lines on the economic development of the areas concerned.

Hear, hear.

Why did the Opposition not put that down in their amendment to this motion? Why did the Opposition spokesman not deal with that aspect of it?

We are only getting the opportunity now.

The Opposition have that opportunity now. We put down the motion to give the Opposition that opportunity. But, instead of that, we get a niggling speech from the principal speaker for the Fine Gael Party.

The pledged word of the Taoiseach ought to be a matter of some significance.

So far as I am concerned, I would expect the Board to receive local deputations when they propose to close a branch line. The Board have agreed to receive deputations upon the important aspect of that question, and I left this House under no illusion whatsover as to what the policy of the Board would be. I said on 29th May, 1958——

28th May.

I am quoting from Column 929 of Volume 168 of the Official Report.

Turn to Column 1683 of Volume 167.

Let me quote:

It is certainly contemplated that C.I.E. will in the future eliminate from the rail service any branch or stations which are uneconomic and where there is no prospect that they will become economic. When they have decided to close a branch line or station, the question of alternative transport facilities in that area arises.

Would the Taoiseach turn to column 1683?

Let me deal with this, as I regard it, important question as to whether the closing of the West Cork branch line is prejudicial to the economic development of the area; whether it is true, as Deputy Murphy suggested, that the railway is essential to the economic prospects of the area; or whether its economic development depends in the slightest degree on the preservation of the railway. Since the C.I.E. Board announced their intention to close the West Cork railway there have been three announcements of intention to establish important new industries in the West Cork area and, at the moment, there are proposals for four additional important industries in that area.

We have none in the Tramore area.

Does that not demonstrate beyond question that the existence of the railway is in no way essential to industrial expansion in West Cork and that its ending has not restricted industrial expansion there? It is not a coincidence that this industrial development of the West Cork area really began only after a decision to close the railway line was announced by the C.I.E. Board.

That is not true.

It is not quite the coincidence the Opposition want to represent. To my knowledge, it is true that in the past efforts to induce industrialists into that area were hampered because of an impression which industrialists had that, if they established industries in the area, they would be pressurised by the Government to use a form of transport there unsuitable to their business. The industrial development that is now taking place in West Cork is unprecedented in the history of that area. Is that not true?

It would be still more unprecedented if the railway line were left there.

Does that one fact not give the lie to the suggestion that the railway line is essential to the area in order to open up new industries there? Industry is now flowing into that area. One reason it is doing so is because there is now clearly complete freedom for those who engage in industry there to use whatever form of transport is best suited to the type of business they undertake.

Agriculture does not seem to exist at all.

Let us consider agriculture. I do not propose to go into details with regard to agricultural development possibilities in the West Cork area because at the moment a comprehensive survey is being carried out there by the Agricultural Institute and it is on the outcome of that survey that decisions will be taken as to the best development possibilities in West Cork so far as agriculture is concerned. It is a fact that there are six agricultural co-operative societies in West Cork. They are the biggest operators of road transport in the area.

Naturally. You cannot send a travelling creamery over a mountain on a railway line.

I do not know why facts always irritate Deputy Dillon.

Because I know them so much better than the Taoiseach does. I put the travelling creameries there.

It has been suggested that the economic development of the area depends on the existence of the railway. I have clearly shown that manufacturing industries have only begun to flow into that area since it was announced that the railway line would be closed. The announcement of the closing of the railway was followed by a number of new proposals for industry in that area.

Mr. Boland said it was a stab in the back.

So far as agriculture is concerned, the six agricultural societies have always relied upon road transport and have not used the C.I.E. system, either rail or road, and I shall give the Deputies some statistics.

What does the Taoiseach mean by statistics?

What are the other economic possibilities of the West Cork area, apart from industry and agriculture? They are afforestation, fishery development and tourist development. They are the other main economic possibilities in that area. As far as afforestation is concerned, State afforestation activity in the area is expanding rapidly and 1,800 acres will be planted in West Cork this year. That is four times the acreage planted in 1956, the last year in which the Deputies opposite were in control of the Government.

Is that because the line is gone?

The disappearance of the line is not stopping it.

I thought the Taoiseach said it was helping it.

Employment in afforestation in West Cork increased ten-fold in the past decade. It is now clear that forestry activity will become of major economic importance in that area. There is a great area of land there eminently suitable for afforestation purposes, more suitable for afforestation than for any other purpose. Land is being acquired as rapidly as possible by the Department of Lands for the purpose of a still further extension in afforestation activity there.

We want more Dr. Luceys.

I shall confine myself to politicians and to anybody outside the House who wants to put himself in that category.

As far as fishery development is concerned, Deputies are aware that Castletownbere is to be developed as a major fishery harbour. That will take some years to complete.

It will take some years to start.

The Board of Works in the matter of a few weeks will be inviting tenders for the initial boring operations which have to precede detailed planning.

Tourist activity in the West Cork area can expand enormously and will, I am convinced, expand out of all recognition to anything known previously as soon as the new Cork Airport, which the Government are providing, comes into operation. That is necessitating a very considerable extension of hotel accommodation there, and in order to facilitate tourist development very considerable activities in the improvement of the inland fisheries in the area are going on or are planned.

Looking at the whole picture, I think I can say without fear of contradiction by anybody who wants to base his statements on fact that the economic prospects of West Cork are brighter now than ever they were in its history. They are certainly far brighter now than they were before the decision to close the railway line was taken.

Why does the Taoiseach not abolish the other railway lines so?

I think it is true to say—and I doubt very much if any Deputy, even Deputy Murphy, will have the hardihood to contradict me —that this agitation about the railway line is completely political in its origin.

That is not true.

Let me say this. Since the Board of C.I.E. announced their decision to close the railway line not one co-operative society, not one industrial undertaking, not one important merchant in the whole West Cork area has undertaken to give one ton of additional business to the C.I.E. concern if the railway line is kept open.

C.I.E. will discuss business matters with no one.

Let me give the Deputy some figures as to what extent this C.I.E. service is of importance to the co-operative societies, the industries and the merchants of West Cork. Of the total shipments of produce out of the West Cork area by the six co-operative societies operating there, three per cent. went by C.I.E. road or rail services.

That is not much of a tribute to C.I.E.

Of the total outward shipments of the industrial concerns in the area, six per cent. were carried by C.I.E.; and of the total outward shipments of the 34 principal merchants in the whole area, only five per cent. went by the C.I.E. system. Is it not preposterous to suggest that these marginal activities by all the commercial and industrial undertakings in the area require the retention of an unprofitable railway system?

That is gross misrepresentation.

Would the Taoiseach please tell us about the Waterford-Tramore railway?

I shall, if the Deputy gives me time. I know that manufacturing and inventing grievances is a stock-in-trade of some West Cork politicians, but they rarely have had less material to work on than they have in this instance.

The Taoiseach is incapable of telling the truth to-day.

The railways, far from being essential to the area's development, have been an impediment to it. They generated a sort of Maginot Line mentality, which had to be cured before the economic potentialities of the area could be fully developed. Now the development of West Cork will proceed. It is happening in industry—in regard to agriculture the survey will show the lines on which to proceed—and it is happening in afforestation, tourism and fishery in a manner which will be realistic and which certainly will not require the retention for reasons of sentiment of a system of transport unsuitable to the economy of the area.

Similar conditions prevail as far as West Clare is concerned. I think every Deputy knows that the industrial development of Clare is proceeding at an unprecedented rate, at a rate I would not have dared to forecast even three or four years ago. I share with Deputy Murphy the sentimental feeling he has about the West Clare railway, the line we used to sing and make jokes about in our youth. But we cannot base our policy in this matter on sentiment. I had the same sentimental feeling about sailing ships, but we are not going to develop our merchant marine with sailing ships just because of some sentimental regard for them.

If this country is to increase employment, stop emigration and raise the living standards of its people, we must strive in every sector of our activities for the greatest efficiency attainable. We cannot build here a progressive nation and a modern State and at the same time cling on to systems, methods and organisations which have outlived their utility. That, at any rate, is the policy of the Government in that regard; and, as far as I am concerned, I am prepared to preach it in West Cork or anywhere else and justify it with practical results there and elsewhere.

I have only one further point to make before Deputy O'Sullivan "breaks the tapes" again. It has been suggested that the roads of these areas will be given an amount of additional traffic which they are unsuitable to bear. The figures given earlier to-day by the Minister for Transport and Power go a long way towards demolishing that contention. It is, however, the policy of the Government to assist local authorities to maintain the roads in their areas in a state suitable for the traffic using them. If we get from these areas realistic proposals for the bringing of roads up to that standard, they will be very carefully considered. But it is not helpful, either to the consideration of the problem or to the interests of these areas, to have fantastic estimates of costs prepared on a propagandist basis and publicised in the Press.

No. That is an allegation against officials.

A false allegation.

I have no doubt whatever that in Cork and Clare the local authority officials decided to put down as necessary, in consequence of the closing of the railway lines, every road work they wanted to have done in that area, whether the closing of the railway had any bearing on it or not.

What does Deputy MacCarthy think of that?

I do not know if I can say very much about the Tramore line. It was of very little economic importance. In so far as the experiences of other areas is a guide— the Minister for Transport and Power mentioned the Bundoran line—I am quite certain the tourist potentialities of Tramore can be far better developed by a flexible and economic system of road transport than by railways. We have closed many a railway and branch line since this State was established. We closed the line from Galway to Clifden; we eliminated railways in Donegal altogether; and we closed the line from Dundalk to Greenore and numerous other ones. There never was a line closed without public agitation of this sort about it, but there never was a serious complaint about the inadequacy of the substitute services once the line was closed.

I met many deputations, whatever C.I.E. may do, with regard to the closing of a railway line which required the positive consent of the Government and in no single case, going around the traders and councillors who made up the deputations, could I get an affirmative answer to the only question that mattered: "If the line is kept open. can you get more traffic for it?" I never got an affirmative answer to that question and it is the only one that counted.

I submit to Deputies that the idea that we should hang on to things that have outlived their utility just because of a dislike for change or for reasons of sentiment is out of keeping with the spirit of modern Ireland. We are going ahead to build up a progressive State, well equipped and organised in every arm to secure the maximum economic development and the maximum benefit for its people from that development. We can do that only if we are prepared to take decisions such as the decision which is obviously justified in the case of West Cork and which has been shown to be right by the improvement that immediately followed it.

It is obvious from the temper in which the Taoiseach has spoken that he has a very bad case. It is surprising, if his case is so good in his own mind, that he refused until to-day to discuss this problem with anyone. I want to say to him that he was particularly unfair to Deputy Wycherley who, over the past three months, has defended any approach to the Taoiseach on this matter.

On a point of order, is this debate concluding at 5 o'clock?

I have already made it clear that we are giving the whole of Government Time for this debate. If it does not conclude to-day, I cannot now say when it can be resumed.

Is the House adjourning at 5 o'clock?

At the outset, I want to protest against the personal attack made by the Taoiseach on the officials of Cork County Council. If such an attack were made on officials of the Taoiseach's Department, he would be the first to jump to his feet and say that any criticism should be levelled at the responsible Minister. There was an attack on a report submitted by Cork County Council in relation to the estimated consequences on the finances of Cork County Council, if the closing of the line were proceeded with.

In case the Taoiseach does not know, I want to remind him that the Fianna Fáil members of Cork County Council proposed a resolution congratulating the Cork county engineer and his officials on the compilation of the report. A resolution was unanimously passed by the 46 members of the council approving the report which the Taoiseach to-day condemns.

Anyone would congratulate a local official who tries to get more money for his own county.

The basis on which it was tendered was not discoveries in regard to Leitrim, Cavan, Monaghan, Sligo and Donegal county councils. The information we secured was that in Donegal the Minister for Local Government made a special road grant as a result of the closing of the railway and consequently it was completely divorced from the question of sub-standard roads being brought up to standard. It was entirely devoted to compensating the area for the impact of the closure of the railways. The grant made available by the Minister was £375,000, payable at £75,000 per annum over five years. The total road mileage in that county is 598.

Deputy Corry put down a question asking what would be payable to Cork County Council, if the West Cork lines were closed, and the Minister said no grant was available. The road mileage in Donegal is 598 and in Cork it is 106,000. This report was not prepared in the offices of Cork County Council as propaganda in support of a case. We know what was provided in Donegal. Let us take the case of Sligo where not one mile of railway line was closed. Sligo was compensated for the additional traffic on the roads en route to and from Donegal. Sligo received £45,000 per annum for five years, a total of £225,000. Surely we must put all this expenditure against the estimated losses we are told about.

May I say I completely agree with the Taoiseach in one statement, and in one statement only. The statement to which I refer was made by the Taoiseach on 27th November, 1957, as reported at column 1050, Volume 164, of the Official Report. He said:

There is another aspect of this financial problem that I should, perhaps, deal with now.

He went on to deal with it and said:

There is, I know, a popular belief that the financial difficulties of C.I.E. are due mainly or entirely to the continued operation of branch lines.

He went on:

All the information available to me would make it quite clear that the elimination of branch line operations would not make any appreciable difference to C.I.E's financial problem.

That is a statement of the Taoiseach's with which I would agree, but anyone listening to-day would have thought the entire solution of the transport problems of this country was to close down branch lines. The complaint we have in relation to current happenings in transport is concentrated in the amendment tabled by the members of this Party because of the fact that they gave support to a Bill passed through this House on the word of the Taoiseach who, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, assured the House that a period of two months' notice would be given, prior to the closing of a line, so that interested parties might make representations. In fact, the Taoiseach went further. In the Taoiseach's words:

In cases of decisions to close down a branch railway line, the Bill says two months' notice must be given. I do not think we need to write in there that during these two months the board will have to hear the deputation from the local council of the town losing the railway service or meet the representations of the trade unions who may have a point of view. Of course, they will do it. Indeed, the whole purpose of the requirement to give two month's notice was to provide a statutory period during which these inevitable representations could be entertained.

It is clear that at that time the Taoiseach only visualised the closing of branch lines since he refers to "the town". There are 100,000 people involved in the West Cork line who do not regard it as a branch line. There are 120,000 tons of merchandise, despite anything the Taoiseach may say, being transferred to the roads. It was only yesterday that a Road Traffic Bill was introduced to deal with the already existing problems on the roads.

If the Taoiseach knew the local conditions, he would be in complete agreement with the county engineer in relation to the inadequacy of the roads to carry the additional traffic visualised as a result of the closing of the line. I often have to go off the main road in my frequent journeys out of Cork city because I cannot make time or travel with safety with the present volume of commercial traffic on the road. Deputy MacCarthy will agree with me when I say that at the moment the problem is so serious that by-pass roads are being planned to by-pass two towns in that area. What will be the effect of all this work on the local rates and on the Exchequer?

When were they planned?

I do not know.

Is it something that has to do with the closing of the railways?

Whatever the Taoiseach may contend, I maintain that an additional 120,000 tons of merchandise is not an inconsiderable amount. Does he contemplate the problem that will be created in relation to beet?

The Minister for Transport and Power was quite wrong this morning —Deputy Corry can contradict him more effectively than I can—when he talked about the diversion of beet haulage from rail to road. The railways were carrying the beet to Mallow. The additional beet was delivered by road. If we had time, we could bring forward plenty of reasons for that. There was the refusal of C.I.E. throughout the years to provide loading banks. There was the serious abuse by the management of C.I.E. in refusing to consider representations by beet grower's and farmers' organisations for facilities to load beet above floor level. Is it any wonder the farmers went over to road transport when that occurred?

Farmers had to bribe C.I.E. workers to prevent them from turning off the lights at a railway station. If they were not given a hand-out, there was a danger the farmers would be left in the dark, with half the load of beet. In face of such abuses, how can the Taoiseach be so critical of the action of agriculturists in their business?

I did not criticise them in the least.

He referred to the co-operative societies of West Cork in critical terms because they did not give business to C.I.E.

I certainly did not do so.

How could C.I.E. provide the farmers with travelling creameries, or would they do it if they were asked? Would C.I.E., in his opinion, provide the service the cooperative societies are providing for their members to-day? Not at all.

No. Is he satisfied C.I.E. ever met the claims put forward by business people and by societies for the provision of suitable facilities?

The closing of the railway lines makes very little difference.

Is this extra 120,000 tons of merchandise on the road of very little importance? If the Taoiseach had all these arguments, why, up to to-day, did he refuse to receive any deputation or not insist that the chairman of C.I.E. be more courteous in his attitude to deputations?

I want to decry the suggestion that we are blowing off steam and that our attitude is purely political. The Taoiseach's Party have been most loyal in ensuring that attention was directed at the head, the chairman, of C.I.E. and kept away from the Taoiseach and the Minister for Transport and Power. Only when the chairman of C.I.E. was insulting in the terms of his replies to the public bodies of the South was it directed to the heads of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Transport and Power to see if they could exercise any influence over that individual to ensure he would meet the people who wanted to discuss the matter with him.

We were strengthened in that by the views the Taoiseach placed on record when the Act was going through the House. We accepted the Taoiseach's word. His confidence had a profound effect on agreement of this Party and on the passage of the Bill when he assured us there was no reason to write in the provisions. It was not what the Taoiseach said in introducing the Second Reading that was important but what he said in reply to points made by Deputy Cosgrave and others. They were right. We were mistaken in accepting the Taoiseach's word at that time. We should have written them specifically into the Act. This is a lesson dearly bought.

We are convinced that the people who have legitimate reasons for protest against the action of C.I.E. should have been received by the Board of C.I.E. If the Board had good arguments to advance and good proof that the losses would continue and that the situation could not improve in that area, we, on the other hand, had the answer in the glowing descriptions to-day by the Taoiseach of factories sprouting in West Cork. If that is true, what is the purpose of introducing this Bill to close a branch line where there is no hope of improvement of traffic in backward parts of the country? If the future is as glowing as the Taoiseach tried to paint it to-day, surely C.I.E. could hope for an improvement in the volume of traffic on that line? If that area is to sprout factories, if there is to be a diminution of emigration from that area, if wealth is to flow there from tourism and other sources, surely we could expect a considerable improvement in the volume of traffic in the Cork to Bantry railway?

The Taoiseach is disposing of his own arguments when he says the branch line must go because there is no future for the area it now serves. He is absolutely contradicting himself to-day in advancing these two points of view.

I said not one industrialist was prepared to say: "I will give an additional ton of traffic to C.I.E."

How many did he approach in Tramore?

I am talking about industries that are there now. Those coming in the future have not been asked.

Have they not? I was one of a group who brought a German industrialist to Bandon. When taking him into the local hotel, a train passed by. We were saying it was as if it had been staged. He asked to see the amenities of the railway station. We are still battling to get that industry to Bandon. On the last occasion he visited us his first remark was: "Oh, since I was here with you last, you lost your railway."

Was he smiling when he said it?

He was not. We wish he had been.

He had probably bought up most of West Cork in the meantime.

Perhaps. We are disturbed because of the impact on potential industries in that area. The first comment made on the closure of the line was by Mr. Boland who, more than any living man, is responsible for bringing industry to West Cork. He regarded the action of C.I.E. as a stab in the back to the efforts to improve that area.

Enough material was provided by the Minister for Transport and Power to enable any Deputy to speak on this subject for at least an hour. The Minister referred to the period given to put the finances in order. He did not refer to the period of five years, only three of which have elapsed. He wanted to steer away from the fact that he was applying the guillotine two years short of the period C.I.E. were given to put their house in order.

During the past couple of months, various resolutions were passed asking for an extension of the trial time. We feel other branch lines such as those mentioned by Deputy M.P. Murphy are paying less than the line from Cork to Bantry but are not being closed at the moment. We are not advocating that they should be closed but we feel that to select the West Cork line out of all these is extremely unfair. If given an extension of time, if C.I.E. meet the people and discuss the various means of improving business on the line we believe they will be met.

I wish to deny the Taoiseach's allegation that this debate is purely to blow off steam and is politically inspired. He and the Minister must know that the I.N.T.O. is not a political body. They were one of the bodies that met to protest. They went further than any politician and said they would actually boycott in relation to the transport of school children to Dublin. The Minister smiles at that. The Minister smiles at the resolution passed by the Irish National Teachers Organisation. I just mention it and I would not have mentioned it at all, were it not that the Taoiseach said that politicians were the only people consulted about the closing of the branch line. The Minister described the period of five years which C.I.E. got as being a reasonable period. We allege that the period of three years which West Cork got was an unreasonable period.

The Deputy is arguing on the basis that there is something sacrosanct about rail service. I do not regard the rail service in a rural area as sacrosanct in any sense whatever.

If the Minister does not, why did he and the Board not receive the people from the area and give them proof? If they had a case, why were these replies from the Chairman of C.I.E. in such insulting terms to the Cork County Council? Why was there this stern consistent refusal to receive a deputation from any of the interested parties? The Cork County Council loses £1,700 per annum rates on the buildings that are now being eliminated from rating, even though C.I.E. are still paying for some buildings that have been closed for 15 years. It is a matter of concern. That is a loss of revenue to the Cork County Council. We are all anxious in face of the grants to Donegal and elsewhere. There will be a very heavy imposition on the rates in Cork County in order to build up the roads.

That is sheer nonsense.

Before the Minister came in, I gave the figure of £375,000 as provided in relation to Donegal where there is less than half the mileage of main roads affected that there is in Cork. The Minister may think that he has passed off to the shoulders of the ratepayers some expenses falling on C.I.E. up to now. It will be a long day before he hears the end of that. I want to allege that when he talks about the estimated losses on this line, there are a number of questions which this deputation wanted to put to the Minister and to the Board of C.I.E.

We want to know whether the estimated loss of £56,000 on the line included the erection of a new roof over Bandon railway station; we want to know whether the estimated loss of £56,000 included painting of all the bridges a bright blue. There were no objections from the aesthetic point of view as to the colour selected. A deep black might have been a more appropriate colour than the bright blue colour which C.I.E. used in the painting of all their buildings. The bridges were painted within the past 12 months. For what purpose? I know that in the E.S.B. office at Bandon, C.I.E. paid in a cheque of £15 for the installation of electric wires over the railway bridge to protect the C.I.E. workers painting the bridge within the past 12 months. That is included in the £56,000 loss. There are hundreds of interesting queries that the people in that area have to put to C.I.E.

No such costs are included.

Who pays for it?

It is worked out on the basis of the future traffic that is likely to be got.

It was based on the optimistic hopes in relation to future traffic that could be got that they built a new roof over Bandon railway station and painted all the buildings bright blue, whilst at the same time they had decided to close the whole line.

Are maintenance figures not included in that?

These are some of the things that could have been discussed if, during past months, the Minister or the Board of C.I.E. had met the interested parties. Then possibly it would have been understood more clearly whether or not there was a case for the closing of the line. The Minister used some very exaggerated terms this morning. He talked about an astonishing improvement in so short a time in the affairs of C.I.E. Are we to take it that that improvement has now ended? Are we to expect that that improvement will continue?

I want to refer to the compensation payable to those who will not be absorbed in other sections of C.I.E. The trade unions involved are satisfied with the level of compensation their members will receive. Last week, we asked the Minister to give us an idea as to how many employees would be displaced from employment on the West Cork line. We were told that there would be 210 and that half of the permanent staff of 185—I do not know how you can divide 185 by 2— were to be assigned to other duties and the remainder would be compensated.

When I questioned the Minister as to whether the amount of compensation would be lesser or greater than the estimated losses on the line, the Minister was of the opinion that it would not exceed the loss. Then he went on to say that it would diminish as the years went on. In that respect, I want to inform the Minister, in case he does not know it, that at least two of the men received £2 per week compensation for the rest of their lives. They capitalised the sum of £1 per week for the sum of £600, so that the capital involved, according to the insurance company, in the compensation of these men who lose their employment, is approximately £1,200 per annum. Is the Minister questioning this?

I will answer the Deputy in my reply. He has made so many wild statements that my reply will be disappointing to him. I could not follow him.

The Minister can take my assurance that an insurance company has valued at £600 compensation in respect of these men in return for the capitalising of a sum of £1 per week.

Apart from their compensation, there is the question of their employment. The Minister for Industry and Commerce interjected a remark last week that the factories would absorb the men who are being displaced from employment with C.I.E. We understood that the development of new industries was intended to offset emigration and absorb some of the 15,000 coming on the market every year. If some of these are to be absorbed into other undertakings it means the emigration of a similar number of workers. There was never any intention that the moneys expended by the State in the creation of these new means of employment were intended to absorb those already in employment in other State undertakings.

The Minister made an extraordinary statement this morning. He talked about a new wind blowing through Coras Iompair Éireann and went on to say that "there has been a remarkable improvement in the morale of the employees, who are now conscious of being members of what is becoming an efficient and successful undertaking and who feel that their efforts are worthwhile to themselves and to the community." It would have been as well, under present circumstances, if that statement had been omitted from the Minister's script. The Minister went on to pay a wonderful tribute to the chairman of C.I.E. The Ceann Comhairle indicated that it was not permissible to discuss the person of the chairman but the remarkable tribute paid by the Minister to the chairman of C.I.E. invites some little comment.

He stressed particularly that he was infusing C.I.E. with something of his own adventurous spirit. Well, of course, Captain Morgan had an adventurous spirit. The Luftwaffe had an adventurous spirit. History has to record a number of people with adventurous spirits but they have not got very much to commend themselves to the present generation for what they achieved. I can assure the Minister that if he were to discuss these actions of the Board of C.I.E. in the area I represent, there would not be much appreciation of the spirit of adventure.

It is always adventurous to modernise.

Is it the Minister's contention that what he is doing is modernising?

Absolutely, yes.

The workers engaged on those lines can modernise in Britain and elsewhere with the compensation we shall be paying them for the next 25 years. We claim that if the Board met the interested parties they would convince the Board that it would cost more to close this line than to keep it open. The Minister will hear a lot more on the Estimate of what it will cost the ratepayers to provide roads to carry the additional traffic which the Minister thinks will have such little effect.

In another part of the Minister's introductory speech he said:

There is, in any case, no good reason why the relatively limited number of persons in a few areas who enjoyed subsidised fares under these conditions should expect to retain them indefinitely at the expense of the rest of the community.

This argument, of course, could be carried into any Department of State. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs could come in here and say that it was costing more than 3d. to deliver letters in various parts of the country and that he should be relieved of the obligation. The argument could be extended to a ridiculous degree.

In relation to the gradual shift which the Minister mentions in regard to the transport of beet from rail to road haulage, he says that C.I.E. will carry beet by road on the same terms as it was carried by rail. There is no advertence to the impact on transport with regard to the maintenance of roads and the traffic problems that will be created. There is no alternative to the transport of this beet through Cork City to get to Mallow. The traffic problem that will result on Patrick's Bridge, Cork, will be nobody's business. The Minister interjected that there was a possibility that some of this traffic might be diverted to Mallow by Brian Boru Street. I know every inch of those roads and I know what it is like to try to get a bus to transport children to school. C.I.E. have reported to me that the roads were incapable of carrying C.I.E. vehicles. Then the Minister for Transport alleges that these same roads are capable of carrying the very heavy beet haulage from the West Cork area to the factory at Mallow.

These are some of the arguments we advance as to why this is a wrong action on the part of the Minister, the Taoiseach and C.I.E.—carrying out their original intention of closing these lines and, in the interim provided by law, not giving the interested parties an opportunity of discussing with C.I.E. the situation presented by the closure. It is for that reason we feel this opportunity should be availed of to protest as vigorously as possible.

If the Minister and the Board insist on the closure at the end of March they should at least leave the lines there. If they do persist with this dictatorial decision, and are not prepared to change their minds, they should not remove the lines, but should leave them there, as they left them in Donegal and elsewhere. However, a new practice has arisen of ripping up the lines with the desire, I suppose, of showing a dramatic increase in exports this year. The ripping up of lines and exporting them is a very poor contribution to the balance of payments.

We suggest that they should give the 100,000 people affected at least the two years remaining before the expiration of the five-year period, presented to the House at the time the Transport Act was passed. During that period remaining C.I.E. should do as they have not done before, consult the local business and agricultural interests about ways and means of securing additional traffic. Sufficient attention should be given to the submissions of the Cork County Council in relation to the impact on the rates as the result of the transport of goods on the roads of Cork county, if the Minister persists in his intention of closing these lines.

The last speaker revealed a deplorable state of bungling within C.I.E. He told us that the roof of Bandon Station was replaced last year and that an elaborate job of painting was carried out at a time when C.I.E. must have known the line was going to be closed. They had got the power to do it; I am sure they had taken the decision to close the line, yet they proceeded with a most elaborate expenditure on a line which was to be scrapped. If that is the case, and if that expenditure is added to the working costs for that year, it is very hard to know whether it is due to bungling or merely deceiving the people as to the true state of affairs in regard to the working on that railway.

The principal reason for my speaking on this debate is to refer to the closing of the Claremorris-Ballinrobe branch line. C.I.E. met a deputation in regard to that a line on two occasions. They were gracious enough to meet us and while they would not allow a discussion on the actual closing of the branch line they discussed ways and means of getting alternative traffic. As a result of a second deputation, they agreed to run a trial bus for three months. They did that and the bus has since been taken off due, I understand, to uneconomic running. While the lifting of the line was a very serious blow to the people in a huge area in West Mayo, I must say they did not treat us as discourteously as is alleged in the case of the West Cork railway.

I want to be as brief as possible and not to delay the House because some of the speeches have been very long and some of them, including that of the Taoiseach, were anything but to the point. Ballinrobe is one of the biggest cattle centres in the West of Ireland. It is the only town in an area of very good arable land, with the result that the cattle and sheep fairs there, particularly in winter time, are the biggest in the west of Ireland from Cork to Donegal. When the line was being closed, C.I.E. promised that they would provide adequate alternative service for the fairs.

On 6th of this month, the joint honorary secretaries of the Ballinrobe Town Development Committee wrote to the chairman of C.I.E. as follows:

Dear sir,

Your attention has, no doubt, been drawn to Press reports regarding the poor services provided by your company at the December and January fairs in Ballinrobe.

Despite the promises and guarantees of your company when a deputation from this committee, accompanied by local T.D.s, visited Dublin in December, 1959, the following was our experience at the January fair in Ballinrobe—the position at the December fair was not much better.

(a) Livestock were not cleared until 8.30 p.m.

(b) Only six lorries and matadors and one single lorry were assigned to Ballinrobe for this fair.

(c) Many farmers were left standing with their stock for hours at the station in icy cold conditions due to a shortage of pens.

(d) Livestock after enduring arctic conditions in pens all day did not, we learn reliably, leave Claremorris until the 9 p.m. special that night. What must have been their condition when they reached their destination next day?

(e) Buyers attending the fair for years told us they would never again attend the fair.

In view of the seriousness of the above, we would welcome a report from your Company and a statement as to the action you propose to take with regard to future fairs in Ballinrobe. Copies of this letter are being circulated to local Dáil representatives.

Sincerely yours,

(Signed) Messrs. Staunton and Jennings,

Joint Hon. Secretaries.

That letter reveals a shocking state of affairs. It is a matter about which the Minister should consult with C.I.E.

The Taoiseach came out with a flourish of trumpets about the sudden sprouting of factories throughout West Cork, due to the closing of the West Cork line—a thing that I do not believe. I understand that for years efforts have been made to have even one small industry established in the town of Ballinrobe, so far without success. The Taoiseach suggested that factories had sprouted all over West Cork since the closing of the West Cork line was talked about. The Ballinrobe line has been closed for 12 months and no factory has materialised there as yet.

The Minister might interest himself in asking C.I.E. to provide a better service so that the fairs, which are the last thing left to Ballinrobe, will not be killed. He might also interest himself, and get his colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to interest himself, in getting an industry into Ballinrobe.

The Taoiseach provided me with a certain amount of amusement when he attributed the development of forestry in West Cork to the closing of the railway. I should like the Minister for Lands to elaborate on that and to tell me how.

What the Taoiseach said was that the closing of the railway line did not prevent the progress of forestry in West Cork, which is a different thing altogether.

He said that later. He quoted forestry as one of the things that were flourishing because of the closing of the line.

That is not correct. Check the Official Report.

I will. The planting that the Taoiseach was boasting about was carried out on land that I gave to the present Minister when we left office in 1957, and not on anything that has been acquired since.

The figures are there and the Deputy cannot get over them.

Why is it that C.I.E. do not show in their accounts the returns on the sale of scrap? They scrapped the line from Claremorris to Ballinrobe. The Department of Local Government are giving a grant of £12,500 for each of the next four years. In addition, it will cost the ratepayers £37,500 in each of the next four years to put that 11 miles of road into fit condition to bear the traffic that will be diverted to it from the railway line. C.I.E. have no right or authority to claim one penny accruing from the sale of scrap of the railway line. The least they might do for the ratepayers is to devote the value of this scrap to the improvement of the roads that have to bear the increased traffic arising from the closing of the line.

I have the greatest admiration for C.I.E. and I am very proud of the improvements they have carried out in recent years. It is regrettable that they closed these branch lines. I maintain that they have no legal right to the cash they get for the scrap of the lines. It was not they who put down the line. It was not this generation that put it down. The ratepayers, who have to bear the burden of the increased traffic on the roads, should not be saddled with the burden simply because C.I.E. want to operate without showing a loss, if not showing a profit, in any year. They should devote the proceeds of the sale of the scrap of the lines to improving the roads that will have to carry the extra traffic.

I hope someone from Dublin will have a say because Dublin is held up to ransom by the country, do not forget.

I had intended to speak at length on this motion and the amendment, but, in view of all the ground that has been covered in regard to the West Cork railway, I shall confine myself simply to the question of that very small section of railway line from Waterford city to Tramore. That section is scarcely eight miles in length and I am reliably informed that the annual loss is estimated at £2,800, although we have never received that information officially from C.I.E. That would appear to be a very small figure.

In the course of his speech the Taoiseach taunted the Fine Gael Party that the only peg on which they could hold the Government up to criticism was the fact that deputations had not been received by C.I.E. That is an important fact in relation to Tramore railway. It is honestly believed in the area that if the C.I.E. management agreed to consult with the local people of Tramore and Waterford city, a compromise could be achieved whereby C.I.E. would be enabled to run the Waterford-Tramore line without loss and possibly with a profit.

The Minister for Transport and Power has said that railway lines in rural areas are not sacred. I suggest, equally, that road traffic in rural areas is not sacred. The system that is most economical and most efficient is the proper system. There is nothing to indicate that the Tramore-Waterford section of railway line could not be made economic, provided the views of the local people were acceded to. That is all that Waterford city and Tramore ask. The Chamber of Commerce, the Waterford Corporation, the Town Council of Tramore and various other organised bodies representing all shades of political opinion, all creeds and all interests in the town of Tramore and the city of Waterford, appealed to C.I.E. to meet them in fair conference to discuss how best this problem could be solved. The only answer that they got from C.I.E. was that the only conference that they would consider was, not on the question of the railway, but any alternative system that might be proposed.

Debate adjourned.
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