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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Mar 1971

Vol. 252 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 26: Local Government.

I move:

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £348,400 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1971, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Local Government, including grants to Local Authorities, grants and other expenses in connection with housing, and miscellaneous schemes and grants including a Grant-in-Aid.

The text of the Supplementary Estimate, as circulated, comprises three items, one, £250,000 for housing grants, another for £108,000 under subhead A of the Vote and the third for £11,400 on subhead 1 of the Vote.

As regards the main item, the voted provision for housing grants for the current financial year was £3,400,000. Of this sum, £3,339,221 had been expended by 28th February, 1971, leaving a balance of only £60,779 to meet commitments maturing before the end of the financial year. Having regard to the recent rate of demand for payments, this balance would not be sufficient to meet claims arising in the present month, and a supplementary sum of £250,000 is now being sought to make good the estimated deficiency.

A substantial portion of the increased expenditure is due to a continuous upward trend in new house grants. The output of private grant-aided new houses in the past two financial years achieved all-time records in each year and it is clear that output in 1970-71 will again be higher than in any previous year. As compared with the total of 8,129 new house grants paid in 1969-70, it is expected that, despite the cement strike, the total this year will be of the order of 8,700. New house grant allocations, which are an indication of the probable level of future activity, have also shown a consistent upward trend over the past three years. In the 11 months ended 28th February, 1971, these allocations were about 4,000 higher than in the full financial year 1969-70, which in itself was a record year as regards the allocations.

The proposals outlined in the White Paper, Housing in the Seventies, which were implemented in the Housing Act, 1970, and which were designed to stimulate the provision of a greater number of more modest sized houses, are beginning to show results. Already many builders are organising their activities to produce houses of this type, which qualify for a larger grant than heretofore.

The excess expenditure of £250,000 for which this item in the Supplementary Estimate is sought will be met from savings on other sectors of the Department's overall capital allocation for 1970-71. The provision of an extra £108,000 under subhead A of the Vote is necessary to meet the increased staff costs arising from the 12th round salary increases and the additional £11,240 Grant-in-Aid of An Foras Forbartha is intended to meet similar extra costs in respect of that body.

Under Fianna Fáil taxation is increasing year in, year out despite the promises that have been made so often by them in the past. I remember a promise to reduce taxation by £10 million. I also remember Mr. Lemass stating six or eight years ago that taxation had reached its limit and that in the future if there was any demand for further taxation increases the Government would have to cut their cloth according to their measure and live within their means. The taxpayers are now reeling under one blow after another from this Government. We in this House are inclined to ask where is it all going to end. We are now approaching the £500 million mark of taxation imposed on the people.

The Government may argue that the money is well spent—that is a debatable point—but these increases affect every sector of the economy. They affect producers, manufacturers and it means that our goods going abroad are dear. Every increase that the Minister for Local Government or any other Minister brings before us adds a further burden to an already over-taxed people and that includes the poorer sections of our people, the widows, small business people, many of whom are being put out of business. It also affects industrialists on whom we are depending to make this country more viable in the competitive years ahead.

I agree that when the cost of living increases officials are entitled to compensatory increases but I would remind the Government and the Minister that it is the last straw that breaks the camel's back. These increases also affect county councils. A few years ago the local authorities used to be arguing about the penny increases on the rates, then it became the shilling increases and now it has become pounds in the £ increases. These are an intolerable and an unfair burden on our people.

I would remind the Deputy that there will be a Supplementary Estimate for Local Government before the House at a later stage. The Chair does not wish the discussion to go beyond the subheads in the Supplementary Estimate before the House.

I agree but I am pointing out that the Government should realise that the taxpayers have not a bottomless pocket. In regard to subhead I, which deals with the salaries of inspectors, let me say there is a very big delay at the present time in the inspection of houses. People are complaining to us in public life and getting in touch regularly with the Department of Local Government requesting that an inspector be sent out to inspect a house in respect of which people are waiting for grants. Builders and other such people are not inclined to wait too long for their money because others are pressing them. It might be necessary for the Minister either to get the inspectors to expedite the work or in some areas or pockets in the country to appoint extra inspectors.

The Minister has mentioned what the Government have done for housing. According to the recent OECD Report we are building only four new houses per 1,000 population. At one time there were three other countries below us in this respect—Spain, Portugal and Turkey. Now we are second last on the list with only one country, Turkey, below us. That is nothing to be proud of. Housing grants are totally inadequate. I remember when grants were in the region of £300 plus £300 from the local authority—that was £600 altogether when those grants were first introduced. There have been some increases recently but they are only minimal. At one time you could build a reasonably nice house for £1,200. The cost of the site might be £100, making £1,300, and with a grant of £600 the person building his house could get almost 50 per cent by way of grant. The Minister well knows that now it costs at least £3,500 to build a similar house; the unfortunate young married man or whoever else may be trying to build a house will have to pay £1,000 for a site, bringing the cost of the house up to £4,500. The grants are roughly the same with the result that he is getting only one-seventh or one-eighth of the cost of his house by way of grant. Therefore, he must either go to a building society or get a loan from the local authority. House purchasers are being dealt a further blow now because we are told that the interest on loans will be 9½ or 10 per cent. The Minister should increase the grants.

The pattern of the provision of houses has altered from local authority housing to private enterprise housing. We know this saves the Government money but I think it is bad socially. Years ago when the inter-Party Government were in office there were as many as 14,000 houses built and 80 per cent of them were built by the local authorities. It might be no harm to say that as far as this side of the House was concerned the housing achievements were outstanding.

Grants for private housing are being dealt with in this subhead.

I am pointing out that when the inter-Party Government were in office they built up to 14,000 houses and that 80 per cent of them were built by local authorities. I know that the Government are altering that now but socially the procedure is bad.

The Chair is concerned that the debate should not range over Local Government as a whole but should be confined to the subject before the House. The subhead is confined to grants for private house building and takes no account of local authority housing.

I am aware of that, Sir, but I wanted to draw the comparison. Regarding An Foras Forbartha and the work they are doing, I might point out at this stage that, as the Minister is well aware, the death rate on the roads is increasing at an alarming rate. Because of this rate, we can assume that 500 people who are alive today will lose their lives on our roads during the coming 12 months. That is something we must be ashamed of but I do not think that either An Foras Forbartha or anybody else are doing enough towards solving the problem. Motor taxation and other types of taxation on road users bring in about £60 million but we are spending little more than £10 million on our roads. It was claimed on a recent programme on Radio Éireann that the percentage of taxation spent on our roads is the lowest in Europe and that many countries—England, Germany and France among others—were spending on their roads between 40 and 50 per cent of what they took from the motorists. Not enough money is being spent on our roads and it is time the Minister faced up to this responsibility.

I think it was An Foras Forbartha who recommended a maximum speed limit of 60 miles per hour. I have heard many people argue against this but my own opinion is that we should stick rigidly to this limit. However, there is no point in any Department introducing rules and regulations if there is nobody to ensure that the law is enforced. On my way here from Mullingar I slow down to about 30 miles per hour when travelling through the small towns and villages but cars whiz past me at up to 80 miles per hour. Therefore, there should be a sufficient number of gardaí to enforce the regulations. I understand that the Minister is having a survey carried out to see if there is any way in which the number of accidents can be reduced but how can he hope to get any reliable information when less than 5 per cent of drivers abide by the regulations? However, I agree that no matter what is done will be of no avail if a sense of courtesy, care and consideration cannot be installed into road users.

Recently three young people were brutally killed in Belfast. These people had the sympathy of the people of Northern Ireland as they had also the sympathy of each and every one of us. Yet, on the same week-end nine people died as a result of road accidents but nobody seemed to be endeavouring to enforce the rules and regulations that would prevent further accidents. I should like to know if An Forbartha have made any recommendation to the Minister recently but, in any event, I would advise him not to be guided by the 60 miles per hour speed limit.

I have not much more to say on this occasion because we are confined except to say that if taxation continues to increase at the present rate, I do not know where it will all end. The Government are going to the end of the earth in their efforts to borrow money and the people of Ireland are like punch-drunk boxers because of the increased taxation such as the Minister is putting on in this Supplementary Estimate and as is being imposed in every other Supplementary Estimate.

I do not think the Deputy was listening to me when I introduced this Supplementary Estimate. A quarter of a million pounds of what I am seeking is being found from saving within my own Department. That is not additional.

We were not given the speech until the Minister was half way through. If the money is being found from savings, the Minister is to be complimented in setting a good example and I hope that other Departments would set the same example. However, there is very little use in saving a quarter of a million pounds if the Minister is looking for much more than that.

I am a little disappointed that we are restricted in the debating of this Supplementary Estimate.

The Deputy will appreciate that there is a token Estimate for Local Government that will enable all aspects of Local Government to be discussed.

The trouble is that that Estimate may never come before the House.

That is what we are afraid of.

The Chair has no control over these matters but it is on the Order Paper. The Chair is concerned with the Supplementary Estimate that is before the House at the moment.

May I ask the Chair if this Estimate is confined to grants for private houses?

And with expenses for the office of the Minister for Local Government?

Yes, increases in salaries, wages and allowances.

Because of the tremendous increases that have occurred in the cost of private houses in the past few years, the matter must call for an inquiry. I am surprised that the Minister has not called for such an inquiry. From different tables that have been produced I have noticed that the increase in the cost of housing has surpassed any other increases that have occurred during the past three years. It is dreadful that measures were not taken by the Minister for Local Government to take over land before it got into the hands of speculators. If the Minister had so done, houses could have been provided at prices people could afford. No working person at the present time can afford to buy a new house. If a person goes to a building society he will be told that there is not a glimmer of hope for him in raising a loan if he is not earning a basic weekly wage or salary of at least £40.

What I am annoyed about is that these building societies can avail of so many concessions. For the first time I have obtained details in relation to these concessions. There are certain building societies in this city who are using the money deposited with them by lending it to commercial concerns. They are abusing their powers in a disgraceful manner and it is about time that an inquiry was carried out into their operations. I have written to the Minister in connection with this matter but I have not yet received a reply from the Department. I am talking now about public housing and not private housing. Building societies are exempt from corporation profits tax. This is a big concession. This exemption now applies for the period beginning on 1st January, 1968, and ending on 31st December, 1970. I want to know what has happened since January, 1971.

Furthermore, under a special arrangement with the Revenue Commissioners the societies do not deduct income tax when paying interest to their investors but they pay tax direct on all the interest distributed at a composite rate. That is at present 70 per cent only of the standard rate which means that building societies are getting away with murder. They are getting all these concessions. They are charging exorbitant interest rates. They are also adding on to the interest rates the extra charges. They must be the agent for the insurance companies and the person buying the house has no say in the insurance of his own house. They decide the rate of insurance for fire, et cetera. They are getting agents' commission, mortgage charges and all the other things they charge as well as the exorbitant interest rate. They advertise and, indeed, we are bombarded with this “5½ per cent tax free” almost every minute on television. They have abnormal amounts of money for advertising. The fact that they abuse their powers warrants an investigations into the building societies.

I did not think that building societies were formed for that purpose. I thought they were formed to help people to purchase their houses. I thought they were non-profit making societies. It is a rude awakening to me to discover the concessions they get and the money they have. They are all on the board of one building society in Dublin and the trickery that is going on in one building society is an out-right scandal. Another can give money ad lib for commercial businesses but cannot give it for private housing. If we cannot have an investigation into that we might as well give up as legislators.

Insurance companies are mentioned in this document, Housing in the Seventies, after the building societies. It is stated that insurance companies are the biggest private source of capital for housing after the building societies. I am disappointed that Irish insurance companies are not very flaithiúil with their money. When people came to me about buying a private house and I made investigations, I found that foreign insurance companies, British and Australian insurance companies, were providing the money for housing. I would ask the Minister to consider this seriously and to look into the question of what proportion of the money for housing is provided by Irish insurance companies. If Irish people are encouraged to put money into insurance the Irish companies should invest some of the money in houses for the Irish people. There is an obligation on them to do so.

I deplore the fashion I see nowadays of the Irish Life Assurance Company building office blocks. If they are lending money they should lend it for private housing at realistic interest rates. The way I have worked it out shows that a person who is buying a house from a building society cannot ever hope to own that house. He will go through his lifetime and he will never own the house. He will never see the deeds of the house and this means in actual fact that he is only renting it. The building societies have the right to increase the interest. It is a one-sided contract but a contract should be between two people. People signed a contract with a building society for a certain interest rate but this contract was broken unilaterally by the building society. They shoved up the interest rate and there was no redress for the people. The contracts have gone up from 30 years to 35 or 40 years which means that they will never own the house unless they increase the monthly repayments to such an extent that they cannot live. I would ask the Minister to look at this abuse of power by the building societies and to ask the Irish insurance companies in particular to lend money for housing in this country.

I think the question of traffic and Dublin Corporation would come under the Minister's Department. I wonder would the Chair tell me if I can discuss it?

Did An Foras Forbartha recommend it?

The traffic regulations and the consultations the Minister had with Dublin Corporation about the new traffic regulations in Dublin.

That would not be in order on this Supplementary Estimate.

Would it not be in order to mention briefly that it is a disgrace that we have dictators in Dublin Corporation telling the people they have not the right to use their cars?

The Deputy would not be in order in dealing with that on this Estimate.

I am very surprised because I thought this could come under the expenses of the Department of the Minister for Local Government.

No. this does not come under these expenses.

Did An Foras Forbartha recommend it? If they did it comes under this. Could I ask the Minister whether An Foras Forbartha recommended it?

Maybe they did not.

I think they did.

I think they made those recommendations to the Minister.

This is the point. This is a question of whether the people have rights as citizens. If An Foras Forbartha did make recommendations after discussions with Dublin Corporation we should have the right to make our views known on whether or not people have rights in this city.

The Chair has no evidence that An Foras Forbartha made such recommendations.

An Foras Forbartha were to study this problem and as a result of their deliberations these new regulations appeared out of the blue. They could not have come from Dublin Corporation who are so bogged down with so many things that I cannot conceive of any imaginative thinking coming from them. I can only think that they came after consultation with An Foras Forbartha. I think, with due respect, that I should be allowed to speak about this because I think it comes under this Supplementary Estimate.

The Chair is concerned to confine the debate strictly to the Supplementary Estimate.

The Supplementary Estimate mentions "the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Local Government, including grants to Local Authorities". I would hate to be deprived of this opportunity of dealing with this matter since I think it comes under this Supplementary Estimate.

In the Minister's speech it has been explained what this increase has been. The Chair has already advised the Deputy that there will be an opportunity for dealing with all headings of the Estimate for the Department of Local Government.

There is a grant-in-aid for An Foras Forbartha and they advise the Minister about the traffic regulations for the city and the country.

The Chair is pointing out that this matter has been related to increased salaries and wages.

There is a grant-in-aid to An Foras Forbartha.

An Foras Forbartha are very much concerned with traffic.

The Chair is ruling that this can be dealt with on another Estimate.

I think we have a right to discuss it now.

The Chair is ruling that it cannot be dealt with on this occasion.

I certainly do not accept that and I will leave because of that fact. We should have a right to discuss it. An Foras Forbartha are connected with it and concerned with it and had consultations about it. I will not stay any longer.

The Deputy's assumption is not correct in relation to An Foras Forbartha.

The Minister has adopted a very balanced approach to this matter and he has shown, as he has shown since he assumed office, that he is concerned about housing whether in the private or the public sector. He has also informed us that part of the money needed will come from savings in his own Department. This is an ideal attitude and approach for any Minister to have. I shall support any Minister for Local Government who comes into this House and says he is going to spend more money on housing. The greatest problem in Dublin, and indeed in many other cities in the country, is a housing problem, whether it be in the private or public sector. People spend a great deal of time putting forward solutions to social ills but many of these ills stem from a housing problem. If we solve the housing problem many of the other problems will disappear and there will be no need to amend either the criminal law or the Constitution.

The possibility of young married couples getting a local authority dwelling is very slim. They have to move into the private sector and buy themselves a house. This means they will run into tremendous expense which in most cases is far beyond their resources. The Minister has acted wisely in ensuring that grants payable to these people are kept going and will not be delayed for even a week or a month.

We must step up our housing programme if we are to reach the target of 17,000 dwellings per annum. With people marrying younger, with the increase in the population and with emigrants returning from Britain and Canada more houses must be built to maintain the status quo in housing levels.

It may or may not be proper on this Supplementary Estimate to refer to the treatment meted out to young persons seeking a home by owners of private property, but I believe the point is relevant because if there were enough houses people would not have to seek flats in private dwellings. We should not let this opportunity pass without condemning people who are charging exorbitant rents to young married couples.

The Deputy is getting on to the general housing programme instead of dealing with private housing grants.

I thought it would be relevant, because if we had the houses we would not have this problem.

No; the Deputy will have an opportunity of discussing that when the general Estimate comes up.

I accept the Chair's ruling. I compliment the Minister on his approach to this matter. With his fund of goodwill and firm action I am convinced there will be an improvement.

I should like now to refer to Deputy O'Connell's query about traffic in the city of Dublin and its connection or non-connection with An Foras Forbartha.

I hope the Deputy is not going to reopen this problem.

I just want to enlighten the Deputy by saying I think the present traffic action by Dublin Corporation stems from a report by the German expert Dr. Schaechterle.

Again the Chair would ask the Deputy to leave this matter aside.

I am not going to mention it. The Minister states:

As compared with the total of 8,129 new house grants paid in 1969-70, it is expected that, despite the cement strike, the total this year will be of the order of 8,700.

The cement strike lasted five months and while it did not stop building completely it did affect it to a great extent. Despite this fact there is an increase in the number of private dwellings erected.

Deputy O'Connell criticised the Minister for not taking action on the land question. This is not true. The Minister set up a body to investigate the whole question of land. Both the Minister and his predecessor have been generous to Dublin Corporation by giving £1 million per year for the purchase of land so that the corporation could create a land bank.

I hope we are not getting on to public housing again.

No, this is mostly private enterprise building. The land acquired by Dublin Corporation with the money given it by the Minister is 50 per cent for public building and 50 per cent for private building. Dublin Corporation allocate land to small builders so that they can build SDA type houses. The cost of this land has risen astronomically but the Minister's action has pegged land at reasonable prices and this has enabled local authorities to provide houses in the private sector for those who need housing.

I am sure every Member of this House realises how serious the housing problem is. When one makes such a statement like that one is often accused of being an alarmist but anyone examining the implications of the housing problem must realise we are making progress. We must increase the tempo of that progress if we are to meet the tremendous challenge of our time. The Minister has tried to meet it in his publications Housing in the Seventies and A House of Your Own. There is no limit to the Minister's activity in regard to housing. I wonder if all sectors of the industry are facing up to the challenges before them. Are we going ahead at a rapid enough rate to give hope and promise to young married couples in Dublin, Limerick, Cork and Galway.

As I mentioned earlier the housing problem is our most serious problem. One hundred and one problems arise out of bad housing. It has been said by economists that housing is a good social investment but a bad financial one. Neither this Government nor its predecessors have ever measured the cost of housing in financial terms alone. At times money has become scarce and the Government have been blamed for bad husbandry in not making the economy sufficiently buoyant to provide the money necessary for housing. If we measure housing in terms of money solely or in terms of bricks and mortar we will never succeed in solving this problem. If we are to succeed in our housing drive we will have to accept more and more taxation.

It is a truism to state that no living city has ever solved its housing problems. It is only dead cities that have no problems. In this city and elsewhere throughout the State we have a real problem. The Government were criticised by Deputy L'Estrange for borrowing too much and for spending too much. It is a poor look-out to find the Government criticised, on the one hand, for not providing enough housing and, on the other hand, for spending too much. The time when the housing problem was good politics has gone. No Government could be judged on its success or failure in the realm of housing alone. I and the other members of my party are behind the Minister in any extra expenditure he seeks here for housing. Nobody can measure in pounds and new pennies the amount of human misery suffered by those who have no proper housing.

We look forward to the Minister's main Estimate and we hope that he will ensure that in that Estimate sufficient money will be forthcoming to sustain the housing drive. We will always have a backlog. The purpose of this Supplementary Estimate is to ensure that anyone who wants to buy a house, and who qualifies under the various schemes, will not be held up for lack of finance. I endorse the Minister's application.

The Minister mentioned the amount paid out in building grants. The grant in 1948 was £275, or £285 if one went to a building co-operative. Prices at that time were in the region of £1,900 gross or £1,400 or £1,500 net. Since then local authorities have been giving grants to help out those with lower incomes. I should mention here that a person entitled to a corporation grant is debarred from getting that grant if he works overtime. The idea then is not to work in order to qualify for the corporation grant. This is something that should be corrected.

The percentage of grants in relation to the selling price is in the region of 10 per cent—£500 on £5,000. The Minister said that the reduction in the floor space had brought about an improvement in the number of houses being built. Houses which cost £1,200, £1,400 or £1,500 in 1948 now cost in the region of £5,000 even though the floor space has been reduced. One gets 10 per cent by way of grant if one qualifies; in 1948 it was 20 per cent. The grants have never increased pro rata with increase in cost. This is mainly due to the Government in the early sixties not spending any money on housing and failing to service land.

Prior to the introduction of the reduced floor space the grant was £275 plus a corporation grant, if one were eligible. One now gets a lower rate of grant for building a reasonably sized house. An 800 square foot house is a box and nothing else. Those who buy houses above the 1,250 mark are very often people with five or six children who would be entitled to a corporation grant. These people now have to pay stamp duty. Unless they intend to put all the boys sleeping in bunks in one room and all the girls sleeping in bunks in another room they must pay nearly £1,000 extra for a house. I admit there has to be a limit, but the limit should be higher than 1,250. Consideration should be given to the number of children in the family. It is a bad investment to buy an 800 square foot house when one has four, five or six children. These people should be enabled to buy a decent sized house at the very beginning. As things are they are prevented from doing this.

I have some experience and I know that a smaller sized house does not necessarily mean a cheaper house. All one does is save on materials. Take the case of a bricklayer. If he has to lay bricks at a corner it is going to take more time than if he were laying a straight line of bricks and there will be extra costs involved. If one takes a bedroom or a diningroom the same number of floor boards, practically, have to be laid and the cost is negligible but the cost of materials is something, I agree. A plasterer will charge a certain amount per square yard for a straight wall but when it comes to corners or cornices the rate doubles. You have more corners per acre than you have in a bigger building and, therefore, again the labour cost is negligible.

I am not against office blocks or churches being built—in some cases too much money is spent on them— but what I am getting at is the cost of houses. When you are building schools, churches, hospitals and office blocks out of the one labour pool then labour is in short supply and there will be greater offers. I do not blame any man for getting as much as he can but his fellow-worker is going to pay in the cost of these houses. We should be more rational and get our priorities right and endeavour to keep down the cost of these houses. If this was done the grant might be better. The price of a house could drop by £400 or £500. I know, of course, that land is very expensive because the Government did not provide serviced land around Dublin.

It is very difficult now to differentiate between what starts out as a corporation house and what starts out as a private house under grant. Shortly after I was elected I came in here and I heard the amount a contractor would charge the corporation for a house after roads were laid and private builders could actually sell the houses cheaper. Now we have a practice which follows that, and I agree with it, that a builder can build 500 houses, do all the work himself and he can sell you the house cheaper. Why not buy the finished article straight away then? The house starts off as a grant house, I do not say the builder gets a grant, but then the corporation come in and buy the scheme. There have been several cases of that in Dublin.

No matter what strike has taken place the Minister comes along and says that they built more houses in spite of the strike. Why is he not honest? The amount of cement used in a house is negligible. During the cement strike many people were short of cement but they got it one way or another, even on the black market, and they used it to build the frame of the house. Work on the houses was able to continue and while no roads were laid they built the houses along where the road would be and when the strike ended all that was necessary was to lay the roads. The Minister gets no credit for that. The reason why there are so many grant houses is that fewer corporation houses have been built. I presume that the figures which the Minister mentioned include the houses which were purchased in Ballybrack and elsewhere.

As I pointed out, the 1,200 square foot house or the 1,500 square foot house is now £1,000 dearer. All these privately built houses are costing people £2 to £3 a week extra if they get the money from building societies. This means that in turn these people look for extra wages and this creates inflation and a round of wages comes back to the Minister who must pay the extra money to the people working in his Department.

If a person is building a house, let it be 800 or 1,000 square feet, the only cost is material. You have to have a bathroom and toilet no matter what size the house is and you have to have a kitchen. You have the same sewerage and water services coming into it and the plumber has to make the same number of bends in the pipes. His time costs the same for a small house as for a big one. I would say that at the start of the scheme there would be no extra saving at all. I know people who are paying £5 for one room and who are looking for a house and any small house would do them. The Minister, however, has panicked and has rushed at the smaller type houses, presumably on the advice of his Department. His predecessor also did this. Another 150 square feet would not mean any greater cost, or certainly very little extra cost.

The Government serviced no land in Dublin from 1960 onwards. A sewerage scheme was laid down in Griffith Avenue and after two or three years it was overloaded. The cost of the land is putting up the price of the houses, which, again, shows how small the grant is against the cost of the houses. If we are going to have this smaller type house we are going to put it into a smaller area. Are we going to have 20 houses to the acre and will that bring down the price? It should bring down the price by about £1,000 but it has not done so. The Government maintain that by forcing small houses on the people the building industry will be able to provide an extra 1,000 houses per year. This is only propaganda. It takes the same amount of labour and you will not always save something on material because the lengths of timber, for instance, are conventional and very often they come in already cut.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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