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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 5 Nov 1974

Vol. 275 No. 6

Adjournment Debate: Meat Factories' Profits.

I thank you, Sir, for the opportunity to bring this matter before the House. The beef trade position has gone beyond a joke. The benefits of the green £, the rise in the intervention price and the disposal of large amounts of intervention stocks have been whittled away by the totally unacceptable behaviour of a few of the meat factories. There are odd meat plants buying on the open market and selling nearly their entire output to Britain and making a profit. The price being paid this week to producers at the marts is about 24p per 1b. The intervention price is 34½p to 35.4p and 67.3 per cent of prime bullocks are going into intervention and 7.8 per cent of prime heifer beef after going in at 32.1p to 33.7p where another 25 per cent get the full slaughter premium of £20.94 per beast or over 3p per 1b. The discrepancy between what the farmers are being paid and what the factories are receiving is far too large to be explained away by saying it is a function of supply and demand. The factories have an unlimited demand at good prices through intervention for their products.

In the present situation of oversupply factories can get cattle at totally unprofitable prices to the producer. These low prices are forcing producers to hold on to their big cattle, which is further depressing the price of stores that will now be going into the feeders' yards. The Department of Agriculture and Fisheries have a certain amount of muscle through the operation of the slaughter premium and the intervention system. If over 90 per cent of the prime cattle are benefiting from these subventions the Department must try to ensure that the benefits get back to the producer. The Department have the whip hand and they should not be afraid to use it. The Department can assist by ensuring that factories buy a large proportion of their cattle through the marts and refuse to handle those factories' meat for intervention and refuse to pay the premium unless an extra payment is made to the producer.

That gives one an idea of what is happening. I will go back now to the prices more or less per month since July. In July the factories were paying 28p per 1b. The minute the slaughter premium came in they dropped the price of cattle to the exact amount of the slaughter premium down to 26.5p plus £9 slaughter premium. Then, as September came in and the premium went up, down came the price again and towards the middle of the month it had gone down to 22.5p to 23p plus the slaughter premium. Then the green £ came in and in October the price in the factories rose a little bit from 23p to 26p per 1b. plus the slaughter premium of £20.94 but, with the slaughter premium going up at that stage, so did intervention from 34.5p to 35.4p. Then the Minister brought in the meat factories to the Department and in his answer to me last Thursday he said they would contribute 1p a 1b. to a voluntary fund to assist farmers with young cattle to purchase feeding at a reduced price. What I call that is small "conscience money" when one remembers that they also agreed at that meeting to pay a minimum of 27p all-in—that is, counting the slaughter premium; 27 from 35 leaves eight and most of it is going in at 35.4p and 1p a 1b. on a 10 cwt. bullock is roughly £6; six multiplied by eight is 48. That is what they are getting under this agreement and then they say to the Minister: "We will contribute 1p to a voluntary fund." It is like what they called in America earlier on when they set up trusts or foundations, "conscience money". This is exactly the same thing. They are barefacedly robbing the farmer of £48, taking it that they paid that.

To develop the point further, I will show where they are paying so little for intervention. Earlier this year, in January, as reported in the papers, the factories were paying 28.5p to 28.8p for bullocks and they were getting 30.5p from intervention, plus the hides and the offals, which they had for themselves, and in a great many cases a butcher or a factory will consider these are nearly sufficient to pay expenses. Take a comparison now. They say some of it had to go on the open market. Now Smithfield is where most of the factories go and the price at that time was 31.5p to 33p for hindquarters and 19p to 22p for forequarters. Then, in April, which is a slack period—this covers the whole April-May period—prime bullocks were making 31.5p to 31p and the prices at Smithfield were 34p to 35p and, in certain cases, it was as high as 38p for the hindquarters and 22p for the forequarters. Those factories were not, of course, making a loss. They were selling both in Smithfield and into intervention at 30.5p.

At that point they had the ball at their feet and supply started to come in and they decided they had better start making real profits and, as I pointed out, since July each time the slaughter premium came in down went the price and they made their profits. To give an idea of the situation, even after the Minister's agreement, at the moment the price in the factories is 24p to 26p a 1b. One might get an odd one which would go beyond 26.5p, plus the slaughter premium of 20.94p, which is running from 27p to 29p. In Smithfield it is 31p to 33½p for hindquarters and 17½p to 18p for forequarters. In Smithfield it has not fallen very much—about 2p or 3p at the most. Our intervention has gone up considerably but our price has actually dropped.

On the radio the other day a representative of a meat factory admitted that they were making profits. He said: "We must make profits now so that we can compete with the other factories which are making extreme profits when there is a bit more competition." A friend of mine, a banker, told me that the profits the meat factories are making are fantastic and exorbitant and that no business in the history of the state has ever made the profits they are making. If they are killing and paying the price at the gate of the factory and making £45 to £50 a head, when you consider that about 29,000 cattle are being killed per week at the moment, you realise that that involves some money. It's not chickenfeed by any means.

Another area in which I think there is abuse is that five factories are putting between 90 per cent and 98 per cent of their kill into intervention at 35.4p. I have seen dockets from those factories showing that they are paying 23p and 24p a lb plus the slaughter premium which brings it up to 27p. They are putting the slaughter premium on to the end of the bill and paying it to the farmer to make him happy. He says: "I have got my slaughter premium".

I maintain that they have not gone to the Department for the slaughter premium because you cannot get intervention and the slaughter premium together. They pay the farmer the 27p and when you see over 90 per cent going in—which means that practically everything has gone in—you see that they are bluffing the farmer or the person who is putting it in and collecting intervention. I build my whole case on the position in those five factories; and, as I said, 67.3 per cent of prime bullock beef and 7.8 per cent of heifers, which means that 75 per cent of the recent kill, has gone to intervention.

Is there any control? Does not this call for a public inquiry to show where exorbitant profits are being made? The Farmers' Journal shows a beef farmer up to here in water, with one hand up, shouting for help. Two civil servants are looking at him and one says: “I nearly think they need help.” That was quite a while ago.

Perhaps the Deputy will give the reference.

12th January last. The Department cannot say that they were not warned. There is another very serious aspect of this. I pointed out the legitimate one of the prices they are paying and the price they are quoting to the people bringing in cattle. Some of the factories are not satisfied even with that. Exorbitant profits are not sufficient. They have to go out into the sale yards. Here they can buy cattle at 3p a lb less. Last week's prices in the sale yards were: first quality beef bullocks from £12 a cwt to £15 a cwt, £12.50 to £15.40, and £12.50 to £15.10. The figures I have been talking about are from 23p to 25p a lb and there is no slaughter premium there. This is what the farmer has to take. He is not able to get into a factory with his cattle. Today I was in a mart buying some stores and the price was £14 a cwt with the normal beef price at 23p a lb. Some of the buyers were buying for a factory.

There is another serious aspect. With oversupply the buyers for the factories are forming rings. They decide what price they will pay. I have seen two of them talking together. They start the bidding at about £20 lower than they intend to pay. They talk and bid at the same time. When they come to within £1 or £2 of the price they intend to pay, one drops out. The next time the procedure is reversed and the other man buys. A third person is in the next time. I heard that they toss coins to see who will take different lots of cattle. The normal lot is four or five and if a lot of ten comes in they toss a coin to see who will get them. The factories who go out and buy in the open market are making an extra £20. That puts their profit up to £65 or £70 a beast. The Department are allowing this to happen.

The Deputy should prepare to conclude.

I know people who with a load of 20 cattle can make £200 to £400 a load. I have photographs of cows sold on the open market and the story is the same. One cow, which weighed 8½ cwt, was sold for £32.

I must call on the Parliamentary Secretary to reply.

May I have one second to give these figures?

The Deputy has had 20 minutes and the Parliamentary Secretary has but ten minutes. It is unfair to utilise time in this fashion.

The point I wish to make will not take one minute. A fleshy cow, weighing 8½ cwt, made £40; but if that animal went into intervention she would have made £150. An animal weighing 7½ cwt made £12.10p and she could have made anything from £33 to £56. An animal weighing 6 cwt made £5 and she should have made between £26 and £36. I call for a public inquiry into the working of the meat factories.

The Department do not hold any brief for meat factories or for marts. The Minister has, again and again, stated his views so far as cattle prices are concerned in a clear manner. The Minister wants all the benefits to go to the farmers, those accruing from intervention and slaughter premiums. We publish the prices payable under the intervention system and we indicate the amounts of the slaughter premiums at different periods, and we give all the relevant information to the cattle producers to enable them to judge what prices should be obtained either in marts or in processing plants.

I feel sure the Deputy knows that we have a free enterprise system of buying here and this has been the position down through the years. Legislation has not been passed in this House to empower the State to move into factories, take them over and dictate what must be done. The Minister has had discussions with factories and he has obtained an agreement on minimum prices payable to producers. I am sure everyone will agree that the condition of cattle varies very much. I am satisfied that better quality cattle have made prices in excess of those quoted by the Deputy.

Deputy Crinion has alleged that some of the meat factories are engaged in racketeering and that some marts have set up a system of rings to deprive farmers of their rights. That is a serious allegation. The Deputy asserted last week that fraudulent methods were being used. I understood from him that some were guilty of trying to get, by some devious means—it could only be obtained through some fraudulent method—the premium and intervention price benefits. The Minister would be very perturbed at such assertions and allegations.

I have already asked Deputy Crinion to supply the Department with the particulars in his possession so that we can make investigations. I asked him to pinpoint where this racket and these rings obtain so that the Department can take some useful action. The Department could advertise the fact and it could be referred to in the course of statements in this House. However, the Deputy has not done so. He has not availed of the invitation to supply us with the information that would help us make a detailed investigation of the position obtaining.

It seems from the Deputy's statement that fraud is involved and because that is the case it would be a matter for the Department of Justice. That Department investigate fraudulent activities on the part of any society, group or individuals. We have a number of marts and 24 processing plants all in the market for the purchase of live animals. It is true to say that the sales in recent months have been exceptionally high relative to the position obtaining last year. There is no doubt about that. The Minister has, by virtue of that position obtaining, expressed his views, strongly and forcibly, that as far as he was concerned all the benefits should go to the farmers. It was implied in that statement that any farmer, or group of farmers, who felt they were not getting what they were entitled to or that fraudulent methods were prevailing at marts or at factories, should supply the Department with the information. If that information is forthcoming the matter will be investigated.

On the question of sales it should be remembered that this is a free enterprise. The Deputy has alleged that some meat factories are operating a racket but I cannot understand how any section of our farming community could allow such factories to operate a racket against their interests or how their organisations would stand for such rackateering. However, if it is happening, the Deputy should send the details to the Department. The Deputy mentioned that between 90 per cent and 95 per cent of their purchases obtained intervention benefits. According to the reports in my possession, and to the Department figures, only about 55 per cent of steers, heifers, and about 35 per cent of cows slaughtered were taken up under intervention arrangements. That being the case I cannot understand how a mart or a processing plant was able to obtain 90 per cent or 95 per cent of their purchases accepted for intervention purposes.

I have the figures.

The Deputy should send us the figures. The Deputy has also stated that 30 per cent of steers and heifers slaughtered qualified for slaughter premiums. I wish to repeat that the Minister is firmly behind the farmers in an effort to ensure that they get the best possible price for their animals. The Deputy has told the House that many cases of rackateering have come to his notice but he should pass on the information.

When we give the intervention and slaughter premium figures we do so in order that the farmers know the prices obtainable for their animals under these systems. I am very perturbed to learn that this rackateering exists and that farmers are being deprived of their rights. I do not know what further the Minister can do. He is reviewing the position from week to week and has had discussions with the meat processors. I am not satisfied with the figures given by the Deputy. The information at my disposal does not lead me to believe that a profit of more than £70 per animal is being made. I cannot understand that. If the Deputy gives the Department the information I guarantee him that the details submitted, with the names and addresses of the farmers he alleges have been victimised, will be treated confidentially. It is only right to give that assurance because otherwise people would be slow to submit particulars to us.

The House can rest assured that the Minister takes serious cognisance of this position. He has worked hard and earnestly in Brussels to secure these advantages for our farmers and he does not want them whittled away by meat processors or marts. The Minister will be only too pleased to carry out any investigation necessary on this vital matter.

The Dáil adjourned at 11 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 6th November, 1974.

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