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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 26 Jul 1962

Vol. 196 No. 19

Committee on Finance. - Vote 3—Department of the Taoiseach.

I move:

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £10 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1963, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of the Taoiseach.

The conclusion of the debate on this Estimate will mark the end of the Dáil summer session for 1962 during which I think I can say that a fairly full programme of work was completed, even if not all the work which the Government originally contemplated. I am proposing that the Dáil should reassemble on October 30th. In view of the amount of business which is lined up for the next session, I contemplate that the Dáil will need to sit on three days weekly up to about December 13th or December 20th. An eight weeks session would give 165 sitting hours. Deputies are aware that there is a proposal coming before the Dáil regarding Private Members' Time which will involve an allocation of three hours weekly to private Deputies' business in that session. That should leave 142 hours for official business and it should be possible to do a lot of work in that time.

It is customary for the Taoiseach when introducing the Estimate on his Department to review the state of the national economy for the previous 12 months, to analyse current economic trends and to attempt to forecast future developments so far as that is practicable; and also to deal with other outstanding aspects of our affairs. Last year, this debate on the Taoiseach's Estimate took place in circumstances in which everybody knew that a general election was pending and it therefore developed a more controversial note than usual. This year there is no such event in prospect.

Recounting events which have already happened is not usually difficult, even if agreement on interpretation of the facts is not assured. It is a relatively safe political exercise. Attempting to foretell what may develop is often a more hazardous exercise, for politicians as well as for economists. This year, Deputies who have been keeping in touch with events know that there are quite a number of people, expert or otherwise, who are purporting to read our future with every outward appearance of assurance.

So far as a review of economic events is concerned, I am in the difficulty that it would be almost impossible for me to add to the information contained in a number of economic reviews and forecasts which have recently been made available to Deputies. Deputies who have done their homework and studied these reports and publications have all the factual information concerning the country's economic progress and prospects which it is possible to give them, indeed, much more information than Deputies used to have as the older members of the House will testify. The scope of the national statistical service is constantly increasing and authoritative interpretation of the available statistics is now forthcoming in much greater volume.

In recent months, Deputies have received the Budget statement of the Minister for Finance, the OECD survey of Irish Economic Conditions and prospects, the Central Bank Report for 1961-62, recently published, the Economic Research Institute's publication of Dr. Kuehn's Report on the prospects of the Irish economy, the economic survey prepared for and adopted by the National Employer-Labour Conference and the bi-annual progress report on the Programme for Economic Expansion. Through these documents, a broad picture of the country's present economic circumstances was given to Deputies, and comment on them in the newspapers and other journals has been plentiful.

While I do not wish to depart entirely from traditional procedures, neither do I want to take up the time of the Dáil by recounting facts which Deputies should already know, although that may be necessary to some extent. In 1961, the national income was £42,000,000, or eight per cent., more than in 1960. I read in the papers yesterday a statement by the President of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions made at their meeting in Galway that "no deterioration in the economy occurred during the year". That surely was an understatement of classical character.

The fact is that the increase in the national income last year was the highest ever recorded in any single year in our history. In the Economic Research Institute publication to which I have referred, the forecast is made that the 1961 growth in the national income will not be exceeded percentagewise in this year. Their guess is that the gross national product will increase in this year by £46,000,000 as compared with £42,000,000 last year, representing an increase of seven per cent over 1961. In other words, while they anticipate an improvement, over 1961, in the increase in money value of the national income, it will represent a smaller percentage rise than in the previous year. The Central Bank's estimate is similar.

I have recently glanced through Dr. Geary's reprinted brochure on economic forecasting and, having done so, I certainly am in considerable doubt as to what importance should be attached to these figures. I suppose the significant thing from our point of view is that these authorities do not anticipate any speeding up of the country's rate of progress in this year. These calculations are of course based on current prices and reflect the rise in prices during the recent past. When they are adjusted to constant prices, which reveal the volume rather than the value of output, the rate of expansion, which was four per cent. in 1961, will be, as estimated by these authorities, around three per cent. in 1962.

A variation in the rate of advance, if that should be the outcome of the year—it is still largely a matter of guesswork and may be greatly influenced by international and other circumstances—reflects some of the uncertainties which at our present stage of development affect the fulfilment of our national development aims. The country continues to go ahead and uniformity of progress is not to be expected, particularly in a free society where policies and actions which can influence the rate of economic advance rest on the decisions of organisations and groups which are independent of the Government and which, while they may be influenced by Government policy, are not in the last analysis subject to control. What is important, in my view, is that we should not, because of any forecast or experience, allow economic policy to become, or even appear to become, defensive. An aggressive policy is still the best. We need an acceleration of our rate of growth and must be prepared to take risks in bringing it about.

Leaving aside for the moment the changes which membership of the European Economic Community must bring about, the conditions essential for economic progress are, in my view, the following. First, the maximum degree of competitiveness in every economic activity. There is no future for any kind of feather-bedded enterprise. If the Government are to do their duty and do it properly, they will have to start now exerting pressure to secure the fulfilment of the policy of eliminating every factor bearing on production that is obsolete, that has outlived its utility or is a handicap of any kind to the country's economic advancement.

Secondly, internal price stability is very important. I accept that this is in part at least a function of Government policy—financial and fiscal policy—but to be fully successful the Government needs to be supported by a general willingness to adapt sectional policies to the same end. Thirdly, we need a still higher level of investment, both on public and private account, in productive activities in agriculture and industry, brought about, in so far as the private sector is concerned, by means of taxation or other inducements and, perhaps, improvement of the facilities for investment.

Fourthly, we need an extension in quality and quantity of technical training facilities of all kinds. As the years pass, I believe the unskilled labourer will become more and more of an anachronism. Already we are experiencing in this country some checks upon our progress by reason of deficiencies of skilled personnel. Any programme to extend the country's facilities for specialised training must necessarily be a medium to long term one. These must be the primary purposes of the nation at this time. There are of course many and important subsidiary purposes, but unless these main aims are accomplished, our achievements will be less than the best of which we should be capable.

The rate of increase in the national income in 1961, as it was in 1959 and in 1960 and as it will be in 1962, was considerably higher than the two per cent. increase which was forecast in the Programme for Economic Expansion. To understand what that signifies, it is necessary only to contrast our experience in these years with the average annual rate of growth of less than one per cent. up to 1958 and an actual fall in production in two of the post-war years. We have informed the OECD that within the ambit of an expanding European economy, we regard it as practicable for this country to increase its national income by 50 per cent. by 1970.

Most of these reports and surveys to which I have referred thought fit to stress—perhaps because of the fact that our rate of progress has proved to be higher than was assumed in the development programme—that there are no grounds for complacency. I must say I have seen no evidence of complacency in the Government or in the Dáil. We believe it is a good thing to tell the people how well they are doing when that is justified by the facts. We think it is necessary to stress now that we are not doing well enough. Our national income per head of the population, notwithstanding all the recent growth, is still well below that of most other European countries, excepting only Italy, Greece, Spain and Portugal. We may have begun to catch up on the others, but we have still a long way to go before we move to a higher place on the European handicap table.

Agriculture's contribution to the national income in 1961 was £140,000,000 representing 24 per cent of the total. That was a smaller percentage than previously. Agriculture's contribution to the national income has fallen from 29.3 per cent of the total in 1953 to the 1961 figure of 24 per cent. That matter has been referred to here before in the Dáil, particularly by Deputy Dillon, and I think some misunderstanding regarding the significance of these figures has been generated.

They have been represented as evidence of an agricultural decline. In fact, the value of agricultural output in 1961 was the highest ever recorded in the country, even though it represented a smaller proportion of the total of the national income in that year. What is happening is that the national income as a whole is advancing at a greater rate than agricultural output. That is very welcome, indeed very necessary, evidence of the growth of non-agricultural activities. We have not yet brought about what I would regard as a proper balance between agriculture and manufacturing industry, judging by Dutch or Danish standards.

Males over 14 years of age employed in farm work on 1st June, 1961, were 2,000 fewer than on the corresponding date in 1960. That was a fall of about half of one per cent. and was the lowest fall recorded in any year since the war. In the five years from 1956 to 1961, the number of persons occupied in agriculture fell by 8.1 per cent. Agricultural output went up by 5 per cent. It is possible therefore, to calculate that output per person employed in agriculture, that is to say, the productivity of agriculture, improved during those years by 14.3 per cent. That figure supports the NFA claim that the increase in productivity in agriculture has been higher than in any other sectors during that period.

Industrial output in 1961 increased by 9 per cent over 1960 and that was substantially above the European average. Industrial employment increased by 4 per cent. The National Management-Labour Conference survey, which I have already mentioned, comments on the general experience that, when production is expanding, employment does not increase in the same proportion, and our 1961 statistics bear this out. Industry's contribution to the national income rose to 28.3 per cent of the total in 1961 which, while considerably higher than it was, indeed the highest ever, is still low by European standards.

What are the prospects for industry in this year? In the first quarter of this year, industrial production was 5 per cent higher than in the corresponding quarter last year. Whether that rate of expansion can be maintained throughout the year may be doubtful, but there are some prospects that it may. In the past three years, industrial production in Ireland has increased by 27 per cent. That is a figure we can present with some pride because it has been exceeded in only one other European country. Of course we need a still higher rate of expansion to achieve the level of activity we require and to maintain a high enough rate of employment expansion.

The value and volume of our imports have increased sharply since 1956. In the present year, they have already moved slightly above the 1961 level. They may tend to rise higher because of the greater expenditure by our people upon consumer goods consequent upon the income increases they have secured. On the other hand, there are very welcome indications of a greater propensity to save. Post Office Savings Bank deposits and Savings Certificates are running well above last year's level.

The percentage increase in our exports during the same period, that is, since 1956, was much higher than for imports. At the present time, however, while imports are still tending to expand, our exports may be showing some tendency to contract. For the twelve month period to the end of June, the total value of our exports was £177,000,000 as against £180,000,000 for the calendar year 1961. The Economic Research Institute's forecast assumes that, in this year, there will be an increase of three per cent. in industrial exports and no change in agricultural exports. If livestock prices hold at their present level, that assumption may prove to be unduly pessimistic.

Agricultural exports accounted for the bulk of the increase that took place last year, an increase of £27.5 million or 18 per cent. That rate of increase could not be expected to continue. It involves some pulling down of cattle stocks. While, as I have said, the volume of exports is still very much higher than it was in the years before 1961, the rise is not continuing, certainly not at the same rate.

For a country so dependent upon exports as we are for the level of our prosperity and for the maintenance of employment, this could be a danger signal. The report of Córas Tráchtála, our export promoting organisation, as Deputies know, for the year 1961/62 will be available to Deputies in the next day or two. It reveals the increasing scope of the measures which are being brought into operation to assist our exporters to expand their markets. The Central Bank in its report emphasises that conditions in our main export markets are not likely to disimprove during the year so that any falling off in the rate of expansion of our exports must be attributable in the main to internal factors.

We had no balance of payments problem in 1961 and it is, perhaps, worthy of comment that a higher tourist income contributed to that position. Deputies will have received this morning the annual report of Bord Fáilte which reveals the extent to which tourist receipts have become a very important factor in our balance of payments. It is anticipated that there may be an over-all deficit this year of about £8,000,000, or more, in our external payments. That is not, as the Central Bank emphasises in its report, a cause for alarm but it indicates the need there is to sustain the drive to increase exports. It is expected that the continuing capital inflow will counteract any effect on our external financial reserves.

The Management-Labour Conference Survey states this:

The central objective of economic policy should be the attainment of the highest possible level of economic expansion consistent with reasonable price stability and without seriously disturbing equilibrium in the balance of payments.

That sentence adequately expresses the Government's purpose.

The economic progress of recent years was stimulated by a greatly increased programme of public capital expenditure which was directed as far as possible to productive purposes. It is estimated, as Deputies have been already informed, that in the present financial year public capital expenditure will be higher by 25 per cent than it was in 1961. Comparing our estimated public capital outlay in this year with, say, the financial year 1958-59 there has been a total increase of 80 per cent. The Central Bank in their report had some critical comments to make upon our capital programme, pointing out that much of it is still directed to objectives of a social nature, and that is true. As compared with 1958 it is anticipated that in this year capital outlay upon schools and hospitals will be 50 per cent higher and on housing 60 per cent higher.

I have said, however, that it is the policy of the Government to direct investment as far as possible to productive purposes and to some extent that result has been achieved because, as compared with 1958, capital expenditure in this year upon agriculture will be 140 per cent higher and on industry 190 per cent higher.

It is worthy of comment that so far we have financed this greatly expanded public capital investment programme without incurring any external liabilities, without incurring liabilities expressed otherwise than in our own currency.

Turning now to deal with the position regarding employment, I think I should tell Deputies that comparisons with previous years based upon sales of social insurance stamps or the number of social insurance books current at any time may heretofore be invalidated to some extent by reason of wage and salary increases which have brought or are bringing some numbers of normally insured persons beyond the £800 insurance limit. In 1961, 10,000 new jobs were created outside agriculture and that number exceeded by 6,000 the decline in the numbers occupied in agriculture, forestry and fishing in that year. Net emigration in 1961 at 22,000 was 20,000 below the figure for the previous year and in this year, 1962, up to date, emigration appears to be running about 10 per cent below the corresponding figure for 1961.

The population in this year, 1962, will it is expected be about 5,000 up on 1961. That is good news because a rising population is a powerful stimulus to economic development.

The unemployment register has moved somewhat erratically this year showing numbers higher than last year in some weeks and lower in others. The highest number on the register in any week here was considerably below the corresponding figure for last year. In 1961, the unemployment percentage, that is to say, the number of insured workers who were on the average in each week of the year unemployed was 5.7 per cent which is the lowest figure we have ever recorded here.

The National Management-Labour Conference Survey reports some shortages of skilled labour and this is a situation which is likely to persist notwithstanding some evidence of a return of workers, particularly of building tradesmen, from Britain. The labour reserve of this country is not measured by our unemployment register and includes Irish workers who are presently employed in Britain and elsewhere who would readily return here in consideration of secure employment prospects. That is a consideration which we believe has influenced many firms in locating new factories here rather than elsewhere.

I have mentioned that the Economic Research Institute's forecast is that the rate of growth this year may not exceed, or may not exceed by very much, 3 per cent in real terms. Some slowing down in the rate of economic expansion appears to be a feature in all European countries this year. The British official forecast is that the British economy will expand this year by 2½ per cent. Although our estimated growth rate of 3 per cent is higher than that anticipated in Britain it is still not enough. I said last year that we needed to double the current rate of expansion. We have gone some distance towards that goal but there is still need to improve further, if we are to achieve our purpose of full employment, with a 50 per cent increase in national income by 1970.

It is noteworthy and encouraging that there has been no diminution in the rate of factory construction or, indeed, in the number of proposals for new industries which are coming into the Department of Industry and Commerce or the Industrial Development Authority. There is, as we all recognise, at present some element of uncertainty regarding the outcome of our application for membership of the European Economic Community and that may have some effect in this year upon our industrial development. If that idea is correct, then the present high rate of development, as high as it was in any previous year, would lead us to anticipate a real spurt forward on the industrial front when that uncertainty has been removed.

It would, however, be foolish to ignore some unwelcome features and trends which the experts have diagnosed and which are indeed easily recognisable. They are mentioned in the Economic Research Institute's forecast and in the Labour-Management Conference Survey. Chief of these is that increases in personal incomes have run ahead of productivity, involving some loss of competitive power, higher consumer prices and a danger of higher imports of consumer goods. Our future progress must depend to a large extent on the efforts which are now being made to raise the level of productivity to match this rise in incomes. If that is not accomplished we could soon be in trouble in our development programme.

I think we all recognise and accept that economic expansion is essential for the realisation of national aims in every sphere. It is only in an expanding economy that we can achieve significant social and cultural progress. Anything which deters expansion, anything which slows its rate, operates to delay the realisation of these aims. Deputies have during this year as in previous years constantly urged the payment of higher social benefits, more expenditure on education, subsidies for this and that, higher outlays of one kind or another upon objects we all would accept as desirable. Before we can have any of these advantages, we must earn the money to pay for them and earn it by expanding output and expanding exports, and that calls for real competitiveness in all branches of economic activity.

How is that to be achieved? There was published last year a statement of productivity principles which was prepared under the auspices of the National Productivity Committee, and it was accepted by the representatives of organised workers and organised employers. That statement helps us to find the answer. The Central Bank in their report very rightly say the statement deserves more repeated and widespread publicity than it has received. That joint declaration showed full appreciation of the need to improve productivity, emphasised the common advantages which would be derived by workers, employers and consumers, and it may help to secure at every level acceptance of the need for positive action.

Industrial productivity rose by 4½ per cent in 1961. The Economic Research Institute says it will rise by less than 4 per cent in this year. Productivity increases in industry in 1959 and 1960 were estimated at 7 per cent and 3½ per cent respectively. The survey prepared for the National Management-Labour Conference estimates that between 1959 and 1961 unit labour costs in this country increased by 5 per cent and that is the measure of the more rapid advance of wages and costs than of productivity. It is in sharp contrast with the experience of some other countries where higher wages were accompanied by lower unit costs. However, not all countries have had that happy experience. The spectacle of higher costs pushing up prices and reducing export competitiveness has not been exclusive to ourselves. That may not be much of a consolation; I do not think it is even a good excuse; but the fact is that of 12 European countries from which statistics are available, in the case of five of them, the percentage increase in prices was higher than here; in the case of six of them, the increase was less and in the case of one of them, Switzerland, the increase was the same. There was no case in which there was not some increase, with the lowest in Belgium and the highest in Denmark. In all these countries, however, serious concern over these rising costs is evident and is being widely expressed, and that concern must be no less evident here.

I attempted earlier this year to forecast that the eighth round of wage increases would raise the general internal price level here by between five and six per cent. The Economic Research Unit estimate that prices will rise between four and five per cent and that will probably prove to be correct, although the eighth round has not yet been completed and higher costs are not yet fully reflected in all prices. Recent price increases were almost entirely due to this cause and certainly so if we include the tax changes which were made in the recent Budget as part of the eighth round adjustment, as I think we should. The point I want to emphasise is that higher import prices played a comparatively insignificant part; the main causes of price increases have been internal.

The importance of price stability is, I think, obvious to us all and in this survey adopted by the National Management-Labour Conference the following appears:

The improvement in the purchasing power of wages and earnings has taken place mainly in the last four years and during the greater part of this period prices remained remarkably stable.

When the effect of recent wage rises has been fully absorbed in our internal prices, they should stabilise again. There is certainly no reason in sight why they should not so stabilise and the aim must be to bring about that stability, particularly in the light of our recognition of the fact that the main beneficiaries of price stability will be the wage earners.

Regarding our application for membership of the European Economic Community, I cannot add very much to what I have previously told the Dáil, apart from the particulars which were published recently in the supplement to the White Paper. It is just a year now since we submitted our application for membership of the European Economic Community. Deputies will have seen the Press reports yesterday that the application of Ireland for membership of the Community was before the Council of Ministers at their meeting on Tuesday. After the meeting, our ambassador to the European Economic Community was received by the Chairman of the Council, Signor Colombo of Italy, and was informed that the Council had instructed their permanent representatives to continue their detailed study of our application and to report to the Council after the summer recess with a view to enabling the Council to give full consideration to the application at their meeting towards the end of September.

We have not got down to negotiations in the full sense of that word. Notwithstanding our natural desire to move ahead to these negotiations, we do not feel unduly concerned at this stage because we can understand that the Council members are preoccupied with their very complex negotiations with the British, as well as with such difficult problems as the detailed elaboration of the common agricultural policy and the relations of the Community with the new African States. It is understandable that they will not be in a position to make much further progress on our application before the outline of the conditions which will govern Britain's accession to the Community can be seen.

For these reasons, we consider that no good purpose would be served by seeking at this point of time to have a decision on our application expedited. The Member States of the European Economic Community know that Ireland is prepared to participate fully and effectively in the Community. I do not expect that there will be any avoidable delay in reaching decisions upon the terms and conditions of our membership. It is our understanding that they intend to bring negotiations with all the applicant States to finality on the same date. It is expected that a further meeting with Member States will take place soon after the Council have considered the report of their permanent representatives in September.

Deputies will also have seen in Press reports from Britain that there are some hopes that the peak of the British negotiations may be passed in the next couple of weeks and that an outline agreement on the important aspects of the negotiations will have been reached. Once agreement is reached on the main terms of Britain's accession, I expect that our application will not take long to complete. Nevertheless, it is not now expected that finality involving our accession as a member of the Community can be reached until some date next year.

The work of preparing the national economy for our entry into the Community is being pressed forward with all urgency. Deputies are undoubtedly familiar with the progress of the Committee on Industrial Organisation and will have studied their interim report on State aid to be granted to industry to enable it to adapt itself to the Common Market. They will know also that the Government promptly accepted the recommendations made and have already taken steps to give effect to them. Some further legislation may be needed to do so. It will, as the Minister for Industry and Commerce has announced, apply in so far as State aid for modernisation and adaptation is concerned, with retrospective effect.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce will also make another statement soon on some further decisions which were recently made. The Committee's survey report upon the cotton, lines and rayon industry was published last month, and I understand that the survey in relation to other industries has now reached an advanced stage, and will become available during the recess.

In the agricultural sector, a Committee on Agricultural Organisation has been established on which all the principal producer organisations are represented. That Committee is considering matters of broad policy in relation to the Common Market. Study groups representative of the producers, the processors, the trading interests, the trade unions, the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Finance, have been formed to study the Common Market decisions and proposals in relation to particular agricultural commodities, to assess the implications of those decisions and proposals for this country, and to make recommendations on the steps which may be necessary to meet the new conditions which will operate on our accession to the Community.

In addition, surveys of the main agricultural processing industries are being carried out. The purpose of those surveys is to appraise the efficiency of our processing industries with a view to formulating all the measures of adjustment or adaptation to the conditions likely to be met within the European Economic Community. As the Minister for Agriculture announced during the course of his Estimate speech, it is also intended to arrange for a survey of the consumer food requirements of the principal Common Market countries by expert consultants.

I should like to reiterate what I have already said on a number of occasions. The period which must elapse before our application for membership can be brought to fruition will not operate to postpone the date by which we must expect to face, without protection, the unrestricted competition of the other members of the Community. The time for our preparation for that situation is already running. I am afraid it is not very easy to get that fact understood widely enough. The delay in finalising our membership will, indeed, have the effect of shortening the period between the date of our accession and the final elimination of protection. No matter when our membership begins, we must accept that the period of transition will be terminated on 31st December, 1969, as provided in the Treaty of Rome.

The number of industrial concerns which have already submitted proposals for State financial aid for reequipment of their plants, and for the expansion of their operations, is still far too few. The number of industrial firms availing of the technical assistance grants, which have now been raised to 50 per cent., is still far less than it should be. It might well be considered wise for us to start now the progress of tariff reduction even before our formal accession to membership of the European Economic Community. This would help both to promote a wider realisation of the urgency of the need for reorganisation and adaptation, and give a less speedy, less abrupt process of transition after our membership to free trade conditions.

It is essential, however we bring it about, that the work of promoting increased efficiency and productivity in all sectors of the economy should now be pushed ahead rapidly. As has been pointed out already, this work would have been necessary for the protection of the economy, even if there were no Common Market. The prospect of our entry into the Common Market gives it added urgency. The driving sense of urgency which permeates Government Departments and some State organisations is still not evident in sufficient degree throughout the private industries. On the success which we achieve in relation to that work now, will depend our ability to avail of the opportunities which will be open to us as members of the European Economic Community.

All the indications are that 1963 will be a year of great significance for this as well as other countries. Events will move very fast, particularly in Europe. They are likely to reach their culmination in decisions of great historical significance within the next 12 months. We certainly have to intention of allowing events to carry us along. We have taken all the decisions for which circumstances have called. Decisions were taken promptly, as required, and were clearly enunciated. I have given an assurance that we will not fail to make any future decisions which may be needed, and to make them in time.

Our decision to enter the Common Market was reached in the full understanding of the national circumstances and needs, and all the likely political, economic and social consequences of so doing. We know that all those consequences cannot be exactly defined or, perhaps, even foreseen now, although we can guess at their probable shape. We believe that, for the future welfare of the people of this country, the course we are continuing is the right one. We believe it is better than any other course that may be open to us. Of that we have no doubt.

We know we cannot fashion the world to our liking. We know that policy is always a matter of choosing between alternative courses. We have chosen the course of participation in the movement towards European integration as the one which is most likely to facilitate the realisation of our highest national objectives.

All the plans which are being made or discussed at this time in every sector under the auspices of the Government assume we will become members of the EEC and that the Rome Treaty will be fully implemented by 1970. However, planning on that basis must be undertaken not only by Government and State authorities but in every factory and farm.

It is easy to appreciate the very natural difficulty in getting everybody to start now all the work which needs to be completed soon and to make all the mental adjustments to the new situation which are required. Nevertheless, we can say, and it is some consolation, that we are certainly more advanced in our preparations both in a material and a psychological sense than were the present members of the EEC in 1957.

Without attempting in any way to minimise the magnitude of the reorganisation which we must now attempt, we must not be afraid of it, either. Indeed, I may say I have not discovered anywhere throughout the country any sense of apprehension regarding the future. It is important that none of us should try to create it.

The survey adopted by the Management-Labour Conference stressed the essentiality of maintaining public confidence in the ability of our economy to continue expanding. That is advice which is addressed to all of us as well as to others outside the House. Without confidence in ourselves, we can never achieve much.

The main purpose of national endeavour now is to get the Irish economy organised in all its sections to meet the impact of freer trade and to maintain the impetus of economic expansion in the new circumstances. That certainly will be the main pre-occupation of the Government during the Recess.

I mentioned that we have a heavy programme of legislation lined up for the Dáil Winter Session. Some unusually large and important measures for consideration by Deputies are included in that programme. As there are still Estimates to be debated, we are likely to have a fairly busy time. I do not think any of us will object to that.

The prospect of hard work is not likely to discourage us. Indeed, the satisfaction we get from participation in public work derives from the sense of achievement which we have as progress is made and as work programmes are fulfilled. I wish to give all Deputies on all sides of the House the opportunity of experiencing that satisfaction in full.

I could not help wondering, as I listened to the Taoiseach, if he was reserving what he really means to say for the conclusion of this debate. If he is not, his introductory remarks today are a pretty gappy performance, as I think the faces of his supporters amply demonstrate.

The free passage of men, money and goods is not a novel concept to the leaders of this Fine Gael Party. We have recognised its advantages and spoken of them at home and abroad for quite a time. It is, therefore, not surprising that we endorse the conversion of Fianna Fáil to these principles and approve their resolute approach to the EEC.

I stated at an early stage and not in this House but to an Ard Fhéis of our supporters in the Mansion House that we in Fine Gael believe that the adherence of this country to the EEC was not only inevitable if Great Britain joined but that on its merits, the EEC held great prospects for the world at large and was a movement in which Ireland could with great advantage to herself and to the world fully engage herself. On that account, whatever the political costs from a Party political point of view, we determined that we would not harass the Government charged with the responsibility of negotiations preparatory to entering the EEC with a ceaseless barrage of hypothetical questions which anyone could easily formulate in order to render the process of negotiation at Brussels more complex and more difficult than it must inevitably be. I am sure that decision was right.

If there are those who feel we have done less than what a zealous Opposition could do to extract information from the Government, I am quite convinced the course we embarked upon and have since pursued is the right and patriotic course to take. However, I am bound to add that I pointed out to the Taoiseach, when that policy was declared by us in Dáil Éireann, that it must be a two-way street. I pointed out that we must be able to depend on the Taoiseach and the Government to keep us as fully informed as is humanly possible as events unfold themselves. Otherwise, we could undoubtedly legitimately be charged with failing in our duty to extract essential information.

I accepted that the information vouchsafed to this House from time to time by the Taoiseach revealed as fully as was possible the thinking and decisions taken by the Irish Government in regard to the EEC. Therefore, I am rather concerned to read in the New York Times of Wednesday, 18th July, 1962 an announcement that the Taoiseach has met Mr. C. L. Sulzberger of that newspaper. His column speaks as follows:

But, in the few years since elapsed, a new generation has taken over governing control in Dublin and old Eamon de Valera has moved up to the wholly non-political role of President. These men, led by Prime Minister Seán Lemass and Foreign Minister Frank Aiken, both veteran IRA fighters themselves, are no longer obsessed with the legends and slogans of the Rebellion. They are hard-headedly concerned with this country's economic and political destiny and prepared to make sacrifices to ensure success. The answer they have resolved upon, and here they are as well supported by the Opposition, is that Ireland must join the Common Market and shed old fashioned shibboleths like the very word neutrality. As Lemass says with deliberate precision—

Then Mr. Sulzberger opens inverted commas—

We are prepared to go into an integrated union without any reservations at all as to how far this will take us in the field of foreign policy or defence commitments.

Then he closes the inverted commas. I have searched the Taoiseach's statements in Brussels and here and I have not found these words so expressly stated in any speech addressed to the Community Council at Brussels, to this House, or elsewhere. I can only assume the inverted commas in Mr. Sulzberger's article, which is dated Dublin, July 17th, purport to represent words which the Taoiseach has authorised him to quote as being spoken by the Taoiseach to Mr. Sulzberger.

I think that goes further than anything I have heard from the Taoiseach's lips here and it ill becomes him in view of the attitude adopted in this House, to take Mr. Sulzberger more fully into his confidence than he takes Oireachtas Éireann. I do not think it is suitable. I do not think it is right and if the Taoiseach has to make categorical statements of that kind, this is the place in which they should be made, not to columnists, however influential, from New York. And that kind of information should not come back to the House via the columnist of the New York Times.

I adhere to the view that the Government are entitled to support and understanding and help in their negotiations with the Brussels authorities in their preparation to enter the Common Market. So long as I am Leader of the Opposition of this House, they shall continue to get it.

I feel that the decision to enter the Common Market is one which we must view not only in the light of the immediate developments in Europe but in the knowledge that a very significant and important speech was made on 4th July by the President of the United States of America at a venue manifestly chosen to lend special significance to what he had to say. I propose to direct the attention of the House in some detail to that pronouncement because I believe that it has a very important significance for us and indeed for the whole world in which we and our children and our children's children may have to live.

The President in the course of a long address said:

With the passing of ancient empires, today less than 2 per cent of the world's population live in territories officially termed dependent. As this effort for independence, inspired by the American Declaration of Independence, now approaches a successful close, a great new effort for inter-dependence is transforming the world about us. And the spirit of that new effort is the same spirit which gave birth to the American Constitution.

That spirit is today most clearly seen across the Atlantic Ocean. The nations of Western Europe, long divided by feuds far more bitter than any which existed among the 13 Colonies, are today joining together, seeking, as our forefathers sought, to find freedom in diversity and unity from strength.

The United States looks on this vast new enterprise with hope and admiration. We do not regard a strong and United Europe as a rival, but a partner. To aid its progress has been the basic object of our foreign policy for 17 years.

We believe that a united Europe will be capable of playing a greater role in the common defence, of responding more generously to the needs of poorer nations, of joining with the United States and others in lowering trade barriers, resolving problems of commerce and commodities and currency, and developing co-ordinated policies in all economic, political and diplomatic areas. We see in such a Europe a partner with whom we can deal on a basis of full equality in all the great and burdensome tasks of building and defending a community of free nations.

It would be premature at this time to do more than indicate the high regard with which we would view the formation of this partnership. The first order of business is for our European friends to go forward in forming the more perfect union which will some day make this partnership possible.

A great new edifice is not built overnight. It was 11 years from the Declaration of Independence to the writing of the Constitution. The construction of workable Federal institutions required still another generation.

The greatest works of our nation's founders lay not in documents and in declarations, but in creative, determined action. The building of the new house of Europe has followed the same practical and purposeful course. Building the Atlantic partnership now will not be easily or cheaply finished.

But I will say here and now, on this Day of Independence, that the United States will be ready for a declaration of inter-dependence; that we will be prepared to discuss with a united Europe the ways and means of forming a concrete Atlantic partnership, a mutually beneficent partnership between the new union now emerging in Europe and the old American union founded here 175 years ago. All this will not be completed in a year, but let the world know it is our goal.

I cannot help recalling when 14 years ago, speaking in Washington, I ventured to formulate concepts of that kind, the indignation and alarm of the then Deputy Lemass who questioned the Taoiseach, Deputy John A. Costello, very stringently as to the responsibility of the terms employed by the Minister for Agriculture speaking in Washington. The Taoiseach, Deputy Costello, replied to Deputy Lemass that the concepts formulated, which were as yet incomprehensible to Deputy Lemass, might later prove to be very far-seeing anticipation of the shape of the world to come. I want to welcome Deputy Lemass of that day in his capacity as Taoiseach in 1962 on his pilgrimage towards the ideals which I ventured to formulate 14 years ago in Washington when speaking on behalf of this country at the FAO.

I want to say this. It is very easy to press inquiries on the Government today or indeed upon the authority of the Common Market in Europe as to what will happen, now the Fouchet Committee has collapsed and what are the political implications of our entry into the Common Market.

I think a time is rapidly coming when the head of the Government here cannot longer forbear from at least speculating on what the political consequences of the Rome Treaty are likely to be. It is true that in the text of the Rome Treaty, there is no specific provision in that regard, as in the text of the Rome Treaty there is no specific defence commitment, but it is manifest from the words used by the Taoiseach to Mr. Sulzberger, that he realises the consequences of both in potentia, that it is the intention of the Government to go into an integrated Europe without any reservations at all as to how far that will take us in political and defence commitments.

I want to say quite categorically that we must ask our Government to tell us from the present organisation of the European Economic Community what is going to be the ultimate form of the political association of the Ten— because there are going to be ten; I have not the slightest doubt in my mind that Great Britain, Norway, Denmark and Ireland will ultimately be accepted in the Common Market. I may be wrong, but I feel so sure that will transpire that I propose to proceed on that assumption. Some people will say that political association of the Ten will take a federal form on the lines suggested by Monsieur Spaak and the Benelux countries, or a confederation nationale on the lines suggested by de Gaulle. I believe you will get a political association such as the world has never seen before out of this association.

I think what will happen—and I think it is a good way it is going to happen—is that as ad hoc organisations are formed to deal with the various problems with which the associates will be called to deal from time to time, the functions of these committees will slowly spread over the whole field between defence, international economics and ultimately, in greater or lesser degree, the political life of the participating countries and there will emerge from that series of collaborations a form of association which will be something new and unique but which will none the less be a united Europe.

I would face that with some concern if I thought it was going to be an inward looking and restrictive association, but believing as I do certainly that its future is indissolubly associated with the words spoken by President Kennedy on July 4th at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, I believe the future form of such an association as will emerge from Europe has great potential for the world and is one in which this country will have an important part to play.

I know it is not supposed to be fashionable in Irish politics today even to mention Partition. I am concerned with Partition and the members of this Party are concerned with Partition. It is true that we have always taken the view that violence, either of language or action, can make little contribution to the solution of that problem, but I do believe that in God's good time, the gradual elimination of the tariff barrier and the other significant functions of the boundary in this country will materially contribute to its disappearance and I am convinced that as the European Community corresponds to the invitation contained in the address of President Kennedy to which I have directed the attention of the Dáil, and in so far as we play our part in that community in hastening the day in which an Atlantic Community emerges, all this will render more and more inevitable the realisation that Ireland as a united nation can do better for herself and for the world than she can hope to do in her present divided state. I do not want to be more precise than that because I do not know that dwelling on it excessively does much to help. However, I have very little doubt in my mind that that element is in this whole concept and it is one which cannot be absent from our minds.

Finally, on this subject, I want to say a word about defence implications. Repeatedly, efforts have been made in this House to make everybody's flesh creep by asking: "Are the Government going to join NATO." I do not think the Government are going to be asked to join NATO and if I were pressed to guess, I do not believe anybody wants us to join NATO. But it is time the Government faced the fact sensibly. I think the extract I have read from the New York Times makes it incumbent on the Taoiseach to clarify the position now.

I do not think that any nation participating in the united Europe into which we intend to go can declare itself disinterested in the fate of that united Europe, should it be attacked by an aggressor from outside. We will share defence liabilities with all our partners in that association. Surely that is a reasonable, intelligent anticipation of the situation which must inevitably arise? We have the consoling thought that unless that association of European nations is prepared to collaborate most closely with the United States of America, as I said at Strasbourg and elsewhere, the European Community has as much prospects of survival as a snowball in hell if it cuts itself off from the U.S. and other freedom-loving nations of the world or if, by its politics, it forces America to cut herself off from Europe.

Some people forget that it is not so long ago, and it is in the memory of many men in this House, that America passed through a phase of turning her back on Europe, on the ground that she wanted no further involvement in European affairs. It was not a farsighted view in those days. It probably contributed materially to the beginning of the 1939 war—the belief that America would adhere to that view. If America should ever be forced back into these isolationist beliefs it might precipitate another war and I invite Deputies to reflect what the likely issue of such a war would be if America stayed at home and Europe—wealthy, desirable, accessible Europe—were confronted with the combined warlike resources of Russia and China. The survival of the Common Market as a citadel of freedom and individual liberty would be highly problematical. Its incorporation into an enlarged Cominform might help to resolve the economic difficulties of Russia and China but would scarcely improve the political climate of, let us say, Ireland, much as some people from time to time seem to deplore its unsatisfactory character.

Therefore I suggest to the Taoiseach that it is time for him to become as frank with Dáil Éireann as he has been with Mr. Sulzberger. I should be glad if he told us clearly wherein and how far he dissents from the propositions which I suggest to the House and the inevitable and proper decision of an Irish Government resolved to see that Ireland plays its full part in a great, dynamic world development in which Ireland has a part to play and in a development from which Ireland can derive great benefits if she enters it boldly and courageously and resolved to carry out her commitments, a great world development which we in this House ought remember, outside of which, the prospects of Ireland's survival as a viable, economic, sovereign and independent nation would be highly problematical.

Such a dilemma for a country with the history of Newfoundland can be resolved by incorporating itself in some larger political unit: no such solution is with dignity available to a nation as old as Ireland, with all her history about her.

I think the Government is right in securing the survival as a viable, dynamic and national unit of Ireland in the world by, on behalf of Ireland, taking our place in EEC. That is why we have supported that policy from these benches and that is why we propose to continue supporting it because we believe that when the nation is involved it is infinitely more desirable that a responsible parliamentary opposition should support the national interest rather than the party political advantage of itself in any course of conduct.

There are certain other matters to which I wish to direct attention. On the assumption that we are moving into this new world, the end of which I hope to see as an Atlantic Community, I want to direct the attention of the Taoiseach to the fact that in light of what he said today I detect a readiness to speak of plans, committees and inquiries but an absence of doing the things that are at hand to do. There are certain things that it may not be possible to do forthwith; they must be subject to speculation, consideration and reflection but there are certain things urgently necessary to do now and that it is in the power of the Government to do now. They are not exhaustive but they are positive concrete things that should be done now and the Government should listen to me because it is flapping. I charge the Government with this, of getting into the custom of charging everybody else with flapping when, in fact, they are flapping themselves.

One of the most urgent and necessary things to do if this country is to become a member of the Common Market is to ensure that every acre of land gives its maximum production. Everybody on all sides of the House will agree that in respect of more than half the land of Ireland it is not giving 50 per cent of the production of which it is capable. I think everybody who knows anything about it will agree that is largely due, not to any inherent fault in the people who own the land but to a lack of knowledge, knowhow and capital. I do not want to hold an inquest on the agricultural advisory services or the failure of their purposes. All I know is that over large areas of the country they are virtually non-existent so far as effect is concerned.

What I ask is that the Minister for Agriculture should proceed forthwith to establish national agricultural advisory services to ensure that no farmer would be left without the knowhow to use his land to the best advantage and that indissolubly combined with that, there will be assurances that any farmer prepared to work in with that service will be lent a guaranteed minimum of interest-free capital to carry out essential improvements necessary to make the land yield its maximum return.

I know that will give rise to marketing problems and I admit that the Government may have some difficulty of a preliminary kind in urging on the existing marketing machinery to do its job and only after they become convinced it is not going to do it can they, with universal support, go into the job of doing it themselves. I hope that will not be necessary.

Surely that is something that ought to be done now and it is most urgently necessary to do it. We have the men, we have the technical advisers, we are planning to send them to Tanganyika in large numbers, and we have got to face the fact that it will take a long time to put a national agricultural advisory service into operation. The ideal would require about 800 advisers. That is not an appalling number. A great many are at present available in the local advisory services but the trouble is that out of every ten you appoint, you will get three duds and they will have to be taken out and replaced.

It takes a long time to build up a service. If we started today with a full resolve. I am sure it would take us ten years to complete the kind of agricultural advisory service we ought to have but the benefits would be immense: increase in production would be dramatic and the standards of living of the people on the land would be greatly improved.

I want to urge on the Government that their approach to the educational implications of entry to the Common Market is that of the tortoise. It takes a long time to get results from educational reorganisation but in the world of the European Economic Community one of the essential desiderata is that there should be available to this country a far greater familiarity with European languages than at present exists. We ought to endeavour, whether it is to be French and German, French and Italian or French and Spanish, to give as many secondary and technical school children as is possible a working knowledge of French, and/or German, and/or Italian, and/or Spanish. Modern European languages should be available to children now to equip them for life in the Common Market.

That is, to some, an extravagant proposition but Deputies who have any recent experience of Europe and have had any contact with Dutch, Swedish or Danish adolescents will know that seven out of ten of them speak quite fluent English. I have asked them where they have obtained their knowledge of English and have been told that they never left their native country. They learned it in their schools. I submit that with our experience of our children at home and of their access to any European language, the prospects are fantastic and disastrous from our point of view. Any businessman or politician who has been engaged in work abroad is familiar with the individual who is monolingual in English and who is trying to conduct business or international affairs with a single language at international assemblies. He stands out like a sore thumb compared with the man who has French and English, or Italian or German and English. I hope the Taoiseach will look into that matter forthwith.

I agree with the Taoiseach when he says it is regrettable that industrialists do not seem to have the sense of urgency that I think is vital if every material upset is not to result, much of which could be avoided, if time were taken by the forelock in this matter. Here, again, I feel the need of a more urgent note from the Government than has been drawn from them so far. If you say that industry ought to do something, you get a fellow with a factory employing 40, 50 or 60 men who says: "What do they want me to do?" If I were asked that question, I would answer that he should go and find out what contribution the Government are prepared to give him to make a survey of his business by a competent firm of business consultants, with a view to finding out what his needs were in a Common Market atmosphere.

When that man has found out what assistance the Government are prepared to give him in that regard, I would advise him not to go off and employ the first firm of business consultants who have the largest advertising space in the newspapers. Instead, I would advise him to go to the business organisation to which he belongs, whether it be RGDATA or the Federation of Irish Industries, and ask them to advise him what firm of business consultants would be the best to deal with this particular business problem. I would then tell him to choose the firm of business consultants recommended to him. Ultimately, the responsibility is upon that man to ask whether he is going to seek that advice or not. If that man wants further assistance or help, these consultants will give it to him.

Suppose that man is not able to put the advice given to him into operation, then the organisation to which he belongs, whether the Federation of Irish Industries or RGDATA, can go to the Government and say: "Here is a case of an individual who wants help, who wants to take help, who wants to be constructive and co-operative but there is no scheme available to help him and if given the help he needs, he can be a very useful unit in the maintenance of employment in the difficult period of adjustment to Common Market conditions." Surely that is the kind of advice we ought to be giving to the individual manufacturer who is inclined to sit back.

To my mind, the most vital and difficult business in our adjustment to Common Market conditions will be the preservation of employment. The nightmare which haunts my mind is that in the process of adjustment, you will have hundreds or thousands of men thrown out of employment by alleged redundancy. That could create such a spirit of confusion and dismay as to affect our whole future. If we can instil into the minds of the workers of this country that their interests will be provided for and every effort made to avoid redundancy we would create a much better reaction than we can hope to create so long as uncertainty and anxiety continue to exist.

The Taoiseach, in his opening statement, spoke of tourist receipts. He also spoke of reduced unemployment. I want to direct the attention of the House to facts. You can induce a sort of euphoria by taking certain statistics, trotting them around the House and saying: "That makes the whole picture look lovely". I do not think the Taoiseach believed a good deal of the euphoria he was trying to promulgate this morning and, signs on it, I thought the speech a flat kind of performance. His supporters manifestly did so, too. The longer he spoke, the lower they sank in their seats, and I do not blame them.

It is quite true that tourist receipts have increased. If you look at the graph in the Tourist Board's circular which reached us this morning, you will find they have increased quite dramatically from 1957 to date. But surely it is silly to try to deceive ourselves by the belief that these are tourists from the other ends of the earth, when they are in fact emigrants coming home on holiday. Between 1956 and 1961, we shipped 215,641 boys and girls out of this country to Great Britain, all of them practically between the ages of 18 and 30. If that did not produce a considerable influx of what are now technically known as tourists in the following year, it would be the greatest miracle since Moses struck the rock.

The vast majority of those boys and girls went, not wanting to go. As the Taoiseach said today, one of the great advantages of our labour situation is that our labour reserves consist not only of the available labour in this country but of a very large pool of trained labour in Great Britain who would come home if they could, and they do come every summer. That represents a very large part of the tourist income we are enjoying. The truth is that, if we were honest, we would describe that not as tourist income proper but as emigrants' remittances, the difference being that these emigrants bring cash home and spend it here themselves and then go back, whereas the emigrants on the far side of the ocean in America usually send it in the form of dollar bills.

I cannot feel that we have any reason to rejoice at the figures of unemployment, which have begun to show a tendency which I do not understand and which the Taoiseach himself commented on this morning but did not elaborate on. He seemed to me to say the unemployment figures have never shown an increase this year on the figures recorded last year. Perhaps I took him up wrongly. I noted with surprise that on 20th July a return was published showing that on July 14th the number of unemployed stood at 36,111, which was an increase of 1,438 on the total for the corresponding period last year. That is a remarkable fact when you think of the quarter of a million people who have gone out of the country in the past five years and are still going. They could not go on going at the rate of 43,128 per annum or you would have to employ perambulators to bring them all to the ships, for there would be nobody left but the babies and the old people who require bathchairs to get about. There is bound to be some reduction in the flood of emigration, but what interests me is this. The people are still going. Emigration is still going on. We have had a loss of 215,641 in the past five years and yet it is possible for the unemployment figure to be higher this year than it was last year. That is an interesting situation and one on which the Taoiseach might with advantage give us fuller and freer information hereafter.

I was stimulated to hear the Taoiseach say that all feather-bedding must be eliminated from our economic life. I do not think I am doing him an injustice if I describe him as the father of the feather-bedding in this country. If ever there was an economic feather-bed anywhere in Ireland, it was the present Taoiseach who stitched it, stuffed it with feathers and soaped it in order to ensure the feathers would not come out. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands, coming from the West, will understand the significance of soaping the tick. That is a homely precaution to ensure that the feathers you put in stay there for fear the tick might get thin in use. Did any man ever secure more economic ticks in this country than the present Taoiseach, feather-beds on which certain persons could repose in comfort at the cost of their neighbour? Now he says they must all be eliminated because they constitute a national menace. I want to hail the father of feather-beds in Ireland for his late conversion to economic sanity.

I hope this question which I now propose to ask will not shock the orthodox. Everybody talks very learnedly of the national income. I have often asked myself, and I have dwelt a good deal on these matters: what is the significance of the national income? The Taoiseach today spoke of its rising steadily and, right enough, if you turn to Table X on page 26 of the Economic Statistics issued prior to the Budget, you will find it has risen from £513,000,000 in 1959 to £540,000,000 in 1960 and £582,000,000 in 1961. But over that period the value of money has dropped by 17 per cent. The cost of living has gone up by 17 per cent. I would suggest to Dáil Éireann that, if instead of the cost of living going up by 17 per cent, it had gone up by 30 per cent, then the national income would have gone to town altogether. Instead of having an increase of £82,000,000 we would have £164,000,000, but who would be better off?

I notice one of the factors in this figure for national income is wages, salaries and pensions. I do not want to speak "paradoxically" for the sake of paradox, but I think this proposition is true: If the Taoiseach washes his own shirt and I wash my shirt, there is no addition to the national income. But if the Taoiseach hires me to wash his shirt for half a crown and I hire the Taoiseach to wash my shirt for half a crown, we have increased the national income by five shillings. Is that a false proposition? I think that is in strict accord with economic theory.

I do not want to suggest that figures for national income in this State are useless. Far from it, because they do give trends; but they can be illusory. If the cost of living is steadily rising and there are corresponding increases in wages, salaries and the other elements which go to make up the national income, the national income can rise like nobody's business in terms of money, but when they are reduced to net national production at factor cost, and related to a constant price, a very different picture can appear.

Yes, the national income is rising and the cost of living is rising, and certain elements in our community are having a poor share in the increase in the national income to which the Taoiseach referred. He is puzzled when Deputy Dillon complains that the agricultural community is getting a smaller share of the national income than they have been getting heretofore because, he says, Deputy Dillon ought to remember that, though the percentage in the national income may have shrunk, the national income is bigger and, therefore, the farmers are doing better. Deputy Dillon does not forget that at all. It is the Taoiseach who forgets that one of the elements raising the gross figure for the national income is the rise in the cost of living which the farmer has to pay.

If you allow for the 17 per cent increase in the cost of living, the farmers' profits today—this is interesting—as compared with those of 1957 are about £97,000,000 compared to £108,000,000 in 1957. But, according to the figures for the national income, the farmers have £116,000,000 compared with £108,000,000 in 1957.

The true comparison, however, is the comparison with income today in terms of 1957 money values, and that means they are about £10,000,000 a year poorer than they were in 1957. I would not trust that calculation if I did not see confirmation of it all round me in my home and in my constituency, if I did not see farmers who can no longer carry that reduction in their incomes, packing their bags and still trickling off to England, as the Taoiseach indicated today, still going, but not in such great numbers as they were going, because they are not there any more to go. It is the valiant ones who have stuck it out who are beginning now to throw their hats at it, and it is just suicidal for this House to close their eyes to the facts of life on the small farms of Ireland simply because they are dazzled by the figures of national income expressed in terms of depreciating money.

I want to point out to the Taoiseach that, unless urgent measures are taken to stem the haemorrhage that is going on at the grass roots in Ireland, we will pay a terrible price for it. At present it is affecting not only the people who live and get their living on the land but there is not a small town or village in Ireland in which the business people are not feeling the pressure growing on them every month and every year because, as their costs rise, or remain static, the number of their customers is declining, the volume of business is contracting and, mark you, some of them, looking at their cash returns, will say to themselves: "Well, is it not strange? We seem to be sending more money to the bank and yet the `red' in the bank book seems to grow". What they are forgetting is that prices are going up all the time. If you put a penny or twopence on the pint of stout, twopence on the packet of cigarettes, a penny on beer and twopence on a glass of whiskey, that makes a big difference to the cash intake of the public house but, though the cash goes up, the volume of trade has gone down, and the expenses have continued upwards all the time.

I warn the Taoiseach and I warn the Government that the whole rural economy is in serious danger of irreparable damage and it is all, or 90 per cent., due to the fact that the agricultural community of this country is being allowed to sink steadily down to the position of hewers of wood and drawers of water in their own country. It is wholly wrong and it will do Ireland great damage in the end.

There are two other specific matters I want to raise with the Government before I conclude. I do not want to exaggerate the magnitude of the problem of the acquisition of land in this country by aliens, but I wish I could get Dáil Éireann to wake up to the facts. We believe it is a good thing to bring in foreign capital into this country to promote industrial activity. We want to encourage that. But it is common knowledge that our people are not peculiar in the world in welcoming the arrival of foreign capital for the promotion of industry or commerce while expressing instinctively and atavistically a revulsion from the acquisition of considerable areas of the land by foreigners.

They can come in here, but they must live abroad.

What did Deputy Noel Lemass say?

I said they can come in here, but they must live abroad.

What does that mean?

They cannot buy any land to live on.

I think Deputy Noel Lemass is just putting his finger right on the point. He does not live in a field. I do not know whether Deputy Noel Lemass lives in the City of Dublin or out in the suburbs, but he lives in a house, possibly with a bit of a garden around it. That creates no problem. It is not the acquisition of a house with a garden that is in question. Country people are not fools. They distinguish very clearly between a house with a garden around it, and land. They have no objection to anybody buying a house with a garden. On the contrary if someone sees one of these old houses in the country, with a walled-in garden, and a lawn, the people are delighted to see someone buy it. What they object to is the acquisition of agricultural land.

I want to admit that, if you proceed to argue it out in terms of acreage and the percentage of land passing into foreign hands, logically you might make the case that the percentage is relatively insignificant. But I want to warn the House that these things are not a matter of logic. They are a matter of a deep instinct. Mark you, that instinct is not peculiar to Ireland. I think you could divide Africa into those countries where the people's land was bought by foreigners and strangers and those countries where the land was not bought, where the strangers came in as teachers, doctors, and public servants, or even as merchants. In these lands today there is no anti-white prejudice. Whereas a passionate anti-white prejudice is present where the whites went in and bought the land from under the feet of the people. I admit these were primitive, simple people, but I want to suggest to the House that that reaction is not exclusively the reaction of simple, primitive people. I can feel it myself. I have a small holding of 49 acres. I do not deny that I would sell every other thing I have before I would part with one acre of that land. If you are born and brought up on the land and associated with land, that is the way we all are. Any of us who has any knowledge of rural Ireland knows of the man who will go out in the evening and simply stand leaning across a gate looking at his land. If you stop and ask him: "Why are you doing that?", he probably will not tell you but the real truth is that he gets deep personal satisfaction from owning land.

What I am concerned to prevent is a general reaction and revulsion in the country consequent on the belief that the country is being sold from under our feet to foreigners. Therefore, I want two things done. I want a clear and certain determination made of every case where the beneficial title to land in this country has passed into the hands of aliens, either directly or through one of these fraudulent companies designed to conceal the purchase. Secondly, I want an assurance made available that such acquisition of land will in no way affect the decision of the Land Commission to acquire such land as may be necessary for the relief of congestion or the reform of land tensure in the particular area where it is situated. Thirdly, there ought to be clear reassurance given that any existing rights enjoyed by the community by way of right of way or other amenity in that land will not be extinguished by an alien purchaser. Unless that is done, a very material evil will result and an abuse will be suffered to continue which at present exists and which I believe has a potential for very considerable evil.

There are two other matters I want to deal with, one of which, I think, calls at this stage only for review, the other which, I think, calls for action. I want to refer the Taoiseach to what I have said on the Bill dealing with Córas Iompair Éireann which was before the House recently with special reference to the Money Resolution and, without recapitulating now the argument I then made, I merely state the dilemma.

When we started this traffic legislation, Córas Iompair Éireann was a common carrier with all the legal implications of that status. It was entirely restricted from quoting preferential rates. If it made a preferential rate it had to make that rate available to everybody and it had an implied obligation to maintain the existing rail network. In consideration of these three burdens which it was asked to carry as the national transport company we conferred upon it a monopoly.

We have now by statute relieved it of its obligations as a common carrier. We have by statute relieved it of its obligation not to quote differential rates and the Chairman of Córas Iompair Éireann has now announced that having attempted to maintain the existing rail network, he has now come to the conclusion that it is no longer possible to do so and that he proposes substantially to close down all uneconomic branch lines in the country.

The time has come, in the light of that new situation which has been brought to a culmination by our decision to facilitate Córas Iompair Éireann to re-equip itself with the most modern equipment and to complete its dieselisation programme, to ask ourselves whether we ought not to say now, at this stage: "Now you have got freedom from all the burdens you used to carry, now you have completed your dieselisation and the time has come when you ought to enter into free competition with any other person who wants to engage in the transport industry of the country".

I believe, when you bear in mind that transport charges constitute a very substantial element in practically all industrial and agricultural costs in this country, if we are serious in trying to make ourselves as competitive as it is possible to be in the new world of the European Economic Community, the whole question of the transport monopoly must be brought under review.

The last matter is a detail. It has been alleged in this House and I have challenged in this House that if a firm of Irish people went to the Industrial Development Authority, they would be told: "We are not very much interested in you. Unless you have a foreigner with you, you have no business coming here." I said in the House that that is not true and that if an Irish firm goes to the Industrial Development Authority, they get exactly the same reception as a foreign firm. I am rather shocked to discover I was wrong. The Industrial Development Authority is operating under a direction given at the time it was established that its primary function is the introduction of foreign capital enterprise into this country— not its exclusive function, but its primary function—and that it will give a priority to an enterprise which is calculated to import foreign capital and bring in a measure of foreign know-how, that that is inherent in its constitution for a very long time and that it was given that assignment to go out and look for foreign enterprise to join with Irish nationals in joint industrial ventures to create employment in this country.

I want to suggest to the Taoiseach that that general direction should now be withdrawn and that the IDA should be instructed to receive industrial proposals coming from exclusively Irish companies or joint ventures on the basis of absolute equality. The situation has long passed when that kind of restriction should exist. Mind you, the present position is that if you are an all Irish company, the IDA are inclined to say to you: "Go and talk to the Department of Industry and Commerce. We are more concerned with the joint enterprise." I suggest to the Taoiseach that that is wrong. That results in people feeling that they are being given the run-around. They are sent from the Industrial Development Authority to the Department of Industry and Commerce and from the Department to Córas Tráchtála, to try to get an estimate of their prospects in foreign markets and they report back to the Industrial Development Authority and you get people running around in circles and not knowing whom they can go to. I am sure we ought to be now in a position to say: "If you have an industrial promotion job in hands, go to the IDA and they will deal with it for you and bring to bear upon it all the resources the Government make available."

I think this Government are blind and dead to the conditions of the agricultural community in this country. I think they have closed their eyes to the situation of the rural community both in town and village and on the land itself. I think they have failed miserably to meet the demands in the sphere of education that the imminence of the Common Market makes upon us. I believe they have persuaded themselves by the manipulation of figures in which the Taoiseach engaged today that the situation is a great deal more satisfactory than in fact it is. I am afraid they are allowing themselves to be persuaded that many of the classic symptoms of inflation are in fact the indications of economic development and good health. I do not believe so long as this Government is as it is constituted that there will be any change. I hope the people will get an opportunity of changing it soon and we will do what we can to contribute towards that end by inviting the House to divide on the record of this Government when this debate is concluded.

It is almost 12 months since the last election and since the present Government took charge of the affairs of State and perhaps it may be suitable on this occasion, as a stocktaking, to examine the conditions which have prevailed during that period, to examine the Government's record and their programme in so far as it has affected local and national issues. We of the Labour Party had reason to complain during many months back about the time wasted by the Government in introducing here Bills such as that relating to the judges, the Intoxicating Liquor Bill, the Official Secrets Bill and the Short Titles Bill which related to titles prior to the Act of Union. These Bills were of little importance compared with the Bills which it is now sought to push through the House in a matter of hours, such as those dealing with housing and social welfare.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

If the Government had given housing and social welfare priority, and been prepared to devote adequate time to their discussion, we of the Labour Party would have had no cause for complaint. However, because the Government wasted so much time on the other legislation I have mentioned, we are all suffering.

It is only natural on the Adjournment Debate that we should mention the employment position. The Taoiseach gave some figures in his introductory speech here this morning. I do not wish to work on figures that might be considered inaccurate and the most reliable figures I can quote are those appearing in the booklet called Economic Statistics issued prior to the Budget. The figures given there for employment in the year 1955 are 455,000 persons in agricultural employment and 726,000 in non-agricultural employment, a total of 1,181,000 persons. In the year 1961, we find the number in agricultural employment was 409,000 and in non-agricultural employment 710,000, giving a total of 1,119,000 persons. Therefore, according to this booklet, there has been a reduction of 62,000 persons in employment, that is, a drop of 46,000 in agricultural employment and 16,000 in non-agricultural employment. The Taoiseach may wish to contradict these figures; if so, I should like him to explain how they are wrong.

We must also consider, in conjunction with the drop in employment, the figures for emigration. I accept the figures submitted by the Government of 450 persons emigrating per week. That is something in line with what the Taoiseach said this morning, over 23,000 emigrating. When that is considered along with the drop in employment, surely the Taoiseach should explain to us what policy his Government intend to pursue in order to improve the situation confronting agriculture.

Social welfare must also be taken into account because social welfare is tied up directly with the volume of employment through the contributory system. Between 1958 and 1962, the increase in tax revenue amounted to £25.3 million; yet the increase in social welfare benefits between those years 1958 and 1962 amounted to less than £2 million. That shows that in 1958 5/- in the £ was spent on social welfare, whereas in 1962 4/- in the £ was spent. The Taoiseach quoted from the Central Bank report from which it is apparent that they are still worried that the pattern of expenditure is not favourable to improved conditions in the future. Surely whether it is the report of the Central Bank or the policy of the Taoiseach or of the Government that is involved, employment and social welfare benefits are directly tied up with each other. I can go further and say that through the system of contributory social welfare benefits, and increased charges on the workers and employers, the State is saving money.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

In 1962-63, the contributions to social insurance were £80,000 less than they were in 1961-62, because of the increased charges on the workers and employers. We know that while that was happening the State was saving money, and yet we are told—and apparently the Taoiseach agrees—that the Central Bank are advising us wisely to be careful about such expenditure.

No one in this House, irrespective of the Party to which he or she belongs, would object to the policy of introducing foreign industries, but some of us have been trying, over the years, to draw attention to the dangers that may become apparent in certain instances. We all know that the grants given to those people to establish industries here have been considered very fair. Many of them came in here— and a lot of money was given to them —because of the fact that they believed, first and foremost, that there was plenty of labour here at a cheap rate. Many of those industries, unfortunately, have folded up, and the grants have gone down the drain. I know of one in mid-Cork that has closed down; another is working three or four days a week; and a third is very shaky. I get no pleasure from having to state that here.

I believe, as all members of the Labour Party believe, that in issuing grants to those people, it might have been better if we had some more control over them, even to the extent of appointing a State director on their boards. I am not saying that is the answer. I am not blaming the Government for the failure of those industries. The same thing would have happened if an inter-Party Government had been in office. Undoubtedly many of those industrialists are abusing their position. Some of them are threatening the workers if they look for an increase in wages. Some of them are threatening the local authorities. They demand houses for some of their key workers and consider it the duty and the obligation of the local authorities to jump to their commands.

It is very important, even at this late stage, that we should examine that situation in a far more critical way. We are told of the employment content of those industries. We are told of the number of persons who are given employment in those factories, but there is no way in which we can get the figures on a definite basis. On many occasions, Foras Tionscal have given us the good news that factories were opening in certain places which would employ many hundreds of persons when in full production. The question arises as to who could ever say when they were in full production. We know that in many instances the number employed is far removed from the number estimated to be employed when the factories were in full production.

During the past 12 months, members of the Labour Party have been seeking information about that problem. We must admit that the attitude of the various Ministers to Dáil Questions has been anything but satisfactory. Ministers seem to have a happy knack of referring Deputies to the published reports available in the Library. At other times, we are told that the information will be sent direct to the Deputy. That, of course, would mean that the reply would not be published in the Official Report for the benefit of all members of the House. I recall one Question I asked early this year and the responsible Minister stated that the information was available in the report of the semi-State company to which I had referred, and yet the report of that semi-State company has not yet been published.

I believe that when important announcements are being made by members of the Government, the proper place to make them is Dáil Éireann. On various occasions we read in the newspapers that Ministers of State attending functions—it is immaterial whether they are political meetings or some functions in Dublin or Cork—make important statements or announcements. Is it fair, is it just, is it proper, that that should continue? Of course, by making those announcements, whether on social occasions or otherwise, the Minister may escape the constructive criticism which would be levelled at him if he made them in the House. I consider it is not proper or satisfactory that that should continue.

On the question of health, we are still waiting for something final from the Select Committee. I know we have a preliminary report in hand. Would the Taoiseach have a word with the Minister for Health and, in the meantime, will the Taoiseach understand, as I am sure he must from members of his party, that unless the health services and the day-to-day activities of the health authority managers become more liberalised, until we get that report, people are in the position of not being able to get the facilities which, as citizens of the State, they should be able to get? There is the danger of delays, of course, in this instance as in many instances. Unless something is done to improve the health services, the Taoiseach must understand that part of the policy of his Government is a failure where the ordinary people are concerned. I have no intention, of course, of going into any detail in connection with the Health Department. I just mention this report, the importance of doing something more definite for mentally retarded children and the necessity to improve the school medical system.

Now we come to the subject that seems to be on everybody's lips, day after day and month after month—the eighth round increase. Anybody, apparently, who wants to find fault with the present economic conditions, that is, from the conservative angle, can say: "Ah, it is caused by the eighth round increase." Yet, when we examine the situation, we find that in 1961 total wages and salaries rose by 7.3 per cent. The income of farmers increased in 1961 by only 7.4 per cent. During that same period, we find that corporation profits tax receipts rose by 12 per cent. We find, in the same period, that bank profits increased by 13 per cent.

The Taoiseach this morning suggested, when he was drawing particular attention to the importance of price stability, that all the increases emanate from the eighth round increase. He did say, of course, that other countries as well are affected. I am trying to confine my remarks to the situation as it affects our own people here.

Why are we shy to say that the bankers have had more than their share? Why are we afraid to draw attention to the corporation profits tax? Why are we afraid to question the increases in prices by various industrialists at present? Why is the Taoiseach silent when we say to him that one of the gravest errors committed by this Government in the past 10 months was the decision to scrap all form of price control?

It is easy to condemn the workers. It is easy to say that a wage increase to the workers has been the cause of increased prices. At least the Taoiseach and his Government must know and must admit that before getting their wage increase, the workers had to face the Labour Court and they had to face the employers across the table in negotiations. They had to strike a bargain on the best terms possible.

With regard to the many sections employed by the State, civil servants, Garda, Army personnel, and so on, nobody got one penny other than what they were genuinely and justly entitled to. On occasions, it took a long time to give it to them. At the same time, for the past three or four years the Taoiseach never questioned the increases. Long before the eighth round increase was suggested, the Taoiseach never questioned the attitude of the industrialists who were increasing their charges day after day.

Does the Taoiseach forget—I am sure he does not—that when he was in Opposition, he was interested to a large extent in the issue of that little paper, Gléas. That little booklet was handed around the country. It drew attention to increases during the period when the inter-Party Government were in office. He should compare present prices with the prices obtaining then. He should now examine the percentage increases applying at that time as against the free-for-all system now of no price control. Surely the Taoiseach can recall his own words? When he was questioned here as to why the price control commission was not operating, he made it quite clear he was not anxious or bothering about them.

The Taoiseach can now bemoan the situation from another angle. However, we represent the workers. We know and must accept that much of the trouble at present has been caused by a complete wiping-out of the system of price control by the Government over the past two years. I would therefore suggest to the Taoiseach that it is a bit late in the day for him to try to pin any responsibility on the workers because they have got what they were entitled to. Let him, in turn, and for a change, question the members of the chambers of commerce, the members of the Federated Union of Employers, the bankers. Let him question these people and perhaps have a word also with the directors of insurance companies and find out why it is that they have been able to increase their profits, though nobody has commented on them.

Deputy Dillon spoke about the situation of CIE. Nobody objected here to providing the money last week for the improved services. At the same time, we cannot forget when we speak about this question of employment that, even though CIE are now provided with the financial wherewithal to buy new machinery, over the past few years, there has been a redundancy of about 2,000 workers. I wonder where they have gone.

Does it mean that the Taoiseach, when telling us that statistics show an increase in employment here, has forgotten the rail workers? Is he still inclined to forget that, by the closing-down or the threatened closing down of branch lines, CIE by their policy will again cause more unemployment? While all that has been happening there is a free-for-all for all those industrialists who want to increase their wages. There is no tribunal and there is no way of examining their accounts. There is no way of compelling them to come before the Labour Court or any other form of industrial court to show cause and justification for the increases proposed by them.

Why should the Taoiseach and why should the Government complain and say that all is not well when they are responsible by their very activity in this matter alone? After all, during that time, CIE and many other of these boards were able to say: "There is a wage increase." Then up went their charges. But were the general public informed as to why these semi-State bodies, as well as others concerned, were able to arrive at a certain increase without showing any cause? I think it unfair and unwise of the Taoiseach and of the Government to continue to adopt this attitude.

The Taoiseach spoke this morning on exports and imports. For the first six months of 1962, we had a £5 million adverse trade balance. Even though industrial exports are necessary, agriculture must be the key to our prosperity. The Taoiseach admitted quite clearly today that all was not well with the amount of agricultural production for export at present. Even with agriculture, our exports depend on international prices. If the Taoiseach is not prepared to re-examine the position in so far as it affects agriculture as an overall industry, and the important part it must play in this country, then the question of an adverse trade balance in perhaps 12 months' time may mean much more to us.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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