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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 Feb 1975

Vol. 277 No. 10

Financial Resolutions, 1975. - Financial Resolution No. 13: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.—(The Taoiseach.)

I should like to begin where I left off, with the statement that the Government underestimate the sense of anger and frustration of the public at present. I do not say this lightly. It is genuinely the case. More and more people are getting more and more angry each day as they see the mishandling of affairs by this Government. I contend that many Departments when preparing their Estimates this year were told to cut back on those Estimates by possibly 10 or 15 per cent. They were probably also told on the quiet that money which was earmarked for certain projects would not be forthcoming. This is the state of the country's finances at present. While Departments have had their Estimates agreed to by the Department of Finance they will not receive the sums of money involved. The Government have got into the habit, and the public are well aware of it, of giving with one hand and taking back with the other. Last year it was announced that the Government were giving £200,000 for the alleviation of poverty. Poverty is on the increase. This cannot be denied. I wonder what increase the Department of Social Welfare will get from the Minister for Finance to deal with this increased poverty. When the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries was questioned about the increase to 41p in the price of butter he advised the people to eat less butter and said they were eating too much anyway. This must have been very embarrassing for Bord Bainne who must be spending a large amount of money advertising on television so that people will eat more butter. This is what I call irresponsible Government.

The Government's pledge to introduce strict price control has been watered down considerably. When the Minister for Transport and Power was answering questions here for the Minister for Industry and Commerce he said the Government had not altered their pledge in respect of price control. On radio a few weeks previously the Minister for Industry and Commerce said that strict price control was not possible to operate if we were to retain jobs. So far as I know we have yet to hear from the Minister for Industry and Commerce in this debate. It will be interesting to hear what he has to say.

The ratepayers of Dublin this year will be forced to pay close to £1 million for malicious damages in this city alone. The exact figure which the corporation must pay, as decreed by the courts, is £937,101. Yet the Government have cut back on the paltry sum of £296,000 spent on amenity grants last year. They brag about an increase to the Department of Education of £300,000.

Years ago at a public meeting at election time a heckler shouted at my father: "What about the penny on the pint?" and my father said: "Is it not better to put a penny on the pint and have the penny to buy the pint than to take a penny off the pint and not have the money to pay for it?" At the moment we have rising prices but the people just have not got the money to meet them. The VAT returns for last year show this. Purchasing power is going down rapidly. When VAT was taken off food and put on other commodities such as building materials and the motor industry in particular huge unemployment followed. This is extremely sad. Normally we hear in the budget how much the Minister is giving to Third World countries. This country has a wonderful record of generosity. We certainly have paid our way in this respect. Under this Government we are rapidly joining the Third World and will do so unless something happens quickly and the happening I hope and pray for is a general election.

I would like to have seen the Minister for Finance do something original in his budget. I would like to have seen him set up some special contingency fund, possibly administered by the Department of Social Welfare, which various Departments could call on to cope with the many anomalies that exist in legislation. There is no legislation passed which does not have anomalies. I have called for this before. It has never received much attention and I do not expect it to receive much attention now but that does not deter me from repeating it. There is a need for a special contingency fund to deal with cases that fall just outside statutory regulations.

The Government on assuming office reduced the amount of money which was to be charged for tenant purchase houses. This was estimated to cost the taxpayer £2 million. I do not know if it did. On the other hand, as an example of what I said before—giving with one hand and taking back with the other—the Minister for Local Government decided he would draw back one-third of any profit on that house if it was sold within a five year period. We all know that a person who buys a house and sells it will not buy a similar type of house cheaper than what he got for the first house. This Government, who stated they would tackle all the speculators, started by treating the working people as the front line of speculators.

They talk about social justice but I do not think they understand what it means. I know the Minister for Foreign Affairs will be amazed at all these revelations because he has to travel abroad very frequently and it must appal him every time he comes back when he sees the deterioration in our economy. He is the financial expert who carried the Government's financial programme in the last election and found himself exiled to the outer fringes of Europe, of which Ireland is very much a part. Perhaps the Minister, who could have given sound advice to the Minister for Finance when preparing his budget, was too keen to try to be an European equivalent of Dr. Kissinger. I do not know how he is succeeding in that, but I wish him luck.

The National Social Service Council was set up a few years ago. It consists of a small body of very dedicated people whose function is to help community associations. The Government should create structures in which the advantaged can help the disadvantaged. I should like to have seen the Minister in his budget make a special allocation for this purpose. We will need every bit of community spirit we can muster in the difficult times that lie ahead. We will have to look to people to help each other.

I believe I have made some points which have not been stressed sufficiently. I hope that in the year ahead the Government will allocate funds for community organisations, such as Muintir na Tíre. I should like to see them spending more money on the junior liaison officers in the Garda whose strength needs to be increased. We want to do something about our young people who have been neglected for so long.

I hope this year will not be like last year when an extra £50 million taxation was imposed after the budget. I again make the appeal, which I made to the Minister for Finance last week that, when the threshold agreement of 10 per cent is given under the national wage agreement to make up for inflation, the social welfare recipients will not have to wait until October for this because the increase which they received has not even brought them up to the level they were at before inflation raged as violently as it has over the last year.

I did not intend to begin by referring to social welfare. I intended to come to it later on, but in view of the last sentence of the previous speaker's remarks I should like to start by dealing with that. He said that the increases given did not come up to the increase in the cost of living. I have the figures here and I will give them and ask him if he would like to withdraw his remark.

I want to be completely fair and take the period from May, 1973, the time of our first budget after we came into office, and what it is likely to be in April next when the social welfare benefits we have allowed will come into effect. We must allow for the full increase in the cost of living over that period. On the assumption that the cost of living increase will be similar to that in the six months from November to May, the nearest month we have for this purpose to April, to what it was in the previous six months —it will be the same plus or minus a couple of percentage points—the increase in the cost of living between May, 1973, and May, 1975, will be of the order of 32 per cent. It may be a couple of points less.

Is that per year?

That is an average of 16 per cent per annum. I am sure the Deputy is capable of dividing the figure I gave by two. It is 32 per cent over the two years. The figures are readily available. The figure for May, 1973, was 149.1. If one assumes the same rate of increase over the latest figure, 188.2, and one allows for the probable increase over the next six months, one gets a 32 per cent increase. By how much will the social benefits have increased over that period, from what they were in May, 1973, after we came into office and before we increased them in July to what they will be next April?

Let me give some examples. There are of course the cases under Fianna Fáil where there was no provision whatever, such as the unmarried mothers who now have £11.80 with one child and the single women, aged 57 and over, who will have £7.70. In those cases the increase is infinite by comparison with the total neglect under Fianna Fáil. Let us take the cases where under Fianna Fáil there was provision. Let us take, for example, the retirement pension. It will have risen by 70 per cent from £6.20 to £10.50. The old age pension will have risen by 72½ per cent from £5.50 to £8.85.

I have started with the least favourable increases, the smallest increases that have been given. Let us move on then and take the man in receipt of unemployment benefit who has three children. The increase there is from £14 under Fianna Fáil to £25.40, an increase of 82 per cent. When we come to the unemployment assistance for the man with three children the increase is from £11.80 to £22.15, an increase of 88 per cent. Take the contributory widow with three children. Her benefit has gone up from £11.10 to £21.35, an increase of 92 per cent. The deserted wife with two children has had her allowance increased from £8.35 to £16.15, an increase of 93 per cent. If the Deputies opposite can find any cases where the increases have been less than 70 per cent or indeed outside the range of 70 per cent to 95 per cent, I hope in the subsequent debate they will point these out to us.

In a period in which the cost of living will have increased by 32 per cent the smallest increase in social benefits is 70 per cent and in the case of social benefits for people with children, the combination of the increases in the basic benefits, the dependant allowances and children's allowances will bring those increases to figures ranging from 82 to 93 per cent. Roughly speaking, it can be said therefore that, in the worst case, social benefits will have risen by more than twice the increase in the cost of living, and in the best case, by three times. I therefore throw back in the teeth of the Deputy who made it the allegation that they have fallen behind the cost of living.

Is the Minister saying there is no poverty in the country?

This is a limited time debate. There should be no interruptions.

Would the Deputy like to challenge any of my figures?

Could I ask the Minister, if the Coalition are so good, why are things so bad?

(Interruptions.)

The Deputies opposite have challenged none of my figures, because they cannot.

It is an academic exercise.

Let the Deputies tell the unmarried mothers it is an academic increase they have had. There is nothing academic about a deserted wife with two children——

(Interruptions.)

Would Deputies cease interrupting?

Ask the social welfare recipients. They are worse off.

The Deputies are out of order. They are wasting the Minister's time, for which he will have to be compensated.

They are not very good at percentages over there.

There is an old saying that figures cannot lie but liars can figure.

Deputies have been listened to in silence and they ought to listen to the Minister.

Whatever defects in numeracy may exist in the Deputies opposite, they are not such that had I mentioned an incorrect figure they could not and would not have challenged me. These are the results of less than two years of Coalition Government. The priority we have given to social welfare has had dramatic effects in improving the standard of living of the poorest groups in the community. Under Fianna Fáil that priority was never given. I do not say they were neglected, because under the schemes that existed when Fianna Fáil came to power increases were given which kept up with and, in some cases over 16 years, somewhat improved upon the increased cost of living. But at no stage under Fianna Fáil was anything even remotely equivalent to the vast improvement achieved under this Government sought or obtained.

Under Fianna Fáil there was not the priority given in this area. The reasons for this go back perhaps into the history of the 1950s. When they came into office the priority they sought to give was, in the first instance, to economic growth. I think they were right at the time, but what they failed to do when economic growth came about through the results of the First Programme in 1958 to 1962, was ever to adjust themselves to a situation of economic expansion. Throughout their period in office they never turned their mind to the question of what should be done with the increased wealth. They allowed it to fructify in the pockets of the speculators. They allowed the rich to get richer and did not attempt to redistribute wealth on any significant scale. They did, in that period, make adjustments in social welfare, but made no attempt to alter dramatically the balance between rich and poor, no attempt to raise in real terms the living standards of those depending on social welfare.

For that it was necessary to await the coming into power of a Coalition Government dedicated to that objective. From the figures I have just given you can see how, in the short space of time in which we have been in office, improvements in the living standards of these groups have occurred which, in the minimal case, add up to an improvement of the order of 30 per cent, and which in the case of social welfare beneficiaries with children add up to an increase of the order of 50 per cent.

If the Deputies opposite can subsequently in this debate tell me of any instance where social welfare payments will not between May, 1973, and April, 1975, have increased by these amounts, they are welcome to seek to demolish the figures I have presented. If they do not do so, then the remarks they make by way of interruption will be seen for the bluff they are.

You can gerrymander constituencies but you cannot gerrymander people.

Tell us about unemployment.

(Interruptions.)

Would Deputies cease interrupting? They themselves expected to be heard in silence.

The Minister was highly excitable yesterday.

I stayed in Belfield yesterday for a period of one hour and a half in the midst of the most friendly group of students, and I rarely had such a good reception at any time I have spoken there and in the society, or, indeed, at a lecture.

This has been the really significant breakthrough in this budget, and it is one which this Government came into office committed to undertake and achieve in the face of great difficulties, because, goodness knows, this period since we came into office has been one of extreme economic difficulty. We were not in Government more than seven months when the oil crisis occurred and we had to face the consequences of that, which have in the intervening 18 months threatened to wreck the world's economy. This is a crisis none of the most powerful countries have been able to surmount, a crisis which in the wealthiest and most powerful of them, the United States, Japan, and also Britain, has seen a positive decline in living standards and in output, a crisis so great that even today we are not certain that it can be surmounted.

In the face of that situation which has beset this Government for almost 18 months of our less than two years in office, we have nevertheless continued with our programme. We have not been deflected from our course, and we have brought the people with us. The reaction of the people to this budget, a difficult budget which involved significant increases in taxation, has shown that the leadership we have given in the movement towards social justice is being followed. I do not think that, if the tax increases which in these difficult circumstances we had to impose had been imposed by the previous Government, they would have been accepted, because they would not have been seen by people as what they were, as necessary to contribute to a programme of social justice to which a Government were committed. Because people saw the tax increases were being put to the purpose of improving social welfare standards, the standards of the poor, to a significant degree, they accepted our policies and the increases. It is a measure of the maturity of our people, a measure of the commitment to social justice that exists among our people, that when given leadership in this direction they followed it, that when they were told they would have to accept substantial increases in taxation on beer, tobacco and spirits, they did not grumble. Let me move from that area, which I was tempted to deal with at the outset of my speech by the misrepresentations of Deputy Briscoe, to the economic field.

What about the social welfare stamp?

Tell us about the stamp.

Would the Deputies allow the Minister to make his own contribution?

I am looking forward to the Deputies' contributions and to their figures about social welfare and, no doubt, to their skillful attempt to put right what they claim to be my misrepresentations, but I know when they stand up to speak they will avoid it, that they will make no reference to what the amounts for social welfare were under Fianna Fáil and what they are now. They will talk about another subject, because they know that is a subject they have to be ashamed of and about which they have to be silent.

(Interruptions.)

Would Deputies cease interrupting? The Chair cannot repeat this continually. tinually.

The Minister has not told us about the stamp.

This is what is known in the county council as teasing.

Any reference to social welfare in the face of Fianna Fáil Deputies is teasing them. I will concede that. Indeed, it is perhaps unfair because they were only 16 years in office and they scarcely had time to do anything about it.

Let me come back now to the overall shape of the budget and the background against which the budget has to be seen and studied. The world economic situation is the background against which we must view everything that is happening at present. Our problem is that we are an economy more vulnerable than almost any other economy because of our small size, the openness of our economy and the very high proportion of imports. Given the extraordinary increase that has taken place in import prices, which have been rising at a rate of 40 to 45 per cent over the past year—I checked the figures last night and the latest figure is 45 per cent—in a country dependent for almost half its needs upon imports, dependent to a far greater extent than any of our European neighbours except, perhaps, the very smallest, for us to be able to sustain economic growth when more powerful countries, much larger countries, much wealthier countries have been unable to do so, is a remarkable achievement.

The fact is that during that period, although the rate of economic growth has slowed down, as it has in every country in the world, the slowing down has left us still with an economy which is still edging forward when, as I said, in countries like Japan, the United States of America and Britain economies are in decline. Despite the fact that we face a much worse problem because of our greater dependence on imports we have been able to maintain economic growth and the reason for this has lain in the shape and pattern of the budgets we have introduced since coming into office.

Each time we have had to introduce a budget—in 1973, in 1974 and again in 1975—the Opposition criticism has always been the same: you should not expand too rapidly; you should not have such a big deficit; you should have a more orthodox conservative policy. This is what, in fact, this spokesman for Finance, Deputy Colley, said in 1973; it is what he said in 1974 and the same thought is being echoed in comments made on the budget on this occasion. Had Fianna Fáil been in office and had that policy been adopted—I am not sure it would have been because I suspect Deputy Colley, in office, would have acted and spoken differently from Deputy Colley in Opposition, but I suppose that is a common failing of politicians—then in each of these years our economic growth would have been perceptibly less than it has been. It would have been very much slowed down had a policy of balanced budgets been adopted in a period when, in fact, the economic situation was deteriorating.

We had the foresight to see that the economic situation in 1973 was delicately balanced and, generally speaking, the trend of the world economy would be running against us and it would be necessary for us to have a fairly expansionist budget to maintain the momentum of our economy. If anything, we under-did it. If anything, it should have been more expansionist than it was in 1973. If it erred on any side it erred on the side of conservativism. Yet, it was criticised by Fianna Fáil as being too radical, of going too far, of being too expansionist. It would be difficult to calculate just how many extra unemployed there would be today if the policies advocated by Fianna Fáil spokesmen from those benches on the two budgets in 1973 and 1974 had been the policies adopted. It may well be that had Deputy Colley been in Government he would have acted quite differently, acted as we did. Perhaps these criticisms are merely captious criticisms on the part of a Deputy in Opposition trying to find fault with the Government's budget. I would like to think so. I would not like to think that had he been in office he would have been so ill-advised as to have adopted and pursued the policies which, in Opposition, he is advocating.

In this budget we have had to face up to a situation in which over a period of 15 months previously the world economy had been getting out of balance, where economic growth had been declining and where the liquidity of industry everywhere had been threatened and where also, in our own case, there was the additional hazard of the impact of the cattle cycle which was most acute, a problem which most of these other countries have not faced as they are not major cattle producing countries. The fact that we have been able in the face of the general difficulties, in the face of the degree to which we are dependent on imports, in face of the degree to which we are dependent on the cattle trade, which went through a very difficult period in 1974, to keep our economy moving ahead to some degree and maintaining some momentum is a measure of the success of this Government in their three budgets to date.

I come now to look more immediately at this particular budget. One of the major problems facing a Government in time of inflation is that the work of Government is labour intensive. The proportion of Government expenditure which is spent on the remuneration of civil servants and, indirectly, the proportion of remuneration to people in agencies to which grants-in-aid are paid is a very high proportion indeed. I am not sure if any exact figure has been worked out because of the problem of disentangling grants-in-aid to find the proportion of the grant which goes towards salaries and wages and the proportion that goes to other purposes, but if one could find that figure and arrive at a fair balance one would find that the total budget spent on salaries and wages, not only in the civil service, including the Army and the police, but outside it on teachers, the great bulk of whom are paid by the State in the educational sector, and in the various bodies which receive grants-in-aid, is a very high proportion indeed. In a time of inflation when wages and salaries are rising very rapidly the burden placed on the Government is very great, particularly in a period when wages and salaries have been moving ahead at a rate very much faster than the rate of increased prices. This was the case in 1974.

The Government found that their revenue derived to a large degree from taxation on goods and therefore dependent on the general pattern of prices, lagged behind their expenditure, expenditure swollen by the very large sums that had to be paid to public servants and semi-public servants outside the Government sector remunerated from the Exchequer. This was a fundamental problem and it involved for the Government this year when preparing the budget really the most difficult and intractable problem ever faced. A very high proportion of additional revenue coming in a period when the buoyancy of revenue was relatively poor because of the economic difficulties we faced meant that a very high proportion of the extra revenue was pre-empted by the need to provide money for the remuneration of the public service on the basis of wage and salary increases already granted, already foreseen, already in the pipeline, plus those which have to be foreseen arising from negotiations now in progress. This is a fundamental difficulty because of the labour intensive character of Government. It is fair to say it is a problem that has never been so acute as it has in this particular year.

I do not think any Government have ever faced such a disproportion in the growth in their own wage bill, direct or indirect, and the growth in revenue from taxation. This placed a serious strain on the formulation of the budget, a strain which forced the Government to spend far more time on preparing this budget than that spent on the preparation of any budget in the history of the State. We had to find a way through the difficulties created by this so that we could maintain our commitment to social welfare, so that we could take the necessary action to expand output in agriculture and industry and achieve a fair balance and an expanding economy and minimise unemployment. To find a way through these problems was immensely difficult and it took long discussion and debate within the Cabinet and consideration of many alternative proposals before the budget emerged in its present form. I wish the Minister for Finance were not here at this moment but I must say, even though he is present, that a very great debt is owed to him for the way he carried through this difficult task in the face of enormous pressures on the limited resources upon which he had to adjudicate and pass.

The budget that has emerged is a balanced budget, not in the sense of balancing revenue and expenditure, because such would have been inappropriate to the needs of the economy, but balanced in the sense of balance between the different claims on the Exchequer, balanced to provide adequately for the pay of the public sector, balanced vis-à-vis the needs of social welfare in order to maintain our commitment in that direction and balanced in the sense of maintaining economic growth, of maintaining liquidity in industry and expansion in agriculture. All these different needs were met and, at the same time, the commitment to continue to increase personal tax allowances which, under Fianna Fáil had remained virtually static for almost the whole period of Fianna Fáil rule, has been maintained.

I am looking at the table that gives details of the budget and I can see the different elements in it. Let us consider the items one by one, starting as we did from a position where there was a significant opening deficit. First, we faced the need to provide for increases in public service pay not already in the pipeline and we wanted to make some provision for what we knew would arise in the months ahead. The large sum of £40 million has been set aside for that. In this connection, we should bear in mind we are not talking of the total increase in the public service pay but the necessity to provide an additional £40 million to what was already committed by wage rounds and negotiations and whose effects we see operating now and for some months past.

Secondly, we might consider social welfare where almost £35 million of additional expenditure has been provided. This is a very large sum in a year of great difficulty; in fact, there has been an increase of approximately 22½ per cent in social welfare payments. When I say "this year" I am understating what has been done. This increase will take effect in April, only nine months after the last increase, and the Government are committed to a further increase in six months' time——

And a further budget, according to a radio programme on Sunday. Of course, the Minister did not tell the House.

Obviously the Deputy has not read or understood the budget speech. Provision has been made in the budget for the additional amounts to be paid from October onwards——

The Minister must not have heard the radio programme on Sunday.

The Deputy should allow the Minister to continue with his speech.

The Deputy must not have heard it correctly. That was not what was said. The reason why the increase of £34.63 million is so large is that it involves not merely a 22½ per cent increase within nine months of the last increase but that it includes provision for a further increase affecting the last three months of the year in order to maintain the value of the increases given. This was never contemplated by Fianna Fáil when they were in Government. There has been an increase of 22½ per cent in addition to providing for a further increase to compensate for the cost of living. We do not know what that will be but, given the rate at which it is still rising, and allowing for some deceleration, the total increase in 15 months will be in excess of 30 per cent or an annual rate of 25 per cent to 27 per cent. That is why the figure is so great and we are not ashamed of it.

Those are two of the major items of additional expenditure but there are others also. There is provision for an extra £1 million for manpower training to cope with the problems of unemployment imposed on us by the economic situation and external influences on our economy. There is provision also for an extra £500,000 for local improvement schemes. On the agricultural side, as well as the cattle feed voucher scheme there is an oil subsidy for horticulture. Each aspect of agriculture where there are difficulties has been examined and given the necessary assistance.

With regard to industry where there is a real problem of liquidity, a sum of £12 million of company tax relief is provided. This should help significantly to improve the liquidity of industry—especially manufacturing industry—and help to maintain employment. The effect of these measures on employment, of the additional spending power released through social welfare benefits, of the additional sums for training and local improvement schemes and the effect of company tax relief, should certainly be significant. The effects of a budget that pumps back into the economy £125 million more than it takes from it will help to maintain economic growth this year. In addition, the extra personal income tax relief of almost £16 million will help to increase purchasing power and maintain demand and economic growth. In their impact on the economy all of these far outweigh the substantial tax increases it was necessary to impose to find money for social welfare.

That is the overall shape of the budget. It is a budget that involves by any standards a very large deficit and in a normal year such a deficit could not be contemplated or justified. However, when we see how other countries around us have reacted to the oil crisis, the way in which they are budgeting for it, and when we consider the advice given to us by agencies such as the OECD, we realise that in present circumstances this scale of deficit is justified. In relation to our GNP, it is similar to or less than the deficit of countries such as Britain and the United States. I will not say it is a conservative deficit in the current year—that is putting it too strongly—but by the standards of other countries, by what they have felt obliged to do, it is not an excessive budget. Nevertheless, as I have pointed out, in a normal year it could not be justified.

The current deficit, plus the capital expenditure necessary to maintain economic growth, involves overall a very large deficit of the order of £250 million to be financed by external borrowing. Again, in a normal year this amount of residual borrowing could not be justified but in this year it is justified and it is essential. The House knows that the problems created by the quadrupling or quintupling of oil prices, depending on whether one takes the price at a particular stage of production, has transferred purchasing power not merely to countries that are poor, that need money and can spend it on their people—that is worth doing and it can keep the world economy going by way of the sale of goods and services abroad—but, unfortunately, it is not only to these countries that the money has gone. It has also gone to countries which because of their small populations are not able to spend the additional sums they have received.

The vast accretion of purchasing power to these countries that they are unable to spend creates a unique situation in the world economy. Unfortunately, the way they wish to lend the money is not the way in which the money is most useful to countries like ourselves or to great industrial powers. Nervous of committing it for long periods in an inflationary situation, they tend to lend it for short-term periods and this creates the problem of recycling. Individually we cannot tackle this but we support other countries in their efforts in this area.

The availability of this money and the problem of getting it to where it is needed is something that can be tackled only on a world scale by the major financial and industrial countries. They have endeavoured to do so but when looked at from inside as a small participant I must say their efforts have been very slow in bearing fruit. It is something of a tragedy that it took approximately 15 months for these countries to react to the new situation, to concert their efforts and to decide what kind of policy was best suited to the needs of the crisis. They have now done so effectively and the new schemes that have been proposed, the EEC loan, the increased IMF facility and the Kissinger-Simon safety net proposal, help to provide the finance most needed by those countries whose economies are weakest. They help also to provide a safeguard, guarantee and assurance to countries that might otherwise get into difficulties if confidence in the world industrial economy as a whole is not maintained. These are, therefore, important to us and while I hope we will not have to draw upon them their existence creates greater stability in the world financial sector and it will make it easier for us to borrow the sums we need, vast sums by the standards of a small country. In fact, the sum we have to borrow will be something in the region of 8 per cent of GNP this year and this is a large sum.

What are our prospects of getting it? In my view the prospects are good and I say this for two reasons. The problem of recycling has now been tackled firmly and effectively by the major financial powers. It was only achieved at the time our budget was brought in. In our own case there has been a striking maintenance of confidence in our economy in so far as capital flow is concerned. There is always a time lag in getting information on capital flows, their nature and precise character, but we know, very quickly, their order of magnitude because we know how our merchandise trade is going. We get these figures monthly and we know the level of our external trade imbalance and we can know from that, within a degree of accuracy of £10 million or £15 million, the size of our external payments deficit in a given time.

When one compares on the one hand the scale of our external payments deficit for any given 12 months period and the change in reserves that occurs in that period one can see what must have been the inflow of capital months before one has any real idea of what form this inflow of capital took. From this comparison we can see that in our case the inflow of capital in 1974 was very large—I would think that it would be something of the order of two to two and a half times the figure of any preceding year. I hope the Deputies opposite will not hold me to that because it is a guess but it is unlikely to be less than twice.

What was the nature of it?

This money is coming here in one form or another. A fair proportion of it is coming in in direct investment in industry where the scale of industrial promotion activities has been increased. In the last two or three years, aided very much by our membership of the EEC, there has been an increase to a new level of activity in industrial promotion and development. This helps significantly but it can only account for part of the total and it is clear that a significant part of the remainder consists of people in other countries deciding that the best thing to do with their money is to lend it to Ireland. It can consist of nothing else and in the financial flows that have occurred the net inflow of capital in liquid form must have been very significant in 1974. I will not put a figure on it but it is difficult to see how it would not be of the order of, or even significantly greater than £100 million.

The fact that in a year in which there were great economic disturbances in the world and when the economies of a number of countries were badly shaken a country with an economy as vulnerable as ours, as open, as small and as hard-hit as ours in terms of import prices and the problem of the cattle cycle, was able to attract such a vast inflow of capital several times greater than any preceding year is the best and, perhaps, ultimately the only testimony of the kind of confidence people have in the economy and the way the country is being run. The one thing we know about the capital system is that the money goes where the capitalist who has it thinks he will get the best and safest return. There is no reason why people should send money to this country unless they thought they would do better by sending it here and that they would get a better return from it.

What about the money that has left the country, £200 million?

Of course, some of this money has been borrowing by the Government or State bodies but borrowing which we were able to secure because of the confidence of people in our economy. In addition to that borrowing, very extensive though it was but nothing like as extensive as it is going to be this year, by the Government and State bodies there was an autonomous capital flow of a large character. This came freely here without the Government having to go and look for it. It roosted here because it was felt by those who owned it that it would produce the best return. That is testimony to the strength of our economy in difficult circumstances.

The scale of this autonomous inflow has been beyond anything I would reasonably have expected to happen. All of us have been not just heartened by the way in which our external reserves have been maintained but, perhaps, a little surprised that there should be a capital inflow of this scale and that we should be able to maintain our reserves at the level they have been maintained at. This means that despite the difficulties we face our economy is in good shape and good health, because it is in good hands. I hope, and believe, that in the year ahead that will be maintained. I hope, and believe, that the Government will be able to borrow the enormous sum which they have to borrow abroad in order to finance continued economic expansion.

I hope, and believe, that in addition to what the Government will be borrowing abroad there will be a continued autonomous inflow of money to this country. If the confidence so notably shown during 1974 by investors in Ireland continues to be shown in the year ahead we will once again come out of this difficult year in better shape than many of our neighbours. We should come out of this year with some degree of economic expansion. One cannot be sure at what rate but we will come out of the year with an economy still moving ahead at a time when economies of other neighbouring countries are declining. I believe that this budget enables us, for the second year running, to achieve that result. That is something which, given the extreme difficulty of our position, is an achievement we can be proud of.

Those are some of the main features of the budget, the broad strategy of the budget, its impact on the economy and, above all, its impact on the growth of production and on social welfare. These are the matters which should be debated here but, inevitably, the Opposition will be reluctant to take issue with us on these matters where their ground is weak and where they know that our performance has been effective and is appreciated by our people. The Opposition have notably refused to tangle with us on these issues; they have refused to face up to the extraordinary expansion in social welfare provision; they have talked platitudes and untruths about it and not been willing to talk figures. It is only the number of pounds in a person's pocket that counts and not the platitudes or the propaganda. The Opposition have also been unwilling to talk about the capital inflow to our economy; about whether the economic growth we have maintained could have been maintained if our budgets had not been as expansionist as they were.

In fact, the Opposition have been unwilling to talk about the economic realities because economic realities do not suit their propaganda. I recognise that they have a problem and if I were in opposition at this time I would have a problem. An Opposition often have a problem in criticising a Government whose policies are well thought out and appropriate to the particular situation. I recognise that one of the most difficult tasks of an Opposition is to criticise a budget if it has been properly drawn. There are times when a Government misjudge the situation and when the Opposition may have the insight and skill to detect this and to criticise a budget in terms which events show are justified. I do not think the present Opposition have had this insight. It would have been possible for the present Opposition to have said to this Government in 1973 that the budget was not expansionist enough, that there was going to be a recession and enough was not being done to maintain economic growth. Had they taken that line there would have been some justice in it because, in fact, there was a decline in economic growth in that period.

With hindsight one could say that the budget could have been somewhat more expansionist. The same could be said of 1974. I am afraid the Opposition have got everything so much upside down that all their criticisms have been directed in the wrong direction. Instead of encouraging this Government to be a little bolder and a little more expansionist on these occasions —and this could have been justified in the light of hindsight—all the criticisms were the other way. All the criticisms were: "You are going too far, too fast. You are expanding the economy too rapidly. You are spending too much money. You will overheat the economy."

All the criticisms of each of those three budgets were irrelevant to the issue. I can only suggest that perhaps there should be a rethinking on this, and perhaps in the Opposition there is a need for an economic think tank to look more deeply at our problems and to try at least to criticise our budgets from the right standpoint. In the light of hindsight any budget will almost always turn out to be a little too much one way or the other. I suggest that Fianna Fáil should try to work out in advance in which direction is the budget likely to err. To be wrong three times in a row in assessing our budgets is something of a hat trick. Any Opposition should reconsider their economic thinking when they manage to be wrong quite as often as that.

Those are the main points I wanted to make. This budget is appropriate to our needs at this time as far as we can judge. The situation ahead is extremely difficult and extremely uncertain. No one can say with certainty that, in fact, in a year's time this will be seen to be just the right mixture for the situation. One thing is certain. The great problem we face, and the one we have to concern ourselves with, is to ensure that this vast imported inflation, from which we have suffered for the past two years almost, and certainly 18 months, does not become converted into a domestic self-generating inflation. This will be very difficult to avoid. It seems almost inconceivable that a country could so discipline itself as to avoid creating domestic inflation when faced with a rate of imported price increases of the order of 40 per cent to 45 per cent. The pressures and strains created by that in any country are enormous. In a country where so much of what we use is imported, where almost half of our total GNP is accounted for by imports, the pressures and strains created by such an enormous increase in import prices are almost intolerable.

It will require leadership and skill on the part of the Government and it will require leadership and skill on the part of management and trade unions alike, to get out of the situation without creating a runaway inflation domestically. I think that the import price increase will ease off. Perhaps it has already begun to ease off. It is evident that a number of raw material prices have fallen over the past six months or so. Others have remained stable. Overall the enormous upsurge in raw material prices other than oil has tended to level off.

It is evident, too, that in the case of oil prices the increase which occurred in late 1973 and early 1974 has also tended to level off. There has been some small increase since then, but it is clear that the producers are aware of the danger of killing the goose that lays the golden eggs of industrial production and world demand, which they need in order to find a market for their oil products. It is fairly clear that in the months ahead during 1975, oil prices will either not increase or increase very little. We are moving, therefore, from a position of the most dramatic world price inflation that we have seen, certainly in this century, to one of relative import price stability.

Of course, import prices will continue to rise to some degree particularly because the effects of the raw material and oil price increases of 1974 will still be finding their way through the manufactured goods prices in 1975. Even if raw material and oil prices do not go up much more in 1975, there will be quite substantial increases in the prices of manufactured imports and semi-manufactured imports because of the increase in raw materials and oil prices in the previous year.

Overall the rate of increase of import prices is already slowing down and during 1975 it should slow down very perceptibly. If we can hold our hand domestically, if we can prevent a runaway inflation in terms of incomes at home, we can begin to get the situation under control domestically during 1975 and into 1976. It is possible to do this. I believe that there is a good chance of its being done. In a crisis our people have always shown a sense of responsibility.

There is a general recognition that any attempt at this stage to seek excessive increases in incomes at any level, whether they are profits, or wages, or salaries, or farm incomes, or whatever they are, could push the whole economy into runaway inflation. Such increases in the basic labour cost element could generate vastly increased unemployment. People are coming to grips with the threat of unemployment and the reality of unemployment which faces us today in this country as in every other country in the world. There is a growing realisation that it is necessary for us, in these circumstances, to tighten our belts in more ways than one and, above all, to try to prevent a runaway increase in incomes in this period.

If we can do this, if we can moderate income increases, if we can get a general will in the community to try to maintain living standards but to accept that we can do no more than maintain living standards in the current year, if that belief can be reflected in whatever agreements are reached at any level, or whatever profits are sought or secured, or whatever prices are sought or secured by manufacturers, or whatever wages or salaries are secured by workers, if that is the spirit motivating all of us, I believe we can move from a period of really extremely dangerous inflation into a period of a lower rate of inflation.

It will take time. I do not think that any economic analysis of the situation would suggest this can be done rapidly. For anyone to promise that inflation will fall back to single figures during the current year would be to promise something that cannot be performed. It is possible to get back to single figure inflation in 1976 if we keep our heads, if we act responsibly, and if those of us in Opposition as well as in Government give a lead here. I know the Opposition are a responsible Opposition in this matter. I know that when it comes to a matter of this kind we can rely on their support in giving this lead.

I do not want to make a party point out of this at all. It is far too serious an issue. We can argue about the details of the budget here politically but when it comes to the future of our economy and to tacking this problem of inflation, these can only be achieved if we work together. It can be achieved, but it will take time. It will be possible by the end of next year to get back to a rate of inflation which, although it may still be beyond what we were accustomed to in the halcyon days of 20 years ago, will still be a tolerable rate of inflation and enormously less than what we have had to become accustomed to in the past 18 months.

This is our target; this is our aim; this is our objective. The budget will help towards this in more ways than one. For example, the commitment to adjust social welfare benefits in six months' time in line with prices should help to create a climate in which those seeking increases in incomes will be willing also to think in terms of incomes being adjusted in relation to prices, which is essential if living standards are to be maintained, and more than which we cannot promise, and more than which we cannot secure in this period without the danger of a runaway inflation.

Therefore the budget should help in more ways than one towards this objective. I hope it can. I hope the sense of responsibility which exists in our community will be maintained, a sense of responsibility which has been greatly heightened by the spectre of unemployment around us which all of us, no matter how safe our jobs may be, feel as something very personal in a country where the problem of unemployment has always been such a difficult one. Sensitivity to that problem will help our people to follow the lead which we in political life in Government and in Opposition can give them. I hope and believe that we can, during this year, begin to get on top of this problem and that as we move into and through 1976 we can restore normality and get back not only to a rate of inflation of a more tolerable character but also to an economic growth at a rate more appropriate to our needs.

The storm which hit the country and the rest of the world in 1973 and 1974 has cost us a great deal. In these years the world economy slowed down almost to a standstill. Our own growth rate in these years will be only a fraction—I hope a substantial fraction but still only a fraction—of what it should be, what it needs to be, what it can be in the future, and what it has been in the past. If we are to get over the problem of unemployment we can do so only by generating economic growth, by becoming competitive, by increasing our exports, by increasing demand at home and abroad in a way that can be sustained. It is in that way only that more jobs can be created. We have to aim at economic growth. We cannot go very far this year. If we can keep ourselves moving ahead at anything like half or threequarters of our normal rate, that is probably the most that can be achieved in 1975.

If we can do that on a sound economic basis, and if we can come through this year successfully with a diminishing rate of inflation, we can hope in 1976 to move back to a rate of growth which would give us the extra jobs we need and which in that year and in the following year would bring down unemployment and help us to maintain what has been achieved in the past few years, a situation in which there is no significant emigration. This must be our target. It can be achieved, not quickly, not without sacrifice, not without pain and certainly not without leadership. It can be achieved and I believe it will be achieved.

Listening to the Minister for Foreign Affairs one would think there is a rare disease called inflation in other parts of the world which has not been caused in Ireland by the present Government. If we look at the statement of Dr. Whitaker earlier this year we can see that if the present Government believe that the rate of inflation was not partly caused at least 50 per cent of it, by themselves then this economy and its future are in serious trouble.

We once had a budget day which was considered as a sort of social event by many who did not normally come to this House and were not Members of it, as something like Ladies' Day at Ascot, but now we have the position in which we have a formal budget day on 15th January but we have a minor budget every second day. In the three months prior to Christmas we had first, the postal increases of over £20 million which inevitably, in view of the fall in usage of the Post Office must mean redundancy in some section of the Post Office staff in future if that drop continues. We had the petrol increases which the Minister for Finance brought in on a war time measure basis which he said at that time meant £27.5 million but which we know now from reliable sources—a term the Press uses: we know who these reliable sources can be—that in fact it will be nearer £35 million.

The worst increase of all resulted from the withdrawal of the butter subsidy shortly before Christmas which meant another 5p or, in more frightening terms one shilling, per pound on butter. So much for the 14-point plan and keeping the cost of living down.

In total, before Christmas, £50 million in taxation was imposed inside two months while budget day, which is meant to spell out taxation for the year added something in the region of £34,500,000. I should like the Minister for Foreign Affairs to explain that when he talks about social welfare increases, and explain about somebody having to pay three shillings in old money on a gallon of petrol when he goes to draw his unemployment or dole or whatever it is when he has to travel two or three miles to the post office to collect it.

I think the Deputy concedes that under this Government the unemployed are all able to drive around in cars.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs spoke about the tremendous increases in social welfare. That is quite true: these are great increases in comparison with what was given previously.

But the rate of inflation then was nothing compared with what obtains now. The Minister himself gave a figure of 32 per cent as the increase in the cost of living since this Government came to power.

Up to May next— estimated.

How many of us will be able to exist by May next at the rate we are going? We had £50 million taxation before Christmas and £34 million in the budget bringing total taxation inside two-and-a-half months to £84,500,000. This does not include the VAT which the Minister will collect from price increases.

The Minister has gone for a deficit again this year in the budget. Last year he went for a deficit of £76 million and that turned out, as we know, to be £92 million. I quote from column 1460 of the Official Report of the debates of 3rd April, 1974, when the Minister speaking of the economy at that time said:

Increased economic growth will, as it did last year, generate additional revenue and reduce the deficit.

We know what happened—in fact we were short £92 million and that was in spite of inflation raging at the rate of 22 per cent last year. When we come to this year, not only has the Minister again done nothing about the rate of inflation but in fact has helped it and has, in hidden terms, more or less said that not only must it continue but the rate of inflation must increase to make up the deficit of £125 million. If the £125 million is to have the same fate in percentage terms as the £76 million deficit we had last year, we can reasonably expect a deficit in the region of £160 million or £170 million next year.

It was interesting to hear the Minister for Foreign Affairs talk of the inflow of money. Shortly before Christmas I heard the Minister for Finance speak of the amount of money coming into the country and how great it was, but 90 per cent of it was borrowed and 10 per cent was voluntary investment and natural inflow. The Government themselves borrowed £200 million, which is more than the Fianna Fáil Government borrowed in 16 years of office. This shows the danger this country is going into with further borrowing this year of much more, according to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. We are running the risk of becoming much over-borrowed and becoming a bankrupt country.

We have 100,000 people unemployed and it appears that this will be in the region of 120,000 very shortly if the present forecasts prove correct. There is a hidden aspect of it in the case of many small businesses and industries. I know in the case of many industries and small businesses there will be widespread bankruptcy this year. Some of these will be wiped out of existence in the next 12 months. Nothing has been done by the Minister to alleviate the position for them. Their turnover is up, their profits down and if they are lucky enough to have had profits these will be eaten up in buying back stocks affected by the continuing rises in prices.

I know an example of a small shop with a turnover of £125,000 per year with an average profit of 17 per cent or 18 per cent. The overheads are 7 per cent so that there is really only 10 per cent or 11 per cent profit on average. This year the profits are down to 5 per cent. What hope or what inducement is there for that business to continue employing ten or 12 people?

No expansion of credit was given and there was no incentive to the banks to give an expansion of credit to firms that find themselves in such a position. No confidence was given to the firms to encourage them to borrow money on the basis that we would shortly be out of this period or that the Government would try to help them in some way. Many such businesses are now caught in a credit situation, where on the one hand they have given credit and cannot get the money in, and on the other hand they owe money which they have to repay if they want to continue buying stocks. This is one aspect of the situation that will bring sorrow to many small businesses this year.

Since coming into power 18 months ago the Government have borrowed £200 million, some of which was borrowed at alarming rates of interest. I do not fully understand the dollar-revolving credit one, which constituted £74 million borrowed. The rate of interest on that can be as high as 14 per cent, if not a little higher which is frightening. I presume that is done under written guarantee that the Government will pay back in the currency of the country from which they have borrowed. If the rate of sterling continues to fall, God knows what would be the interest rate on top of that.

We have experienced on the part of this Coalition Government this doctrinaire, straightlaced attitude of bringing in a wealth tax at present. The benefits from that tax will be in the region of £6 million, that is if the Government have not frightened even that much benefit out of the country. Two hundred or 300 people at the most will be taxed under the present wealth tax. As a result of that, we will have lost £4 million, £5 million or perhaps even £6 million. I heard one solicitor in Dublin say he had transferred £6 million out of the country on behalf of clients of his.

There is the introduction of the capital gains tax to which nobody would object in principle. This party have put down practical amendments because we foresee the anomalies that can arise as a result of the Minister's doctrinaire type of attitude to it. I would ask the Minister to restore some confidence to the people who had money in this country, who were prepared to invest it here and not have him and the Government running abroad borrowing money at expensive interest rates which has to be repaid within short periods of time. For the sake of cutting off his nose to spite his face, for the sake of keeping the young toothless tigers within the Fine Gael Party and indeed now the so-called socialists within the Labour Party, he and the Government adopt the stupid idea of having a wealth tax. In the name of God, what wealth is there that we can afford to shove out of the country so quickly? Whatever little confidence there remained in investment in this country in the past two years, with the continuing dogmatic attitude of the Minister for Finance I suspect it will not be even £6 million in revenue he will reap from that wealth tax. Those people are prepared to pay the highest rate of income tax. But if they are taxed on what they accumulate, apart from what they pay in income tax, they will not even remain here to pay that income tax. The Minister for Finance will be the sufferer but God help the rest of the people in employment because whatever little confidence there remained has vanished.

This budget attacks what I always consider to be the vanishing race of this country, the middle-class, who are the one section of the community constantly being harassed, constantly being taxed and who are a disappearing people generally. These are the people who have to go beyond local authorities to borrow from building societies, insurance companies or banks in order to build their houses. These are the people paying the high interest rates, who have to continue to pay high rates, who may have car repayments to meet, who do not qualify for any of the health benefits or any other type of relief. They are the people constantly being scourged.

I remember asking the Minister, at the time of the last budget, to allow some concession to anybody wanting to send his child to university. We consider it would cost an average country person wishing to send his child to university, without a scholarship, £1,000 per annum. Does the Minister think he is being fair not to allow such people a concession above the ordinary taxation allowance of 200 26 pences or 35 pences? Does the Minister think that in many cases he is being fair in preventing such a child from going to university through lack of finance? Seeing that the Government will not provide the extra finance to enable such children go to university, would the Minister, as Minister for Finance, at least help the parents to put such children through university? I understand it now costs a student attending Dublin university £15 for bed and board in any hostel or other such place.

Incidentally, in that regard I believe the Revenue Commissioners propose now to add 6.75 per cent to all landladies' bills in Dublin, to all hostels in Dublin, to all student accommodation in Dublin which, on average, would mean at least £1 extra a week for such accommodation. First of all, would the Minister not consider withdrawing VAT from any student accommodation, be it a hostel, lodgings or anything else? The parents of such students should be allowed at least a minimum of £1,000 per annum or some contribution towards the cost of putting their children through university.

In regard to investment there is one point I should like to make. The Minister for Finance received many representations from credit unions this year. The one great social credit service available, the credit unions, who lend money at low interest rates, who lend reasonable sums to people to carry out reconstruction of family homes, to buy motor cars or motor-cycles—which the banks refuse to do —are refused the same interest free on deposits as is allowed to the banks. In fact, the Minister has failed to reply to letters form Deputies in regard to this matter or, at least, has not given his reasons in the budget for not doing so.

As far as the farming position is concerned you, a Cheann Comhairle, are fully aware of how badly off the farmers are. I suspect you are more than fully aware of the fact. As a Deputy you must have received many representations in regard to the dire plight, particularly of the small farmer in whom you and I are interested, in the past 12 months. The Minister for Finance gives them back £100,000 in taxation relief on something he never collected form them in the first place. I suspect he is going to have a damned hard job collecting it in the next couple of months.

I think the Minister for Finance passed through Tipperary last Saturday. Perhaps the Minister might remember where he was last Saturday? Was the Minister in Tipperary last Saturday?

I will be replying at the end of the debate.

I guessed the Minister was because somebody said: "Lee Harvey Oswald where are you? Tipperary needs you." That was a Fine Gael farmer's remark at that time. I would not go along with it but I would somewhat agree with the sentiments.

The Minister in his 1974 budget stated that 9,000 farmers only would be affected by the taxation of farming. Being rural representatives, we know that figure could be as high as 30,000 to 40,000 farmers. I am not talking about the £100 valuation man. In my own constituency alone there are 639 farmers with over £100 valuation. I think that is the exact figure. But there are many more who have valuations of more than £20, but who have bad farms and who must go to work in order to make a living for their families. These people are allowed only half the tax allowance. This is a disincentive to them to work away from their farms. However, those who continue to work often resort to what I would consider to be the worst type of farming, that is, dry stock. The responsibility for this situation must rest with the Minister.

There is no help in the budget for those who are endeavouring to provide themselves with homes. The SDA loan of £4,500 is not nearly sufficient to build a house of, say, between 11,000 and 12,000 sq. ft. because, excluding the cost of the site, a house of that size would cost at least £7,000. There is no help in this area from this so-called socially conscious Government.

Neither is there help in the budget for that fast disappearing section, the middle-income group. There is nothing that will help them to acquire loans from building societies or from insurance companies. In the case of the insurance companies, the Minister took money from them to boost his national loans this year which, without this help, would have been a nonevent. The result of this is that people who had hoped to acquire loans from the insurance companies now find that they must continue with bank overdrafts which, if not repaid within the year agreed, are charged at 6 per cent extra.

The increases in drink prices will lead to a recession in the trade. Indeed there had been a recession already as was noticeable at Christmas when there was not the same social activity of other years. To many people in rural Ireland going out for an evening to have a few drinks is the only social activity available. Not only has the Minister hit these people very hard by putting an extra 3p on the pint but he has put the publican in the position in which he may be losing from 4p to 6p on a dozen bottles. This is because the Minister for Industry and Commerce has not stated the position in regard to VAT on these extra charges and the publican pays VAT on general turnover and not on individual items.

Regarding social welfare we are told that there is an overall increase this year of 23 per cent. However we know that inflation last year was running at a rate of 22 per cent. Therefore social welfare increases have only been brought into line with what was the rate of inflation last year. There is nothing to make up for the inbuilt inflation within a deficit budget, which in this budget is greater than was the case last year. May we expect that in the next year the rate of inflation will be in the region of 24 per cent or 25 per cent?

In the case of an old age contributory pensioner the rate is to be increased from £8.50 to £10.50 per week. This increase comes into effect in April and not in January. That extra £2 will be merely enough to buy 1 cwt. of coal while the extra 30p in children's allowance for each child will merely buy one pound of sausages and these would not go far among three or four children. The rate for the non-contributory old age pension and for the blind pension is to be increased from £7.60 to £8.85 per week. At the same time the means test limit is being increased to £600 per year. In other words, a person can have £3,000 or £4,000 in the bank and yet qualify for a weekly allowance of £8.85 from the Department. I am not cribbing about that, but I would point to the anomaly whereby if a person owns his house his allowance will be reduced by 25p per week. Is not that an iniquitous situation? Why not help the person who has nothing?

A more worrying feature of our social welfare code is that in rural Ireland, where the average take-home pay is about £23 per week, a man would be better off to be on the dole. This is a development that should not be encouraged. It would be much better to ensure that workers are paid at least the minimum wages rather than that they would be in the position of being better off drawing unemployment benefit and perhaps doing "nixers" for which they would be paid £5 or £6 per day.

Any country Deputy can tell the number of people on his own labour exchange who are working for a return of £5 or £6 a day. They have no rates or income tax to pay. They have medical cards and, therefore, have no medical expenses to pay. Between children's allowances and social welfare allowances they could get £35 a week. Add to that the "nixer" of £5 a day. That makes £60 a week without any contribution to this country or to our less well-off people. The Minister has aided and abetted that situation. In spite of many representations made about these people to the Departments of Social Welfare and Labour nothing has been done. I know the reasons why in many cases. I know several honest people who are ashamed to draw the dole because of the attitude of some of the investigating officers. The hard-necked professionals, who could walk rings around any Social Welfare Act here, always get away with it. I do not think the Minister is aware of what country people are tolerating with regard to the dole and unemployment. At least 25 per cent of those people in many rural areas need not be on the dole if they want to work.

I know one man who has been on the dole since he was 21 years of age. He is now 39 and has nine children. He has been on the dole for 17 years. Nothing has been done about him because nobody had the courage to get up and condemn or stop him. If the Minister directed the unemployment rates more into the field of food and medicine rather than direct cash payment this would not happen. Many of these cash payments are not going to the wives and families. They are going into the nearest pubs and betting offices, from which the Minister will collect extra revenue.

We are becoming the most over-borrowed country in the world today. Last year the Minister borrowed £200 million and will borrow excessively more this year, according to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. He has dispelled from this country by his doctrinaire policy at least £400 million to £500 million. He will further dispel by his continuing dogmatic attitude towards the capital gains tax any further investment.

Let us recap on the money which has come into this country. It has been in the region of 90 per cent borrowed and 10 per cent investment. All I can say is God help this country and let us hope He speeds it up with a return of a single party which from its own broad base can diversify in times of crisis and not be stuck to doctrinaire policies, such as those of the Coalition Government.

I congratulate the Minister for giving our people such a good budget. In 1973 and 1974 we had very bad harvests and severe winters. That made it difficult for the Minister to do what he did. Due to the severe weather conditions and other reasons, livestock prices tumbled. They enjoyed excellent prices for three or four years. Suddenly the people were faced with a crisis for which they were not prepared.

Cattle prices in the west were around £200 per head, and suckling calves made from £50 to £70. Had it not been for the factories I do not know what the cattle situation would be today. We were critical of the factories because we knew they could have done better but if they had not stepped in many farmers would have faced wholesale losses.

I compliment the Minister for adding to the £750,000 for fodder the generous sum of £2.2 million to help farmers. This is being organised throughout the country by the various committees of agriculture. Vouchers are being sent to the people concerned. I ask the Minister to ensure that the cash is sent to these people as quickly as possible. As I said, this has been a most trying year. The costs of hay and other feedingstuffs are very high.

The Minister has faced up to this crisis. The Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries will let us know about the hill farm scheme around the 11th February. Farmers are looking forward to hearing about this scheme. They hope they will be getting a generous allowance per head for their livestock. Then they will be able to plan for the future.

The £16 beef incentive scheme which has been in operation for some years past is bad. It encouraged farmers to keep more livestock. Some people were so anxious to get the extra £16 per head that they increased their cattle numbers from ten to 20. As a result of the two bad harvests they found themselves in trouble. Under this scheme they had to keep the calves and cows until November or December. The winter had arrived before they decided what they were going to do and the market had dropped. They were left with cows and calves and some of that livestock was from the previous year. I strongly urge the Minister to change this at the first opportunity because in my part of the country it has led to disaster.

I hesitate to interrupt the Deputy, but matters of such detail dealing with agriculture would be more appropriate to another time, perhaps to the Estimate for that Department.

There is a great necessity to spend more money on drainage throughout the country and in particular in the west. For many years very little drainage has been done apart from a few arterial drainage schemes which cost an enormous amount of money. The Government should concentrate on drainage and use some of the EEC grants for this purpose. Colossal losses are being suffered as a result of flooding. There are two schemes in existence to deal with the problem—the arterial drainage scheme and the local improvements scheme and they are not adequate to deal with the problem.

Housing is still a big problem. People are getting married much earlier than they did years ago, many of them hoping for a house in a scheme in their town or village, but of course many of them do not succeed in getting one. I know the Minister for Local Government has told us about his housing target. He has made a very good attempt, but last year we could not carry out many of the plans we had envisaged. I know the Minister is doing his best. Somebody said the Government were not generous enough in giving loans. The Government are reasonably generous in this regard. Only last week a young man called to see me here. He is a bus conductor, which is not one of the top jobs. A building society is prepared to advance him £6,000 to purchase a house or erect one. I do not think we can complain about the loan situation when a young man like that can get a loan of £6,000. The same applies to local authorities and to the EEC. They all advance money where they know it will be well spent. Naturally they must make sure it will be properly spent before they advance it. When the winter is over and livestock prices are higher it will be easier to get loans. All over the country the livestock trade is looking brighter. Marts and fairs have shown a steady improvement in the last week. That is the one thing that will put the country's affairs in order and make it easy for our Government to get on with the work.

Most Deputies have mentioned social welfare benefits. We have gone through two very difficult years and many people did not expect to do so well in the budget. They realised the Minister's difficulties, how cattle prices had deteriorated and the losses suffered on all crops. For that reason it was not easy for the Minister to get money. He certainly gave a generous increase in social welfare benefits. I must congratulate him on the fact that 67 year olds are now eligible for the pension. In two years' time we hope our working people and our farmers will be able to stand side by side with professional people, entitled to a pension at 65 years of age. The years from 67 to 70 were three difficult years for many people. It is a great consolation to them now to get the pension at 67. As well as that the wife at 58 years qualifies for something over £4. That means over £12 going into a home. Any housewife will do a good job with an additional £12 a week.

Prices are high and will continue to rise due to circumstances beyond our control. This is a world wide trend and we cannot escape it. When we were having a rather tough time many people were asking why we joined the Common Market. They forgot to ask what our position would be if we had not joined. It would be much worse. Of late, through the Government, we are getting large amounts of money from the EEC. It was a surprise to many of us to hear that this country had benefited by so many millions in the last 12 months. This will continue. We have a very able representative in our Minister for Foreign Affairs. Our Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries and the rest of the Cabinet will do a good job on behalf of the people. I know they will bring back the best terms available. They know what conditions are. The members of the Cabinet come from many parts of the country and they have the views of the Deputies. They know what the problems are and the amount of money required to help people to live.

Grants are being given to what are known as the disadvantaged areas. We do not know exactly what those areas will receive but we hope to see good results from this scheme. Most people are very happy about this budget. It is impossible to please everybody in a budget. You will always have some people who do not come in under the various benefits but throughout the west of Ireland all the people will receive something. I was glad to see this year that an allowance was given to single elderly women, who very often found it hard to live because they remained at home possibly to look after their mothers or fathers and when their parents died they were left without anything to live on. Those people now find they have a small pension to help them in their remaining years.

It has being most interesting listening to Members on the Government side of the House praising this budget when most people know that it will do nothing whatever to expand the economy. The Minister was not able to balance the books for the current financial year and we now have another large deficit. The capital programme will be financed by going to the Arabs for £100 million, if they will advance the money, and something in the region of £158 million will have to be borrowed from any financial house in this country that will lend it.

No money is made available to the private industrialist because it has all been gobbled up by the Government to keep the services of the nation in operation and to keep the wheels of the Department of Finance moving. The money that is borrowed is costing something in the region of £200 million to service at the moment. What will it cost us to service the money which the Minister intends to borrow now? We must remember that if you go to the Sheik of Araby or some other Sheik you have to pay a very high interest rate for the money you borrow. Some of those people might do what they did with the English Chancellor of the Exchequer.

There is nothing in this budget for expansion in industry or nothing for expansion in housing. When inflation is taken into account there is a great increase in the price of houses. House building is a very large industry but no capital is being given to the private sector, which is almost at a standstill. In Offaly if a man wants to buy a new house he finds it very difficult to get a loan from the banks. The banks are also very slow in giving bridging loans because they find the money is not paid back very quickly. They are also afraid that, when they give a loan of, say, £4,500 it will not be sufficient to build the house and more money will be required.

I was amazed to see nothing in the budget in relation to an increase in the income limit and the amount of house loans which borrowers could receive from local authorities. The amount of money given at the moment is completely unrealistic when inflation is taken into consideration. The average cost of a house of 1,000 sq. ft. is about £7,000 and you have to add on £1,000 for the cost of the site. When the person building the house gets the grant from the local authority he has to make up the difference of about £2,900. How can any young man afford to pay that before he even puts a stick of furniture into his house? This is what has brought about a standstill in the private sector of housebuilding.

It is very difficult to get money from building societies. I cannot understand why the Minister did not give some concessions to building societies which would be a big incentive to depositors and Irish people abroad to come back and invest their money here. People will not invest here if they find they would be taxed to the hilt. It may be said they will do it for love of the country. It is love of the pocket now. Therefore, it is a grave mistake on the part of the Government and the Minister not to give tax relief on amounts up to £10,000 to the building societies and other financial concerns. They badly need a boost. It would make more money available for the building of houses, for industrial expansion and for agriculture. Maybe the Minister would be afraid of the criticisms which might come down on his head if he decided to do that. But it must be remembered that we have only 50 years of self-government behind us. You might say we are a developing economy and a developing nation also. I do not see all the wealth some organisations are talking abount, such as NITRO. There may be a small section of the community here who are wealthy but there is no great wealth amongst the business and farming sectors, especially now. Therefore, there would not have been much of an argument against the Minister if he had given this tax relief. An inflow of capital is badly needed.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs said earlier that our reserves had stood up well, but if the rate of inflation is considered, they have not stood up that well. If you take the inflow of capital, you will have to admit that up to 90 per cent of that was borrowed money and that only 10 per cent of it was finance that was invested back in here.

I was amazed that the Minister did not afford some protection for the textile and footwear industries. I understand—and I want to be constructive on this—that we have obligations in the EEC and certain undertakings must be given. Nevertheless, if the present trend continues, a grave situation will exist. I come from a constituency in which the major employers are in textiles and footwear. If competition from outside continues, even outside EEC countries to the extent of cheap garments and footwear being dumped here, it will have an adverse effect on these industries. According to the report from the task force that came to examine the footwear industry, there is nothing they can do for us, and we are back to square one. However, as far as I know, it is open to us to renegotiate any of the terms on which we entered the EEC. Last year the Minister for Industry and Commerce should have brought to the notice of the people in Brussels that a serious situation was developing. I do not want to say anything that would damage any of these industries, but if nothing is done in this regard the inevitable will happen, more redundancy and great difficulty in keeping the doors open.

Before Christmas the Minister also increased the tax on petrol by 15p. His explanation for that was that it would lower imports of oil. People in the country depend on their cars to take them to work. Most of them in my area travel up to 20 miles per day. Many firms are depending on petrol to supply supermarkets, stores and so on. What is happening now? All the firms that are caught by these higher costs are applying for increases in their products, and those increases will be passed on to the people.

If revenue is required it must be obtained on something that is daily and hourly in demand. It is no use putting it on clothes and so on, because we can wear those for a good while. Petrol is in demand daily and the Minister went for that because it brings him in about £35 million, money he badly needed for the Exchequer. However, the big petrol dealers have informed me that there is a reduction of something like 25 per cent in sales. That means that the collection of revenue to the Minister will be less. There will also be a reduction in VAT, and it seems that the Minister is relying on the same turnover for VAT as last year. With sales falling I simply cannot see VAT holding its own and I have no doubt that later in the year the Minister will be bringing in yet another budget to try to rectify the position. That will be a sad blow to the people because the Minister will have to opt for direct taxation and that will hit everybody.

I do not know what the Minister's idea was in bringing in a wealth tax. Presumably he did this under pressure from the Labour Party. The introduction of that tax resulted in the withdrawal of something in the region of £300 million from the country last year. People lost confidence in the country. The Minister realised what was happening and he toned down the Bill later; he saw the reaction to it on the part of the public and on the part of the farming community.

Talking about farmers, farmers are not afraid of paying income tax. However, in the last two years the income of the small farmer in particular has decreased by something in the region of 60 per cent while his costs have spiralled by as much as 100 per cent in some cases. Diesel oil which cost him 9p at one time is now costing him 23p a gallon. Cattle prices are falling. I could not understand the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries allowing the meat factories to clean up at the expense of the farmers. It was the factory who decided what cattle they would take, when they would take them, what they would pay and to whom they would pay it. Inspectors should have been placed in the factories and the marts to examine the cattle and decide what cattle should get the slaughter premium. I know farmers who were lucky to get their cattle into the factories but, when I asked them how much they would get, they were not able to tell me. They were hoping for the best. Who got this money? Certainly the farmers did not get it. Had they got it it would have meant an extra £33 on average to the farmer and that would have been a great help to him. Sending inspectors might have caused staffing problems but the problem was not an insurmountable one. The farmer was at the mercy of the people running the factories and they were quite ruthless.

Postal charges have increased enormously. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs seems more interested in the international situation than he is in the domestic situation. The telephone system is appalling.

Where industry is concerned many small firms will be in serious difficulty. One industry badly hit is the coach-building industry. They are faced with competition from imports. Imports are affecting them very adversely and redundancies are actually taking place. Small firms are finding it hard to get overdraft accommodation. If one is doing well the banks will help but, if one is on one's knees, the banks will do nothing to help. I suppose they have to ensure that every £ they lend will be well spent. Three banks had a clear profit of £18 million but, even with that profit, they will not help those who need help. The time the farmer, the industrialist or the businessman needs help most is when he hits a bad patch, when he is going through a bad time through no fault of his own. The banks have not given as much assistance as they could. Overdraft accommodation and new loans are almost impossible to negotiate and where a person is not able to repay bridging loans within the required time he may be required to pay an interest rate of 20 per cent. I know of cases where borrowers had to repay the banks an extremely high interest rate.

The Government have handled the mining industry very badly. I am told that certain people went to the Minister when he would not give them a lease and said they would do the job if he gave them the money but he refused to do this. Mining is a highly technical industry and I admit we have not as many experts as we would like but the Government should have negotiated. I do not mean they should have sold out but certainly they should have tried to negotiate in order to maintain people in employment. Some of my constituents were involved in the mining industry; they got loans and built houses but now they are in a dreadful plight. Some of them have had to leave the country but the people who remained have had to pay as much as £10 per week in loan repayments.

With regard to drink prices, it may have been all right to increase the price of whiskey and brandy but the taxation on the pint, the drink of the ordinary man, was too much. There has been a reduction in drink consumption and some publicans have said that there has been a fall in revenue of 25 per cent. It appears the Minister will not get the return he expected from this source.

The increases in social welfare are welcome but by the time they come into operation on 1st April their value will have been eroded. At the moment there are many applications for price increases on essential items before the National Prices Commission who will be recommending them to the Minister. If firms are not allowed the increases there will be further redundancies and the closure of businesses. Employers are faced with the prospect of finding an extra 10 per cent increase and this amounts on average to £3.50 per week for each employee. When some employers were pressed by the unions and workers to give this additional money they agreed to pay it but they let go a certain number of their employees.

The increase in social welfare will cost approximately £28 million but the Minister has not told us the cost of the stamp. More than likely the employees will have to pay the major portion. I am told the stamp may cost as much as £5 per week. If that happens the Minister will collect £42 million, thus giving the Exchequer an extra £14 million. Anyone who is working will have to pay the cost of the stamp. The increase in the tax allowance will be of little value because in the long run the taxpayer will have to pay more to the Exchequer.

The Minister increased the health contributions significantly. We are in the situation that each month measures have been introduced which entail an increase in taxation. The Government are in trouble with chemists, doctors and many others but they cannot bulldoze these people into agreements. There will have to be negotiations and the sooner that is done the better.

I do not see any hope of economic growth this year. Each week there are further redundancies and the inflationary rate increases. There will be a serious situation when equal pay is introduced. This applies particularly to the textile industry, a concern that is going through a rough period. I can see those who employ a large number of females reducing the number of their staff because they will be faced with a huge wage bill.

I am not saying that females are not entitled to equal pay for equal work. That is all right provided companies are able to pay the wage bill. In this regard also I hope the State will be able to pay the bill when equal pay comes into operation in the Civil Service. It will cost the State an enormous amount of money. I can see the Minister going on the borrowing market anywhere and everywhere. There are more avenues open to him now than before. He can go to the European Bank and the Arabs but they will dictate the terms, the length of time he will have to pay the loan back and the interest he will have to pay.

There has been no increase whatsoever in the amount for road grants. In my constituency when one takes into consideration the rising cost of material and increased wages the total amount left for road works will be 37 per cent of the amount allocated. Administration costs alone will account for 63 per cent of the amount allocated. In Offaly and Laois all the county councils are able to do is patch because they do not have money for anything else. I should like to ask the Minister how it is that in Offaly where they collect in the region of £300,000 in Road Fund tax they only receive a grant of something like two-thirds of that sum. Because a lot of the roads in that county go through bogs they are more difficult to maintain and, consequently, necessitate more repair work than roads in other counties.

We have only a limited amount of primary roads that qualify for a 100 per cent State grant. In my view all the Offaly and Laois county councils will be able to do is to keep the wheels turning as they did last year. They must cut back on some of the major proposals brought before the councillors in view of the fact that the Government grant will not amount to very much. On the question of local improvement schemes I should like to remind the Minister that we have not received any allocation so far. We would need something in the region or £80,000 to clear the backlog alone. I do not know what the position will be but I can see further deterioration of the roads in the midlands because we have received no extra money. We need at least 20 per cent more of an allocation to keep up with the rising costs of materials and increases in wages. It should be remembered that just over a year ago a gallon of tar cost 9p while now it costs 22p.

For the financial year ending 31st December last we had a deficit of £92 million. Allowances to the public service have now created a further major deficit. Is it now the intention of the Minister to keep borrowing and borrowing until we cannot go anywhere else? This is something we will have to face up to. It may be easy for the Minister to borrow now because he is doing so on the credibility of Fianna Fáil who were always creditworthy at home and abroad. When Fianna Fáil floated a national loan it was over-subscribed. The last loan floated before we left office, in November, 1972, was for £25 million but we got £35 million. We got it because the people had confidence in us to do a good job. They had also confidence in us to spend the money wisely and properly.

At present the Minister goes for small amounts, in the region of £12 million or £15 million. If one looks at the subscription list one will see that most of that is given from the Minister's own resources and not from the public. None of the loans floated by this Government even at an interest rate of 12 per cent, have been oversubscribed. Why they have not been, at such an interest rate, is something I cannot understand and something that baffles me. Those who invest in such loans here are liable to income tax while foreigners do not have to pay tax. That is not fair. An Irish person investing in a national loan is lucky if he gets a return of 8 per cent and that is not very encouraging. The Minister should do something about that. Perhaps there is a reason for it that I know nothing about but I should like to have it explained. It should be looked into. The Minister would receive much more finance if the depositor here was not taxed. He will not invest here if he is to be taxed at 35 per cent. Taking it all in all, that is not a very happy position for the investor to find himself in.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs said he hoped that we on this side of the House would be constructive in matters concerning the good of the nation. Nobody can say that we have not been constructive on this side of the House. We always spoke out on anything we thought was worthwhile and would be of benefit to the nation. I hope that a new national wage agreement will be negotiated. It would be a disaster if the talks broke down and we ended up with a free for all. I hope common sense will prevail and that the agreement between employers and employees will be honoured.

I like to be constructive and responsible. I do not like to lambaste anybody or to browbeat anybody. I admit that the employers felt the squeeze because at the time of the negotiations before the last agreement they did not realise they would be caught for this extra 10 per cent. The agreement was negotiated and it had to be honoured. Employers may be more wary about the new agreement but I hope the negotiations will be brought to a fruitful conclusion.

We have pay-related benefits for the unemployed but, when the first six months have passed and there are no pay-related benefits, we will have the squeeze. Then we will see the position, and then the trouble will start. At the moment some people are not inclined to work because with pay-related benefit and sick benefit they can make more money by staying at home. Between the insurance stamp, PAYE, and other stoppages, they would lose something like £2 to £3 a week.

Unemployment benefit is costing something in the region of £2½ million a week. This is an enormous sum. I can see no early reduction in the number unemployed. I believe the figure will move up because the Government have done nothing to boost building and other industrial concerns. Nothing has been done for the building industry in which we have had most of the unemployment. Some of the biggest builders have decided to pull out with their machinery and go to England, Scotland, or somewhere else. That was a severe blow to the country and a severe blow to the workers in the building industry, some of whom have been with the builders for 18 to 20 years. When a person has been in the building industry for a long time it is not easy for him to turn to any other trade. Thanks to Fianna Fáil we have redundancy payments but they are of little help to the workers because they will only tide them over for a few months.

Having regard to the financial programme which the Minister laid before the House I can see no expansion in the economy. I see more unemployment in the building industry and many schemes being held up because of lack of finance. Many of the schemes the Minister may have in mind will depend on his ability to borrow. The Minister will have to rob the subsidiary banks and the merchant banks to keep the affairs of the nation in operation. Last June the Central Bank made about £20 million available to the public. When I made inquiries I was told that that money had been gobbled up by the Government to keep the services in operation.

How can the private sector of the community expect to get finance if the Government are eating up all the money available? If the Minister takes all the money there is nothing left to enable the builder, the industrialist and the farmer to expand. When the banks are cornered they say: "It is the Central Bank. They sent us a directive." When the Central Bank are cornered they say: "The Government have the squeeze on us." In some of their statements the Central Bank have not been too sympathetically disposed towards the Government. They said that many of the proposals would run us into inflation and into serious problems.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 5th February, 1975.
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