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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 Feb 1975

Vol. 277 No. 10

Private Members' Business: - House Building Industry: Motion

I move:

That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that, in view of the crisis in the private sector of the house building industry, provision should now be made for

(a) an increase in the local authority maximum new house loan limit to £6,000 and in the income limit to £3,000;

(b) a 50 per cent increase in new house grants;

(c) the abolition of liability for income tax on interest paid by building societies on deposits up to £5,000;

(d) the granting of trustee status to building societies; and

(e) the charging of fixed interest rates on building society mortgages.

We are urging the Minister to accept this motion to revitalise the private sector of the house building industry. We have two main objectives. The first and basic one is to give to as many people as possible a real opportunity to build their own homes. The second objective—to reduce unemployment—is of particular significance at the present time when the unemployment rate has soared to approximately 100,000.

It is generally accepted that no industry is as capable of giving a response in added employment as quickly as the building industry can. I feel, given the necessary financial assistance, that the private sector of the building industry is capable of providing a dramatic increase in employment.

There is little need for me to stress the necessity to enable as many people as possible to build their own homes. Apart from any other consideration, the more people who build their own homes the less is the strain placed on local authority housing, and the better opportunity those people who could never hope to build their own homes have of getting a local authority house at an early date. The desirability of creating this kind of situation is particularly apparent to Members of this House who are being constantly requested by young married couples, often with young families living in intolerable conditions, to help them to get a house so that they can live normal lives and get away from surroundings where they must cook, eat, sleep and live with their children in a single room and, in urban areas particularly, often up three or four flights of stairs.

Anything that can be done to improve the lot of these people must be done as a matter of urgency, and we are suggesting that improving conditions relative to loans and grants will help them directly or indirectly. It will help them directly by enabling them to build their own homes, or indirectly by reducing the list of applicants for local authority houses. There are applicants on the list for local authority houses for long periods of time. In some areas it is not possible to get a house unless there are one or two children in the family. If we are to make real progress in housing these people, we must accelerate the housing drive on all fronts, but what I am mainly concerned with here is accelerating the housing drive in the private sector.

There is another reason why it is desirable that people, where possible, should build their own homes. In rural Ireland, for example, people tend to build their houses where they themselves were reared. This ensures the continued viability of the area in question, because the facilities already available, such as churches, schools and halls, continue to be fully utilised. This, in turn, saves the State considerable financial outlay. In my experience, local authorities tend to build groups of houses around existing villages and to bring people in need of these houses from the more rural areas, whether they wish to come there or not. This ultimately results in much greater expenditure by the State on, for example, new schools or extensions to schools, while existing schools and other facilities in rural areas are utilised at less than half of their capacity.

The contributions from this side of the House during the budget debate stressed the need to make the best possible use of Government expenditure to stimulate employment. We are, therefore, very disappointed to find that the Government have done little or nothing to make the necessary funds available to lift the private housing sector of the construction industry out of the doldrums in which it finds itself at present. It is a truism that when the building and construction industry is buoyant, then the whole economy is in a healthy state, and of course, the opposite is equally true. It is, therefore, a matter of concern that the increase in the capital budget for the construction industry generally barely keeps pace with inflation and takes no account of continuing escalating prices, and that the private housing sector does not even reach this level. Extra assistance in this field would be particularly helpful, because most of the materials used are home-produced, and because of the considerable employment in ancillary industries.

The private housing sector has been particularly badly hit over the past two years. Little positive action has been taken by the Government to cope with the inflationary trends in respect of loans and grants for private housing, and I think there is general agreement now that the present level of loans and grants and the qualifying income limits are unrealistic. The present income limit to qualify for a local authority loan is £2,350 per annum. This limit has remained static since September, 1973. The cost of living has been escalating since that period, and this certainly has not eased the problems of the married man with a family trying to provide a home. Since September, 1973, wages and salaries have been increased more than once, but these increases, at best, simply kept pace with the cost of living, with the inflationary trend, and did not improve the standard of living of those who received the increases.

One thing, however, these increases in income did in many instances was to remove a considerable number of people outside the qualifying income limit for local authority housing loans and supplementary grants. People's living standards have not improved one iota, but their prospects of building a home of their own have reached zero level, because they were no longer entitled to a local authority loan or grant. I had a case recently where a person called at the local authority office to apply for a housing loan. He was told to get a certificate of income from his employer, which happened to be a State Department. He called at the Department to get the certificate and was told it would be sent on. It was not sent on for quite a long time. In the meantime his income increased, and he was then ineligible. I need not tell the Minister how this man felt about his position.

The point I am making here is that if, by reason of a cost of living increase in wages or salary, a person finds himself outside the income limit for a housing loan or grant, then he is in an infinitely worse position than he was. His standard of living has not changed, and I am convinced this situation must, in justice, be rectified by increasing the qualifying income limit. This then is the request we are making, that the income limit should be raised to £3,000 per annum. There is nothing unusual in this proposal. Similar action has been taken in other fields to cope with the inflationary situation. We are simply trying to ensure that citizens will not be penalised when monetary increases are granted which merely hold the standard of living at the level at which it had been. It is possible for a person earning a gross income of over £3,000 a year to be housed by the local authority if he falls within the housing priority category. I have no objection at all to this. But it is an anomaly that the very same person, if he wished to build his own house, could receive no assistance of any kind from the local authority.

The new house loan limit, which is now £4,500, again is unrealistic in present circumstances. The loan level has not been altered for a long time. It was introduced in May, 1973, which is the best part of two years ago, and in a period which was bedevilled, as it was, by rampant inflation, it is not necessary for me to refer to the length of time since its introduction, because that is hardly relevant. There is little doubt that the level of the loan is deterring people from building their own homes or from buying houses which are built by speculative builders. The price of a three-bedroomed house, including the site and so on, is now about £7,000, and I understand this price will not remain at this level for very much longer. I am giving an average price here and, in fact, a relatively low average. The present maximum loan level, added to the State grant and to the supplementary grant, where the person building the house is entitled to a local authority supplementary grant £5,150, and this leaves a deficit of approximately £2,000 in round figures.

Now, while the Government may have same hope of getting loans to cover their budget deficits, a private individual with an income of less than £2,350, a married man with a family, has very poor prospects of getting a loan sufficient to make up the difference between the cost of the house and the money available to him by way of loan and grant. Where can he turn to get this money? The banks are not the easiest places to get money, especially when they know already that the prospective house buyer will have to commit himself to making repayments of his local authority loan. Even if the banks were willing to make a loan available, and I am informed that they are not so willing, it would be a short-term loan only, at high interest rates, and these would mean particularly high repayments in principal and interest. If one were to add these short-term loan repayments to the local authority loans repayments, and view the lot in the context of the maximum income permissible, it is not hard to see how difficult the task is for a private individual anxious to build a house for himself and his family.

A person who borrows £4,500 maximum loan pays it back over a 35-year period at 10½ per cent. That is the position in my county and I imagine it is no different in other counties. The annual repayment on this money is £480 or £9.35p per week. If the prospective house purchaser must get a loan from a finance company of £1,500 on top of this—I am assuming though it is a considerable assumption, that he has saved £500—the finance company will give him the loan, according to the information available to me, over a two-year period only and his repayments will be at the rate of £70.40p a month. I might add that I have been told on good authority— and, in case it might be assumed the information was biased, it was not by a builder—that my estimate of £2,000 as the extra money needed is too low. However I am working on that basis and on the basis that the man has saved £500. If we add the rate payable to the local authority and that payable to the finance company and deduct the total from the maximum permitted income we get some idea of the problems facing a person anxious to build his own home, particularly when one takes cognisance of the fact that the cost of living is constantly rising rapidly.

Our proposal is that a loan of £6,000 should be made available with the same rate of interest applying over the 35-year period. The annual yearly repayment would be £648 or approximately £12 a week. That would be appreciably less than the total bill facing such a prospective house purchaser in present circumstances. If our proposal is not adopted I have no doubt that many of those anxious and willing to build their own homes will be compelled to join the queue for local authority housing, very often in the knowledge that they have no chance of getting such a house for a considerable time, unless they have families, and this is a condition which is rarely explicitly stated but which is very much there in practice. As well as that, these people are reducing the prospect of getting houses of those who are unable under any circumstances to build houses for themselves.

I have no doubt the Minister will comment on the fact that repayments on a £6,000 loan would be greater than they would be on a £4,500 loan. This argument was made some time ago when a similar suggestion was being opposed. I have already pointed out that the repayments on the £6,000 local authority loan would be much less than the repayments on a £4,500 local authority loan plus the finance company loan repayments. I would also point out that we propose the qualifying income limit should be £3,000 per annum. We are also proposing that an increase of 50 per cent in new house grants should be made available. With the rapid increase in living costs since the motion was tabled I am not all that sure how long that figure of £3,000 income limit will be a realistic one.

Grants have not been increased since September, 1973, and I would point out that, just as in the case of loans, the present grant levels are much too low particularly when they are related to the present qualifying income level which, for supplementary grants, is something in the region of £1,900 per annum. In my view these are entirely inadequate in this highly inflationary period in which we are living. The purpose of the grants was to encourage people to build their own homes. They symbolised the desire of the State to help out. The grant is now a very much smaller fraction of the total cost of the house and the level must be rectified if justice is to be done. The present level is £325. Increasing it by 50 per cent would mean an addition of about £160, which is little enough in present circumstances.

In most cases those who wish to build their own homes are married people with children. With a qualifying income of £2,300 per annum no one would have any great amount of money to spare. A change must be made here and, on due consideration, I am sure the Minister will agree that this is so. Those who are within the local authority grants qualifying income limit anxious to build their own homes are having a very considerable burden deliberately placed on their shoulders. They accept this burden and, by doing so, are not only benefiting themselves ultimately but are also benefiting society generally. This is, therefore, something that should be encouraged. I do not think one could honestly say they are being encouraged under the present loan and grant system. Indeed, the opposite is true. It is time we faced up to our responsibilities in this and this motion is now giving the Minister an opportunity of playing his part.

The amount of money allocated for 1975 for private housing grants is about equal to the amount provided last year in the period April to December, a nine-months' period, and the only conclusion one can come to is that the Government must be anticipating a fall in the production and supply of private housing. Even at equal money terms it would be necessary to make available about £1.7 million more—and that is not taking the inflationary situation into consideration—if we were to produce the same number of houses as last year.

Building societies have contributed considerably to the provision of houses. The societies are not without their faults but our housing problems would be much more acute were it not for the contribution of the building societies during the years. Much can be done to improve this contribution, to increase efficiency and to give a better service to the borrowers. However, that may be debated at another time. I am concerned about how we can improve the inflow of money into the building societies so that they may be able to provide loans for a greater number of people. In that way they will help more people to build their houses and they will assist in giving employment.

The first proposal in the motion with regard to this matter is that the liability for income tax paid by building societies on deposits up to £5,000 should be abolished. This is not the first time this proposal has been made by our party; it was made on two separate occasions. So far as I remember it was turned down by the Government on the ground that it was not feasible, that if this were done for building societies one would be expected to do it for various groupings who are engaged in encouraging financial investment. I would be inclined to agree that in normal circumstances one would need to exercise care in such matters, but the Minister knows as well as I that as far as the private sector of the construction industry is concerned these are not normal times. They are far from it; a desperate situation needs exceptional remedies that might not necessarily be adopted at other times. On the basis of our social commitment to housing the proposal we are making is a reasonable one.

So far as building societies are concerned, the great problem is the need to attract further investment. When I say it is a great problem for the societies, that necessarily means it is a problem for the borrowers also. It is essential that investment conditions should be so attractive in the societies that they will find it possible to encourage people to invest rather than to leave the money stagnating or to invest it in less useful ways so far as the country and the economy are concerned.

In order to do this the terms must be special. This is what we are asking the Government to do, and what we would do if we were in office. What we propose would be attractive to investors and it would ensure that many people who are outside the local authority income qualifying limit would be able to get loans to build their houses. I am sure the Minister will agree with me that where it is necessary to impose a means test limit for State aid, whether in regard to higher education grants, medical cards or local authority housing loans, those just outside the limit are the hardest hit. Often they are in a more invidious and difficult situation than many on a lower income when they wish to avail of third-level education, when there is regular need of a doctor or when they wish to build a house. They are forced to rely almost entirely on their own resources and these resources are meagre enough when they have met all the costs.

It should be remembered that as a group these people are as anxious to own their own homes as any other section but there is no alternative method available to them to do so. The fact is that, if they cannot get a loan from a building society, many must forego their hopes and prospects of getting their own home. Bank loans and finance company loans are of little use to them because they are short-term, they carry high interest rates and the repayments are usually too heavy. If the Government accept our proposal regarding the tax remission on interest, I am convinced the inflow of money into the building societies would be unprecedented. The fillip this would give to the private housing sector would take up a considerable share of the slack in the area of unemployment at a time when it is most needed.

In section (d) of the motion we are proposing a further measure that will make investment not only more attractive but possible in certain circumstances where it is not possible at the moment. We are suggesting that the granting of trustee status to the building societies would be a considerable help. As things stand at the moment, building societies have not trustee status and therefore, trustees of various types of funds must invest their clients' money in what are tantamount to being gilt-edge securities. Because of this it is not possible for them to invest the money in building societies. This results in a considerable loss of revenue by the societies and it is a great loss to the nation generally because the money could be channelled into housing loans with a resultant upsurge in the building industry. This proposal is a reasonable one and, if the Minister is not prepared to accept it, perhaps he will give his reasons. Is it that the Minister for Finance is uneasy that the money would not be available to him for other purposes? If that is the case and if we knew what were the other purposes, we would be in a position to judge if what we are proposing would be as acceptable and beneficial as what the Minister proposes to do with it.

Section (c), which deals with the charging of a fixed rate of interest on building society mortgages, is important. It is generally accepted that it puts an intolerable burden on some people when the original mortgage rate is increased very considerably. The fact is that the local authority loan interest rates are frozen in the sense that the rate charged when a person receives the loan is the same rate which prevails throughout the period of the loan. This is a very satisfactory situation because the borrower can always budget for the future. He knows exactly what his repayments will be and, therefore, he is in a position to decide on other financial matters. The position is quite different in relation to loans from building societies. Repayments very and depend on the cost of money at any given time.

For years the trend has been in one direction only, upwards. Interest rates have been increased quite often and this means that the borrower cannot budget for the future because he does not know what his outgoings will be in regard to his mortgage repayments. The tensions and pressures of family life which result from this type of situation are very severe and the least I would ask the Minister to do in this respect is to consider the points I have made. It is unfair that a client who is offered financial assistance at a certain rate of interest should have that rate changed to meet the exigencies of the moment.

It would be wrong for me to suggest that it would be easy to find a solution to this problem but any solution would need State financial involvement. I am aware of the fact that the Government in the past made a subsidy available to the societies but this was only for a couple of years and was of little use to the societies who loaned money over a long period but what will happen when the subsidies are withdrawn? A bigger loan and an increased grant necessitate a greater subvention from the Exchequer. It would be of little use to make larger loans and grants available from the same amount of money because, obviously, this would defeat the whole purpose of the motion.

In moving this motion I should like to point out that we understand the problems but we are willing to face up to them. There is a difficulty at present in obtaining money from building societies. Some of those with whom I have had contact since I was made Opposition spokesman on local government affairs have set conditions such as that the applicant must have money invested in that society for a number of years before a loan is made available. There is also a condition whereby the loan is related to the applicant's income. I have no doubt that if the inflow of money into the societies is increased, as would happen if our proposal was accepted, more money would be available for borrowers and the restrictions would be less onerous.

Everybody is aware that the building industry is a labour intensive one employing mainly male workers but it also gives considerable employment in ancillary industries and builders' providers. The manufacture of the commodities associated with the construction industry gives considerable employment when that industry is doing well but when it is seriously and detrimentally affected as at present employment falls. There is no need for me to list the commodities or the industries affected by the recession in the construction industry but everybody knows that if the demand for these commodities falls off there is unemployment, redundancy and short-time working.

Many of the ancillary industries have been severely hit in recent times; some, in fact, have closed down. Builders' providers are also severely affected by the slowing down in the construction industry. The Minister has insisted that there is nothing wrong in the industry, an attitude which I find difficult to accept when I see the difficulties and problems facing the private housing sector in my constituency. I should like to make it clear that I am not questioning the Minister's veracity but I find it difficult to equate his point of view of the situation with conditions in my constituency. The figures for completed houses of all kinds between April and November of last year, as compared with the number for the previous year, are down and money for private house grants is less than it was in former years. In my view if the number of privately built houses is to be increased more money will have to be made available.

From statistics published to date there is a continuous decline in the sales of cement in 1974 as compared with 1973. This was underlined today in the reply given by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach to a question put down by Deputy Cronin. I imagine that statistics in relation to the cement industry are one of the best barometers available as regards the progress or otherwise in the building industry. I know of a large construction firm in my constituency which obtained planning permission to build 400 private houses but, after they had completed 130, stopped because of the lack of purchasers. These houses, in so far as I can ascertain, were, in present circumstances, very reasonably priced but the potential buyers were unable to obtain a deposit of the difference between the loan plus grants and the price of the house.

Among the many workers in the building trade at present unemployed are skilled tradesmen. I should like to make it clear that I am not interested in anything except improving the output of houses. I would like it if we could clear up the confusion which appears to exist in relation to the industry. Statements are being issued by all sides which completely contradict each other. I am not blaming anybody because it is possible to interpret statistics in many ways. If we could get clearly in our minds exactly what the position is, we could make better progress.

It is true to say that, with regard to the building of houses in the private sector, there is ample evidence in the official figures published—and from our own observations—to show that things are not as good as they might be. I would, therefore, ask the Minister to give favourable consideration to the proposals set out in the motion so that this very important sector of the industry can be restored once again to its full vitality.

If the Minister accepts the motion and puts its terms into operation, not only will he be doing a good job in helping those who are interested in buying or building their own houses to achieve their aims but he will also, in a time of serious unemployment, help to reduce the number unemployed. I have no doubt that the Minister is as concerned about this matter as we are on this side of the House. I believe that if the terms of the motion as put forward were accepted, this would have a beneficial effect all round.

In Opposition Deputy Faulkner has deservedly earned a reputation for a calm, rational, clear-cut exposition of his views. I am sure that when he hears the arguments from the Government side, and particularly from the Minister, he will accept the merits of a great many of those arguments. I would contrast the comments made by him with some of the more hysterical propaganda which one has heard in relation to the private house sector and some of the difficulties with which that sector has been faced. I would contrast his constructive statements with some of the very special pleading, some of the very selective pleading, made by some spokesmen for some sectors of the industry, notably the official sectors on the federation side.

It is essential, as Deputy Faulkner suggested, that we should be quite clear in our minds as to what we are talking about. My experience of the industry is limited admittedly. It is largely on the trade union side and, at present, it is limited largely to membership of a local authority, Dublin County Council. It is important that we should put the private house sector in its proper perspective in its overall relationship within the construction industry.

We know that housing generally accounts for 40 per cent of the total output of the construction industry. It is generally accepted that about one-third of the industry is accounted for by the private house building sector. Taking a rough statistic, on this motion we are talking about one-third of the overall construction industry. This is the first important point one must bear in mind in relation to this motion.

One has to take into account what has occurred in the industry. One must go on the record of the past and contrast the past with the current situation. Then one can put it in its proper perspective. The statistics show —and I am sure Deputy Faulkner will not dispute these statistics because they were compiled during his term as a member of the Fianna Fáil Cabinet—that in 1970-71, 13,671 houses were completed. At that time Fianna Fáil were very proud of that record. In 1971-72, 13,921 houses were completed. In 1972-73, 21,647 houses were completed. In none of those three years was there alleged to be a crisis in the private house sector. The number of houses completed in 1973-74 was 25,365. With the reasonable knowledge of estimates we have, we can be assured that the number of houses completed in 1974 will exceed that figure.

It is difficult to reconcile these simple facts with statements made about the overall house construction side, public and private. If one is honest one takes into account the very substantial growth in the public sector and the relatively small decline in the private house sector. It must be put in its proper perspective. In that context one cannot accept the doomsday pronouncements of the Fianna Fáil spokesmen. I do not accuse Deputy Faulkner of that tendency but I deplore those at local authority level and in this House who try to convey an overall impression to the industry, and to the construction sector at large, that there is a general catastrophe in the construction industry. That is not so. There are undoubted difficulties in some areas of the private house sector, but the overall picture is exceptionally good. I have not the slightest doubt that when the recovery comes, a more substantial recovery in 1975, the Fianna Fáil Party will have to eat their words.

Sweeping allegations were made in this House in July, 1973. They were even more hysterical in November, 1973, when we had been some six months in office. It was alleged that the construction industry was in a state of total and absolute collapse. Early in 1974 the Minister was being "bet around the head"—not that he takes that exercise too lightly—when it was suggested that he was presiding over the carrying to the grave of the coffin of the construction industry. Of course, that did not happen, and many Fianna Fáil Deputies had to eat their words in the middle of 1974.

Towards the end of 1974 we had the same ollagoning in this House and there were special pleadings from some spokesmen of some sectors on the outside, and particularly from one noted spokesman. I will not refer to his name. He is well known. He has never yet produced any supporting data despite his sweeping allegations, which I have experienced at local authority level and which we have had to refute. Fianna Fáil have fallen into the old occupational hazard of politics that if you grossly overstate your case in the end nobody takes you too seriously.

The Members of the Opposition have failed to realise that this Government provided far greater financial assistance for the construction and house building industry than any previous Government. We have given unprecedented financial support to the construction industry. In the nine months from April to December, 1974, a total of £189 million—the equivalent of £240 million in a full year— was provided in the public capital programme to generate work for this industry. In 1975, the corresponding provision was some £300 million.

These figures belie the assertions by Fianna Fáil that this Government have completely neglected the construction industry. I agree with Deputy Faulkner that our economy requires a very active building and construction sector to cater for new demands for new schools, new houses, new factories, and so on, which our people require. The harsh and correct fact is that we have provided the money.

I know no Minister for Local Government in our history who has shown such tenacity in getting money for the public housing programme and getting it used in the general construction industry on the public housing side. Housing accounts for about 40 per cent of the total output of the construction industry and it is clear that measures taken to increase housing output may have had a beneficial effect on the construction industry generally. When this Government came into office we declared our intention of raising housing output to 25,000 dwellings annually, a most ambitious target. If the figure dropped 100 below 25,000—bearing in mind that Fianna Fáil had 13,000 in 1970— there would be an outburst of hysterical dismay by the Fianna Fáil Party.

I regard targets as necessary and valuable and we have reached the target but if we go up or down by 1,000 I shall not do a war dance. The aim is general stability and that is what we have provided.

In 1973-74 the target was achieved with 25,365 houses. In that year a total of £68.22 million was provided in the public capital programme specifically for housing. The provision in the nine months of 1974 was £71.05 million and this year it is £101.5 million. These figures clearly underline our commitment towards the maintenance of a progressive housing programme and as a result of our positive action housing output in the last calendar year was 25,402 dwellings. I emphatically point out to Fianna Fáil that in 1973 and in 1974 they caused a good deal of uneasiness in the construction industry with their quiet propaganda at local level getting off the odd remark to the effect that things would be terrible, that the Minister was a raving socialist who would destroy this or that sector and suggesting we should all run to the bank and lodge our money and not invest and not develop the general house programme for our own firms. That sort of insidious propaganda has a disastrous effect on the construction industry and it was indulged in in 1973 and 1974. The facts are that in 1973, 25,000 houses were built and the construction industry did not lose its verve although Fianna Fáil lost their propaganda effort.

In 1974, 25,400 houses were constructed and this was well above the annual target and I see no reason for not achieving a comparable level in the housing sector in 1975.

I was in Opposition long enough to know that one puts down a simplistic motion suggesting, say, that we should raise local authority loans from X to Y and raise the income level from X to Y. One fails to spell out the implications. This motion calls for an increase in the local authority maximum new house loan to £6,000 and in the income limit to £3,000. Let us see what it would mean to the person who would get the alleged benefit of an alleged increase from Fianna Fáil. In July, 1972, the loan limits were increased from £3,300 in the four county boroughs, Dublin County, the Borough of Dún Laoghaire and Galway to £3,800 and from £3,000 to £3,400 in the remainder of the country. That is the Fianna Fáil record, a miserable increase in 1972 of 13 or 14 per cent in the amount of house loans.

When the present Minister came into office he immediately increased the loan limit for the whole country to £4,500, an increase of over 18 per cent for the county boroughs and County Dublin and an increase of 33 per cent for the remainder of the country. That is a record of which we are proud and which indicates that what was done in 1972 was grossly inadequate. It is also important to point out that the Minister at that time raised the income limit from £1,800 to £2,000 and six months later, again raised it to £2,350. These increases were very necessary then and have been reflected in the data available since then. This is shown by the tremendous growth shown in the operation of the scheme since.

In the quarter ended 30th June, 1972—just before these limits were increased by the Minister's predecessor—the number of loans approved by local authorities was 1,298 valued at £3.5 million. In the quarter ended 31st March, 1973, when we took office local authorities approved 1,698 loans valued at £5.2 million. In the quarter ended—this is the important figure—30th September, 1974, the number of loans approved was 3,390 valued at nearly £13 million. I would say particularly to Deputy Burke, who well knows the effect of that record, that in the quarter ended 31st March, 1973, 1,700 loans were granted representing £5.2 million while in the last quarter ended 30th September, 1974, the figure was almost 3,400 costing nearly £13 million. So, where is the proof of the Fianna Fáil propaganda regarding this motion?

If we look at payments on foot of approved loans the picture is the same. In the year ended 31st March, 1972, the Minister's predecessor paid out £9 million. In the following year he paid out £11 million. In the first year when the present Minister was in office he paid out £21.4 million and in the nine months ended 31st December, 1974, the total was £30 million. By any criterion a tremendous effort was made to maintain stability in the construction industry through the public capital programme and the housing allocation in that programme and this has been maintained and we are continuing to maintain it in 1975.

We must also look at the number of applications on hands at present to understand just how effective the local authority house loan scheme now is. On 30th June, 1972, local authorities had on hands applications for loans for approximately 7,000 houses valued at £16.2 million. On the 30th September last the number of applications on hands for local authority loans was 17,000 valued at £57 million. What, perhaps, has not yet dawned on many people is that there has been a transformation in housing in two years. There has been a phenomenal shift. Some sections of the private housing sector have declined in marginal areas. But where Fianna Fáil failed most certainly to appreciate the overall change is in their ignorance of the fact that there has been a phenomenal overall growth in public sector activity and particularly in regard to local authority loans. I have no doubt that the Minister must have regard to these facts. At present, the obvious fact is that the scheme is in operation within those limits.

I would point out also a further major factor which inevitably must confront anybody here. It is facile for Fianna Fáil to suggest that loans should be increased to £6,000. I have an insurance company loan on my house, bought in 1964 for £3,600—£600 deposit and £3,000 loan—on which I make monthly repayments. But we have to take into account the ability and the immediate strain which undoubtedly will exist on any applicant taking out a loan of £6,000. Repayments on the existing loan maximum of £4,500, if spread over a 35 year period at an interest rate of 10½ per cent, will amount to £490 per annum. Let us be quite clear, the corresponding figure of a loan of £6,000 would be £650 per annum, or £12.50 weekly. Therefore, if I accept the arguments of Deputy Faulkner for raising the loan to £6,000. I must point out that the immediate corollary is, of course, repayments of £12.50 weekly. Therefore, let us be under no illusion as to who is paying for what.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy but if he reads my speech he will find that his argument would be valid provided one could build a house for £4,500. But the problem arises where it costs £7,000 and a prospective buyer must make up the difference.

I shall come to that later on. There seems to be the public impression that automatically raising the income limit and the amount of the loan means one is virtually getting a free gift when, in fact, the weekly repayments would, indeed, be quite substantial.

There has been also a proposal in part (b), I think, of this motion by the Fianna Fáil Party that there should be a 50 per cent increase in new house grants. I am a private house purchaser. I bought a new house and got very generous assistance from the State in its purchase—tax relief on my mortgage repayments right down to ten years' remission. One must point out that at present the Department pay grants for private houses ranging from £175 to £460 which can be supplemented by local housing authorities to an equivalent amount. Furthermore, a new grant-aided-house qualifies for a remission of rates for nine years and, similarly, no stamp duty is payable. Therefore, between income tax relief on loan interest and, in a number of cases, the benefit of some subsidy, it is fairly clear to any objective observer that the private house purchaser gets very substantial benefits and gets them at a time when national resources for housing are quite scarce. Certainly, the number of new house grants allocated and paid by the Government at present do not make a particular case for the increase of 50 per cent sought by Fianna Fáil. I would make that point strongly in relation to that aspect of the motion before the House.

The other implications of the motion relate to three different aspects of the operations of building societies. There has been a great deal of specious propaganda by Fianna Fáil in relation to building societies. For a while I thought the party were indulging in a kind of suicide pact with a few commentators and, indeed, property editors in some of the newspapers, virtually destroying the building societies. I was very perturbed about it and while I have reservations about some of the legislative aspects of building societies, and I accept the Minister's view that we need a new Bill for building societies—certainly we need a Bill that would stop some of the more questionable operations of building societies— I deplore the fact that the Fianna Fáil Party implied time and time again in this House in 1973 and 1974 that the building societies were on the rocks, on the way out, not a hope in hell for them and that the building societies were folding up altogether.

I would point out just two statistics to the Fianna Fáil Party. In 1972-73 the value of loans advanced by building societies was £43.3 million in respect of 5,300 houses, and that was during a period when their attempt to destroy investors' confidence in building societies was at its height. They will remember their ard-fheis of last year. I hope they will be more responsible in 1975. I see Deputy G. Fitzgerald has just taken up his position on the far side, a new front bencher. I congratulate him, a fellow Corkman, on his appointment.

The Deputy left us. He went to Dublin from us. We could have used him.

He deserved his promotion. However, I would point out to Deputy G. Fitzgerald that in 1972-73 £43.3 million was advanced by the building societies. In 1973-74, despite the Jeremiahs on the opposite side, £46 million was advanced in terms of loans by building societies and a total of 5,800 new house loans advanced by them. There is a response to the argument of Fianna Fáil. Undoubtedly, there has been some reduction of late but I submit that, without question, the overall level of loans for new houses advanced by building societies this year, certainly up to the end of the first quarter anyhow, will be well maintained. There may be some slight drop. I do not have the precise data but most certainly the prospects for 1975 are good having regard to the substantial improvement in the net inflow of funds to the societies in recent months. That gives the lie to the propaganda of Fianna Fáil in relation to the building societies. I would say to Fianna Fáil: Do not you destroy the building societies. Do not destroy investors' confidence in them. Do not indulge in some of the more ridiculous type of propaganda you have put forward, such as, for example, exempting the first £5,000 of investment in a building society from income tax. We got rid of that; that was about the most hairy form of speculation ever produced by an Opposition. It will not wash and even the building societies know it has not much merit.

I intervene to advise the Deputy that his time has almost expired.

In relation to the other sector, we must bear in mind the contribution of the insurance companies. I should like to see many more insurance company loans being advanced. But I would point out that, in the calendar year 1974, close on £6.9 million was advanced by insurance companies by way of loans on new houses and another £3.5 million on other houses. A total of approximately £10.3 million was advanced by life assurance companies in the last calendar year. I doubt if this motion was meant to be constructive in any sense but, rather, I expect it was put down for the purpose of having a go at the Minister for Local Government.

The construction industry need have nothing to fear in so far as this Government are concerned because we will give to the industry every support possible. We will not respond to the more hysterical charges of Fianna Fáil but we will respond in a constructive way to the views of the spokesmen in the industry where they put forward constructive proposals. Contrary to the Fianna Fáil view, the construction industry is in good hands and the private sector of the industry is not experiencing difficulties as dramatic as those outlined in the motion. I have no doubt that there will be a substantial recovery and that we will achieve our target of 25,000 houses a year. Certainly the number of houses built will be far in excess of the 13,000 built in 1970-71 while Fianna Fáil were in office, and I am confident that we will bring about full employment in the industry in a short space of time.

The absolute necessity for the Dáil to accept the motion tabled by Fianna Fáil is obvious when one considers the situation in regard to the housing industry, a situation that can be examined under three headings—(1) the effect it is having on the labour market, (2) the effect that the present limits and regulations are having on prospective buyers and, (3) the effect the situation is having on existing house owners.

I should like to make a case under each of these headings. First, in relation to the question of the labour content of the building industry, it has been recognised since the beginning of this State that the great barometer of the health of the economy is the state of the building industry. On the basis of that criteria it should be accepted by most unbiased commentators that our economy is on the rocks. I have listened with a certain amount of interest—I emphasise the words "certain amount"—to a half hour of statistics trotted out by Deputy Desmond but one statistic he did not mention but which I had expected him to mention was that released yesterday by the Central Statistics Office. According to Deputy Desmond, any criticism of the Government, regardless of from which source it comes, can be laid at the door of Fianna Fáil. We were told that any criticism of the Minister or of the Government was mischievous in the extreme, but yet he omitted the statistic I shall quote. I suppose he will tell us that the Irish Independent, which printed this statistic this morning under the heading “Building Industry Has Biggest Job Losses”, is another Fianna Fáil organ, but even he would not say that the Central Statistics Office is a Fianna Fáil organ. I quote from today's Irish Independent:

MORE PEOPLE are unemployed in the building and construction industry than in any other industrial group apart from agriculture, according to figure issued by the Central Statistics Office yesterday.

The industry showed the biggest increase in the number unemployed for the year ending mid-December —up by 3,280 to 15,572. Of this total, 11,475 are in the "general building, construction and repair work" sector and the remainder are in the "construction and maintenance of roads, bridges and railways" category.

I assumed that, as a Labour Member of this House, Deputy Desmond would have quoted that statistic.

I have no wish to interrupt the Deputy but I wonder if he has any idea of the total employment in the industry now compared with this time last year?

I am sure that the Minister will be given an opportunity of contributing to the debate and I promise not to interrupt him then.

My contribution will be interesting.

I am sure it will be of great interest to those who are unemployed.

We have only discovered recently the new champion of the unemployed. It used to be Jack Murphy.

It is not the Labour Party.

I assume, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that I will be allowed an extra couple of minutes at the end for those I have lost as a result of the Minister's interruption. I shall not continue my speech by quoting statistics. Everybody will recognise that there is a crisis, whether it can be categorised as a major crisis which is how we would categorise it, or otherwise, and that the private building sector is experiencing great difficulty.

The Minister for Local Government has made much play of the 25,000 houses which he succeeded in having constructed in his first year in office and we hear of the 13,000 that Fianna Fáil had built in 1970. However the figure to note is the 21,500 houses built during the last year of the term of office of the last Government. It must be remembered that to construct a house one must have the foundations out, and if one reads the figures for new foundations at the time we left office one can see clearly how the Minister arrived at his figure of 25,000. What is more interesting is the question why the figure is not improving at the same rate as it had been improving in previous years. The answer is that the SDA loans have not been keeping pace with inflation.

The last occasion on which SDA loan was increased was in May, 1973 —almost two years ago—but inflation since then has reduced this by at least 33? per cent and that is why we are asking the Minister to increase the figure from £4,500 to £6,000.

I shall give the Minister an example of the situation as it arises for a young man seeking an SDA loan. An average new house costs between £7,500 and £8,000 on the Dublin market but I shall take the lower figure in case the Minister might accuse me of exaggerating the situation. The net loan available is £4,500. Therefore, there is a balance of £3,000 to be met by the applicant but in order to qualify for the loan in the first place he must be earning less than £2,350. Therefore, he would have to save £3,000. How is it possible for a young man starting off to save that £3,000 if he is earning less than £2,350? I ask the Minister to consider these figures. They are not Fianna Fáil propaganda. They are not given out in a scare manner. They are the facts of which the Minister is only too well aware. I hope he will accept the need for an increase in SDA loans and the limit of £3,000 because one goes with the other. It is impossible to separate them.

Together with the need for an increase in the loan limit there is also a need for an increase in the supplementary and new house grants. For those building their own houses the need for the State grant is greater than for those buying their own homes from a private builder because normally it is at the net price that the purchaser acquires the house. It would be a tremendous incentive to people building their own houses if the supplementary grant was increased. When was it last increased? We asked the Minister in his first months in office to increase the grants. He told us at that time that a complete review of the grant system was being undertaken. That was nearly two years ago. I asked him last Wednesday how far he had got in this review. He informed me he was still examining the situation and could not say when the grants would be increased. Surely he will appreciate the need for an increase if for no other reason than to keep pace wit h the inflation which has taken place in the past two years, to give the same value to the £ as he did then——

That was a long review.

It is still going on. Paragraph (c) of our motion reads:

the abolition of liability for income tax on interest paid by building societies on deposits up to £5,000.

Deputy B. Desmond in his contribution was inclined to sneer at the Fianna Fáil proposal in that section. I would like to give an example of a man living in my constituency. I am not in any way trying to decry the work being done by building societies. This man borrowed £3,200 in November, 1971, at 9 per cent over 20 years. Since then he has paid over £1,000. In 1974 the interest rate had increased to 11¼ per cent and he still owed the society £3,126. In other words, after paying over £1,000 he had reduced his loan by the princely sum of £74. If the interest rate had not increased he would have owed £2,800. His repayments had risen from £28.30 per month to £33.54 per month. If the Government accept our proposal this benefit could be passed to the home owner. This would be of great assistance to him and we would not have the appalling figures I have just read out. This situation is faced not by one person but by hundreds and thousands of home owners throughout the country. Many people facing this problem are in my constituency. We have had the unfortunate mortgage strike which was initiated by members of ACRA. This situation has existed for 15 months.

Deputy R.P. Burke did not attend any of their meetings or give any advice.

I attended many of their meetings.

The advice being given now is different from the advice given earlier.

I would like to place on record and for the information of the Minister that at any of the meetings at which I spoke I said that the sooner the strike was over the better for all concerned. I am not a great believer in strikes at any time. I foresaw the trouble and the heartbreak which would be caused by people withholding money. I know that having spent the money, they would be unable to meet their accumulated repayments when the strike was over and therefore I appealed to them to end the strike as quickly as possible.

I hope that appears in tomorrow's newspapers because many people will be impressed.

Deputy R.P. Burke.

That is an unjust solution to a strike. We have an unjust situation where home owners were facing massive increases in repayments, extended terms in lengths of years and the problem of the individual I quoted. Therefore, I appeal to the Minister to accept this part of the motion so that the societies can pass on this reduction in interest rates to the unfortunate people who were and are involved in the mortgage strike. They bought their homes at a particular figure, assuming their repayments would be at a certain rate. They now find themselves paying 20, 25 or even 30 per cent more than they budgeted for, and this at a time of raging inflation.

If the Government accept this proposal it would encourage extra investment in building societies. This extra money could be given out in the form of loans which in turn would encourage extra employment and the construction of extra houses. As the Government have not put down an amendment to this motion, I hope the Minister will accept it.

Paragraph (d) reads:

the granting of trustee status to building societies:

This principle has been accepted by the Government for some considerable time but, like much other promised legislation, it has not yet been put before the House. I appeal to the Minister to ask his colleague to bring forward this legislation which would grant trustee status to building societies as soon as possible.

Debate adjourned.
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