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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 4 May 1983

Vol. 342 No. 2

Criminal Justice (Community Service) Bill, 1983: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I would like to welcome the fact that this Bill is before the House. It is a measure I had considerable interest in, and before I was a Member of this House, for some years sought legislation to provide for a system of community service orders. I welcome the fact that this Bill seeks to establish such a system. I agree to some extent with my constituency colleague, Deputy John Kelly, who yesterday referred to the fact that it is very difficult to understand why a Bill of this nature has been in force across the water for over ten years and it has taken us until now to deal with this particular problem and provide for this type of Bill.

The Bill before the House should be put in its proper context. It is fair to say that its context has been somewhat lost in the remarks made by some Members of the House. Some of their remarks seem to indicate a lack of understanding of the nature of this Bill and the problems it is intended to deal with. In this context a most instructive document is the 1981 Annual Report on Prisons, which has just been made available to Deputies. It reiterates some of the information contained in previous reports and highlights the need for us to find alternative mechanisms to deal with people convicted of criminal offences and to provide the courts with the possibility of a whole series of different remedies and different types of sentences to be used by them when a person is convicted.

The problem that has faced successive Governments in the House is that, due to the increase of criminal offences in this country, there has been a lack of adequate prison facilities to provide for the expanded prison population and there has been insufficient room for the prisons to cope with the numbers of people who have been sentenced to prison for committing offences.

The 1980 Prison Report, produced by the Department of Justice, indicated that in 1980 there were 891 prisoners released before they completed their sentence for no reason other than overcrowding in our prisons. The 1981 report notes a decrease in the numbers and refers to 441 people who were so released. However, it sounds a note of warning by saying that 1982 was likely to be worse. No doubt, when we have the up-to-date report covering 1982, we will have similar, if not worse, figures indicating that when the Garda have done their job and people have been properly prosecuted and sentenced in the courts, our system of criminal justice lacks the capacity to ensure that people serve the sentences imposed on them. In this context there is a need to provide alternative forms of sentencing for our courts not, as has been suggested by some Deputies on both sides of the House, to provide an easy solution for criminals or a flabby liberal mechanism for dealing in some way with criminals without ensuring that society is fully and properly protected. It is necessary to ensure that we do not have just a facade of a criminal justice system but that we have a system which is operating, workable and meaningful. When the court passes sentence, there is a need to ensure that the sentences are carried out.

The option of sentencing a person to carry out a form of community service is now available in a large number of jurisdictions and I believe it will be welcomed as a form of sentencing by our judges and courts. It will ensure that some of those people who are at present sentenced to three or four months for committing offences will no longer find themselves in a situation where, when they arrive at Mountjoy to serve their sentence, they are told to come back next week as the prison is full, which is the height of idiocy, or, even worse, they are taken into Mountjoy and told at the end of a week that they have to be sent home because someone else is coming in and they have no room. It will ensure that that sort of ludicrous situation does not continue and that some people at present sentenced to short terms of imprisonment will have a meaningful sentence passed on them that requires them to make restitution to the community, to some extent, for the wrong they have done and will also provide them with an incentive not to commit similar offences at a later stage. It will also ensure that the sentence imposed is properly carried out and will, I hope, terminate the problem of the courts sentencing offenders who are then sent home by prison staff because there are no facilities to accommodate them.

Much of what is contained in this Bill is the same as the contents of the Private Members' Bill which I had the honour to introduce on behalf of Fine Gael last summer, and which is similar in content to the Bill which the former Minister for Justice, Deputy Seán Doherty, introduced. Some aspects arise more fittingly on Committee Stage but I would like to refer to two or three of them. In this context, I also want to refer to the remarks made by the Minister in the House. When introducing this Bill he indicated that he was inviting Deputies to indicate on Second Stage what other form of sentences or remedies of a practical nature they believed should be made available to the courts as an alternative to custodial sentences.

The Bill before us effectively allows the courts to sentence offenders to a period of community service for something between 40 and 240 hours. The Minister, when introducing the Bill, indicated that he had no ideological attachment to those hours and that he was happy for Deputies to contribute in this area and indicate whether they consider that is an adequate period. We should increase the maximum that the courts can order by way of community service. The 240 hours referred to in the Bill is unnecessarily restrictive and is, as Deputy Kelly said, copied from British legislation in this area. In the Private Members' Bill which I introduced, unlike the Bill introduced by Deputy Doherty, I increased the maximum to 480 hours. The figure had no magical implications but it was done to afford the courts a degree of flexibility in making orders for community service and, in the context of different types of offences, a degree of flexibility in measuring how much community service is appropriate in the light of the seriousness of the offence or offences for which somebody is convicted. The 40 to 240 hours limit placed by the Minister is somewhat restrictive and there is merit in affording a greater degree of flexibility to the courts. I have no particular ideological adherence to 480 hours but I suggest that the maximum of 240 hours, during which time community service can be undertaken pursuant to this Bill, is a relatively short period and could be extended. I hope the Minister will see his way to do that.

Another aspect of the Bill which deserves to be looked at relates to the fact that as the Bill is at present phrased — and, in fairness to the Minister, the two previous Bills which came before this House were similarly phrased — it permits community service only in the context of someone who is liable to a sentence of imprisonment. The intent of that is quite clear and the rationale behind it is also quite clear in the light of the figures I indicated. In some cases, where short custodial sentences are at present imposed and where we do not have within the prison system the capacity to provide for these prisoners, it is important that some of these prisoners are diverted to community service. One of the representations which I received following publication of my Private Members' Bill almost a year ago suggested that community service should be available in circumstances other than where a judge believes that a sentence of imprisonment would be appropriate — for example, the type of area where the courts at present simply impose fines or where an offender is given the Probation Act, effectively let off and told not to misbehave again. There is a role to be played for community service orders in this area. I would like to see this aspect of the legislation extended and it could be amended on Committee Stage to do so.

I would like to see the courts having the option of community service available where persons are convicted of offences, whether or not the judge believes that imprisonment is appropriate. The legislation must clearly state that, where a custodial sentence would be appropriate, community service orders are available as an option. I can think of many instances where young people, in their late teens, have come before the courts on a first or second offence and judges who were reluctant to send them to prison have said they will give them a chance. They have given them the Probation Act and within a matter of weeks they are back before the courts again. Getting off under the Probation Act is seen by many offenders as what it is, simply getting off. It is not a deterrent and it is seen by people as an easy option. In those circumstances the option of community service should be available and would be seen as appropriate by many people who are familiar with the courts. It would not be seen as an easy option by many offenders and it could instil in them the type of responsibility that would be lacking and prove a deterrent from committing crimes again. I would urge the Minister to extend this legislation beyond the area of offenders for whom a judge believes imprisonment would be appropriate.

The Minister referred in his speech to the fact that he was considering the feasibility of establishing a committee to monitor the operation of the scheme and to advise on any problems which may arise in that regard. It is worth stating that when schemes of this nature have been introduced in other jurisdictions — not just in England, but in Scotland, New Zealand, the United States and elsewhere — it has been the practice in the initial stages of the schemes to engage in a strict and very real monitoring of them to see where problems arise and to ensure they are met and when necessary to amend the legislation at an early stage. I would urge the Minister to provide for the establishment of a body that would monitor the operation of the community service scheme. I would see a body that has a statutory duty to do this composed of some members of the public with departmental representatives and representatives of the Probation and Welfare Service but also I would urge having some representatives of this House on it. A statutory body of that nature would have a very real function in ensuring the uniform application of the scheme throughout the country, in monitoring its progress and seeing how successful it is, in highlighting defects in it. A body of that nature would have more status and would be taken a good deal more seriously if it was given a statutory framework. I urge the Minister to consider that as a serious possibility.

In the last two or three years the reports on the prisons seem to contain more information and are more comprehensive, but traditionally in operating our prison system and sentencing powers we have not carried out sufficient monitoring of a general nature and we have not had sufficient statistical information available or sufficient research carried out to ensure the schemes introduced are working properly. Often these things are dealt with within the bowels of secrecy in the Department of Justice and the general public know very little about whether schemes are successful or not. This is a scheme that could either be very successful or could fall flat on its face due to administrative problems or to a variety of other problems. It is important that we have this sort of statutory monitoring committee that would have a duty to report annually to the public and to the Department on their view of how the scheme is working and to which members of the Probation and Welfare Service would have access to tell the members of such a committee of any difficulties they are experiencing or any amendments they would like to see to the scheme.

The Minister indicated that he wished us to comment on alternative mechanisms that might be available to deal with sentencing and the difficulties of offenders. There is a tremendous need for us to carry out a comprehensive examination, by way of a specialist committee of this House or by way of a committee established outside this House, of our whole criminal justice system and our whole system of sentencing. There is no coherent philosophy behind what we are doing and it is quite clear that to a great extent the system we are now operating is failing. That can be seen from the statistics supplied in the report of 1981 on the prison service which indicate that 66 per cent of those persons sentenced to custodial detention in 1981 had previously been sentenced to terms of custodial detention. Whether we regard our prison system as a rehabilitative mechanism or a deterrent to crime, it is not acting as either.

We have an enormous problem in recidivism. It is something that has never been adequately and properly researched. We have changed and developed our prison system and our criminal justice system in a piecemeal way without any comprehensive philosophy or overview of what we are about. We have often introduced changes in a piecemeal way as a reaction to circumstances. I have no doubt that this present legislation is before the House, partly — and, it is meritorious in itself — because it has been forced on Government by the fact that the prison system cannot cope with the number of offenders who are being sentenced to terms of imprisonment. This aspect of it has become a major embarrassment to Government.

The time has come for us to start asking serious questions as to what we are at and what effect our prison system has. If it is to have a deterrent effect it is clearly not working and if it is to have a rehabilitative effect it is equally clearly not properly working. There is a need for us to redefine what we are about. I am saying that as someone who fully accepts and recognises that there is a need to have a proper prison service and indeed to sentence many people to terms of imprisonment for some of the terrible crimes that are being committed. My experience relates particularly to Dublin and daily one is hearing of burglaries and robberies within one's own constituency.

It is not so long ago that my wife woke up at 3 o'clock in the morning to find a burglar in our own house, so I am well aware of the situation. We are not tackling it in a coherent way. We are introducing various forms of remedies without any clear insight into where we are going. I would urge on the Minister the establishment of a formal body, be it composed of Members of this House or people outside this House, to carry out a thorough examination of both our prison and probation services and our sentencing.

There are two things having a demoralising effect on those to whom we look to provide protection for the community and on the personnel in the Department of Justice and the probation service all of whom are working day and night to tackle the problems about which I have been speaking. The Minister referred briefly to the intensive supervision scheme inaugurated some years ago which operates in a number of our prisons. Under that scheme members of the probation welfare service assess prisoners to see what offenders are most suitable for early release on the basis of integrating them into the community under a system of intensive supervision through the medium of regular contacts with those so released. Members of the service carry out comprehensive examinations on individual prisoners to decide which are most suitable for release and most likely to benefit from the scheme of supervision. Since the inauguration of this scheme those operating the service have suffered a major difficulty because of the overcrowding and accommodation difficulties within the prison service. Because they are employees of the Department of Justice they cannot speak out publicly about the problem.

The scheme qua scheme is a very good one. The social worker goes in to carry out an assessment on individual prisoners and comes to the conclusion that a particular prisoner is suitable for release into the community. He or she suddenly finds that the prisoner has been released without any notification whatsoever to the welfare service and for no other reason than the fact that the prison is overcrowded. The assessment work done is an utter waste of time. These unfortunate incidents have occurred continuously over a period of time since the scheme was initiated. This has a demoralising effect on the personnel involved in the scheme. Indeed, if the Minister looks at the turnover of personnel the reason why there is such a large and rapid turnover is that many leave the scheme out of feelings of frustration. The scheme has an important part to play and should have the co-operation of all concerned in it.

As I say, it is most demoralising for the assessment personnel to find prisoners released and sent home without any supervision whatsoever. The effect must naturally be that many of these will land back again in our gaols some months later. Serious questions can be raised about the efficiency and the desirability of the intensive scheme being used in this way. The present situation is not the fault of the Minister. Neither is it the fault of his predecessor. The failure of the scheme is due to the increase in crime and I hope the Minister is aware of the problem.

Another problem is the demoralising effect of early release on the Garda. They do their job properly, bring offenders to court and succeed in having them convicted and sentenced. The offenders may be sentenced to six months. To the dismay of the Garda those same offenders are seen walking the streets again within three or four weeks. This is making the general public quite cynical about the ability of our criminal justice system to tackle the problem of crime. To some extent it is turning the entire system into something of a joke.

In the context of alternative remedies the Minister invited us to make suggestions. At the moment we have fines, terms of imprisonment, the application of the Probation Act under which offenders are required to visit the probation officer weekly or at longer intervals. Some of the steps now being taken should be incorporated into legislation. There is no coherent code in the context of sentencing. The fines the courts may impose have long since become meaningless because of inflation. There is need for legislation dealing in a coherent and comprehensive way with the sentences courts may impose. There is need to increase considerably the amount imposed by way of financial bond.

Reference has been made to the possibility in some instances of parents being required to pay fines imposed on juvenile offenders. I agree with that. That is a penalty the Minister might consider. At the moment parents may be so required but the amount is derisory, so derisory as to be irrelevant, and so the power is no longer used by the courts. The law in relation to the probation service is long out of date and under grave need of reform. There are many things now provided by the probation welfare service which have no statutory basis. There is need for comprehensive legislation. Supervision is operated on an ad hoc basis. According to the 1981 report something in the region of 50 per cent or 60 per cent of offenders sentenced are sentenced to six months or less. The ordinary type of probation service, under which such offenders see the probation officer once every couple of weeks is not appropriate, and it does not provide protection for the community. Neither does it assist the offender in integrating into normal social life or put some pressure on him to get out of his involvement in criminality. Should not the courts have power to order that a form of intensive supervision such as now operates for offenders who have served some portion of their prison sentence be imposed?

We have also within our criminal justice system moved away from something that many centuries ago was part and parcel of it. It was very much part of the Irish criminal law system that if a wrong was committed — here one looks at the Brehon Laws rather than across the water to English law which we ape regularly — that some form of reparation or compensation was paid or made to the victim of the crime. We need to refocus on the victims, particularly of some of the assaults that take place as well as other types of crime. I would like the courts to have far greater powers not simply to send people to prison or order them to pay fines to the State but to order offenders to pay a form of compensation to the victims of the crimes for which they are convicted. This would to some extent restore the faith of the general public in the criminal justice system and concrete examples would be seen of people convicted of crimes paying back to the victims of crimes some form of damages for the injuries suffered. This area has not been fully and properly dealt with in our criminal justice system.

In the context of the short term of imprisonment being imposed we should look at another possibility. The major disincentive or deterrent in the context of the prison system is the fact that somebody is deprived of liberty or certainly of free time. At present many people convicted of criminal offences are in employment at the time they are convicted. They are sentenced to terms of imprisonment and their families then become dependent on the State immediately. Large sums of money are being paid out by way of prisoner's wife's allowance and allowances for children to the families of offenders sentenced to terms of imprisonment. I am not suggesting that this money should not be paid out. Obviously, the families should not suffer, but there is a case to be made for a different form of prison sentence whereby somebody is sentenced, for example, to every weekend for a period of six months and then would be obliged to appear at a prison, perhaps in Dublin, on Friday evening and remain there until Monday morning. That equally would have a deterrent effect. It would mean that if a person was in employment he would maintain his employment and his family would not become dependent on the State. He would be deprived of his liberty and free time in a way that would be perceived, certainly by the offender, as undesirable to him. It would benefit the community and save the State money. Clearly a form of sentence of that nature would have to carry the proviso that if it was not properly being complied with the offender would be sentenced to a term of imprisonment simpliciter, uninterrupted. This form of imprisonment is being used in a number of states in the US in relation to certain types of offenders and it is proving successful as an option. I ask the Minister to consider it.

I do not want to repeat what has been said by many other speakers but I urge on the Minister that he look at other aspects of sentencing. There is a need for research into sentencing and its effects and to develop a coherent policy in this regard. There is a very real need for uniformity of approach in our criminal justice system. We had a debate in this House some weeks ago on what has become known as the Fairview case. The judge in that case has been subject to a good deal of criticism. As somebody still new to this House, I believe that this House and successive Governments have to a great extent abrogated their responsibility in this area by not at any stage undertaking a comprehensive review of the criminal justice system, by never articulating any real policy of philosophy, by never at any stage passing legislation of any nature to ensure some overall monitoring by an independent body of the whole workings of the criminal justice system, and, most of all, by doing nothing to ensure that in any of the courts there is any uniformity in sentencing.

All Members of this House recognise as essential that the independence of the Judiciary be preserved, but there is a role for legislation to ensure some form of uniformity in sentencing and to providing for a twice-yearly meeting of all members of the Judiciary to discuss sentencing. Some from of statutory obligation should be imposed on the Judiciary themselves to exchange information about sentencing and to develop some form of coherence and uniformity in the type of sentences passed. Sentences on offenders vary widely from court to court, from judge to judge, within individual court jurisdictions such as the District Court and between courts such as the District Court, the Circuit Court and the Central Criminal Court. This House has failed in its obligation to deal with this area. A judge who makes a decision that appears incomprehensible to many people outside the court case is an easy target for criticism, but Members of this House have not always fulfilled their duties as legislators in this area, although they are always extremely quick to use problems of crime as good script material for getting publicity in the media.

In concluding, I welcome the publication of this Bill. I am sorry that some Deputies seem to regard it as some form of easy option for criminals. It is not. Community service certainly involves a form of punishment in that regular attendance at placements where offenders are doing community service deprive them of free use of their leisure time. It is hoped that in some instances it will have a rehabilitative effect. This has proved to be the case elsewhere, but I do not over-emphasise that. It also contains an indirect element of reparation in that the unpaid work which an offender does would benefit the community in genral as well as specific areas within the community. It enables a person sentenced to a term of community service to do something else that is desirable also, that is, to retain his job. With the enormous unemployment problem that we have at the moment, when 200,000 people on the unemployment register are unable to find employment, it is virtually impossible for an offender who has served a term of imprisonment to find employment. I am not saying that offenders should get any special privilege and be treated in any way better than the vast majority of people who never become involved in crime and never commit offences. The difficulty with an offender is that if he is released from prison and has no job and very little or no real income the danger that he will go back to prison again after committing other offences is great.

There is a need for us to redefine our objectives within our criminal justice system and the goals of the achievements intended by tems of imprisonment, to introduce new sentences, and in this context the community service order procedure which will operate under this legislation is one step along the road towards providing a new sentencing power to our courts, but it is only one step and I look forward to seeing what other remedies and forms of sentences the Minister will introduce in his term of office.

Limerick East): This has been a long and wide-ranging debate and I would like to thank all the Deputies who contributed. I thank Deputy Shatter for many of the ideas he put forward as alternative sanctions to the courts and I will examine the ideas he put forward. A Bill along these lines was introduced as a Private Member's Bill by Deputy Shatter and he obviously has a great interest in the progress of this Bill through the House.

Some Deputies criticised this Bill as a solution to the crime problem but it was never put forward in that context. I see it as only one instalment in a series of activities which must be taken quickly if we are to combat the very serious crime situation facing us. Deputy Skelly and Deputy Kelly made great play of the fact that this Bill is very similar to one pertaining in Great Britain. The suggestion was made that it was almost a copy of the British legislation. They have missed the point that the British took it from New Zealand, who first introduced it. It is more appropriate that we should take the short journey and learn from British experience rather than go to New Zealand and learn from the original. When we are examining how community service orders operate it is appropriate to study the situation in Britain because the norms of British society are closer to the norms of Irish society than any of the other countries where community service orders operate.

Deputies criticised this Bill as being a soft option. As I said when I opened this debate, I introduced this Bill for two reasons. It gives an alternative sanction to the courts. Instead of sending somebody to prison for a crime, if he is over 16 years of age he can be sentenced to community service work. That gives the courts the flexibility to decide what in many cases might be a more appropriate sentence. In many cases somebody in employment who is sentenced to prison can be punished twice for the same crime. As well as being sentenced to prison he can lose his employment. Community services can be carried out during holiday time and at weekends. This means that if somebody is sentenced to prison he could suffer serious side effects.

Since this applies to people over 16 years of age it would be normal to expect that offenders brought before the courts and sentenced to community service work would be in full time education. If they were to be sentenced to a term of imprisonment, it would affect their education. Here, too, community service orders can be carried out during holiday periods or at weekends. There is another benefit here. It is not simply a case of taking the soft option. Frequently judges faced with the dilemma of a young person doing the leaving certificate will refrain from putting him into prison because very often there is not an alternative sanction available.

These are some of the positive advantages of what we are proposing, but there are other advantages to which many Deputies referred. We have a serious problem in our prisons at present. On any given day it is true to say that our prisons are full. If somebody is sentenced for a serious crime to five, six or seven years imprisonment, prison space must be found by letting out somebody who is serving a shorter period of imprisonment. This is not paroling prisoners or letting out prisoners under intensive supervision, this is simply shedding people from the system to make space for more serious offenders.

In 1982 1,200 people were shed from our prisons without completing their sentences. If we had more prison space we would not have to shed, but that would involve a colossal building programme and new prisons cannot be put up overnight. Even if public money were available for the kind of prison space we need this is a long-term rather than a short-term solution. Apart from the positive advantages of the Community Service Bill, I am saying that by keeping people out of prison and providing the courts with alternative sanctions it can reduce this problem of shedding in the prisons. I stress that. I am not talking about people being let out for good behaviour under the normal rules of parole or the very effective scheme of intensive supervision run by the probation and welfare section of my Department, I am talking about people being let out to make room for a more serious offender who has to be accommodated within the prison system on the day he is sentenced. That is the crunch problem in our prisons, and that is why I have chosen this measure as the first instalment in a series of activities which I hope will go a long way to combating our present crime wave.

When this Community Service Bill goes into effect it will be administered by the probation and welfare service of my Department, which will have to be extended. It is important that I give an idea of the relative costs, especially at this time when there are many protests about taxation and the burden of taxation. Crime costs a lot of money. It costs the victims, the owners of property and the taxpayer, because prisoners have to be accommodated in prisons and frequently their dependants become dependent on the State while the wage earner is in prison.

On the costings available to me, if the courts made 350 community service orders in the year the cost of each per week would be £36.26. That is an estimation but it gives a general picture. If they were to make 500 orders, it would cost £25.38 each per week; and 700 orders per year would cost £18.13 each per week. I am saying 700 orders in the context of 1,200 people being shed from prison in 1982. Do the Deputies know the cost of keeping somebody in prison? The average weekly cost is £424. Those Deputies who have come here and said that this is some kind of wishy-washy liberal scheme, soft option, nothing to do with the reality of crime in the streets, are mistaken. It is a positive measure which has worked very well in other countries. It will give a positive sanction, an alternative sanction, to the courts to deal with the serious problem of crime. On its own merits, if there were no pressure on prison space, it would be well worth introducing as part of our legal system.

Negatively it is also an important Bill because the shedding from prisons is bringing the law into disrepute. It is dispiriting the Garda. It is making the general public extremely anxious about the capability of our society to fight against crime. I see this as a major first instalment in reducing pressure on prison space by putting people on community service orders who would normally be sentenced to prison, and who would be let out again in a very short time.

In general, Deputies welcomed the Bill. Some Deputies were very concerned that this was a soft option. I have dealt with that. Some Deputies took the view that the Bill would preclude the courts from making community service orders in respect of certain offences, particularly offences involving violence. As it stands, the Bill excludes offences for which the law prescribes a fixed sentence. During the debate there were calls for mandatory sentences for particular offences. If such a development were to take place, the community service orders could not be made in respect of these offences because mandatory offences are excluded from the Bill.

As it stands, the Bill leaves a wide discretion to the courts. It should leave this wide discretion to the courts so that the courts can judge the individual case on its merits, and decide on the appropriate case to which a community service order should be applied. The courts will have the full facts surrounding a particular case. They are in a better position to decide on the appropriate penalty for the individual case than we are to generalise on mandatory sentences which might not fit the circumstances of a case.

Deputies wondered what work offenders would be required to do. I can assure them that the tasks given to offenders will be worthwhile. Naturally the courts will expect their orders to be given full and proper effect. Although the courts will have no explicit say in the type of work which the offenders will be given, the Probation and Welfare Service, who will have the responsibility for providing the work, will be anxious to ensure that the courts will have full confidence in this new sanction. As I said in my opening speech, I do not think it is necessary that there should be any close connection between the nature of the crime and the penalty imposed. It would be quite appropriate, for example, where offenders are convicted of acts of vandalism that they should be required to repair the damage.

It was suggested that community service orders might be appropriate for persons under 16 years of age. I do not take that view. I can see certain advantages in keeping youngsters under 16 years occupied, but I am not convinced that requiring them to work under court orders is the answer. It may be that they should be required to attend some centre or other for the purpose of education or training. That is a different matter. The courts already have powers to require offenders to comply with a wide range of conditions which they may include in a probation order. In any event, we should await the introduction of the proposed Children Bill, which is being prepared currently by the Minister for Health, and not pre-judge or pre-empt that legislation by any action we might take.

A Deputy raised the question of the necessity for bringing an offender back to court if he failed to carry out the work under the order and asked would that be the procedure. The answer is yes. Otherwise the question of whether an offender should actually serve a sentence of imprisonment would lie with the Probation and Welfare Service. That would be totally inappropriate in our situation. It is only proper that this function should be reserved to the courts.

It was also suggested that the Special Criminal Court should be allowed to make community service orders. It was accepted that those orders would be availed of only in a trickle of cases before the court. Apart from the fairly obvious objections, some of which were referred to in the debate, I would be reluctant to involve a civilian type service like the Probation and Welfare Service in the supervision, and possibly in the prosecution before the courts of breach of orders, of offenders who have associated with illegal organisations or other organised groups engaged in serious crime, however tenuous that association might be. I do not think it would be appropriate for a civilian group like the Probation and Welfare Service to be involved with people sentenced in the Special Criminal Court.

It was also suggested that the Bill might be amended on Committee Stage to delete the requirement that the offender must consent to the making of the order, section 4 (1) (b) of the Bill. That matter can be considered on Committee Stage. I am not inclined to accept the suggestion. It is proper that it should have the consent of the offender because this would enable us to conform with international conventions to which we have subscribed.

Unless the offender consented he would probably be very unco-operative. He would be unlikely to complete the work in a satisfactory manner. The fact that the offender consents to the order should make it easier to obtain placement for him with voluntary organisations. If he did not consent to an order, I could see difficulties in supervision and in finding suitable work through voluntary organisations who would be reluctant to take somebody who was reluctant to do the work. Consent is an important part of the scheme of things as proposed. Unless very strong arguments are put forward at Committee Stage which will change my mind, I intend to go ahead with that section of the Bill as it stands.

As I said at the opening of the debate, there will be no unnecessary delay in implementing the Bill. When the scheme is ready for implementation, the necessary resources, including staff, will be made available. Obviously there will be teething problems in a scheme like this. It would be naive to think there would not be. With the co-operation of various groups, including in particular the appropriate level of community involvement, I see no reason why the scheme should not prove effective. It has proved effective in other countries, and I think it will prove effective here as well.

Deputy Kelly asked what the Garda reaction was to community service orders. Mr. Daniel Ryan, President of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors, said in his address to the annual conference on 29 March 1983 that it would be very satisfactory and very acceptable to members of the Garda Síochána if the problems of the criminal could be dealt with by advice, encouragement and schemes like the community service orders schemes. So the approval of the President of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors is available.

When the debate was under way people departed from the specific suggestions in the Bill and spoke about crime in general, and many aspects of crime. I think I am in order in replying to some of the points made. Deputies on all sides of the House voiced their concern about the level of crime. I share their concern. There is no doubt that they are reflecting the feelings and anxieties of their constituents. Tackling crime is one of the priorities of this Government. The preservation of law and order is vital to any progress we hope to make on all fronts as a society. The Government are fully determined to take whatever action is necessary.

This is one measure which has been put forward. I have already said publicly that I intend to have a new Criminal Justice Bill published before the end of this Dáil session. This Criminal Justice Bill will give stronger powers to the gardaí dealing with crime. It will also deal with the problem of offences committed while on bail. If a new Criminal Justice Bill, which gives extra powers to the Garda, is effective, obviously the gardaí will be more successful in the detection of crime. If they are more successful in the detection of crime more people will be sentenced by the courts to go to prison. Our prisons are full at the moment and that situation will be aggravated certainly in the short term before the deterrent effects of the Criminal Justice Bill become apparent. That is why it is important to see community service as a first instalment, a further sanction given to the courts to reduce the pressure on space in our prisons.

I should like to endorse the position taken by the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána in relation to deployment of gardaí. The Commissioner recently carried out a review of Garda deployment to take account of current needs and following that review he has arranged to have the strength of the uniformed branch augmented in the cities as far as practical. There has been a large increase in the number of gardaí assigned to beat patrol duties and the general intention is to have an increased Garda presence in cities and towns so far as resources permit. That has been obvious in the past month. Members of the public, especially in Dublin and the larger cities, will see many more gardaí on the beat.

Sometimes I think there is massive public concentration on crime detection, with little attention given to crime prevention. The detection of crime is essential but when it gets to that stage the crime has already been committed. There is then the process of the courts and sentences. At that point possibly an individual has been injured, property has been damaged or destroyed and there is a long and costly process which society has to go through in retribution or in an attempt to rehabilitate the offender. However, if crime could be prevented that would be a much better option for the individuals concerned and for society in general.

I agree with the policy of the Commissioner with regard to deployment of the gardaí. Uniformed gardaí can play a major part in the prevention of crime and high visibility of uniformed gardaí on the streets is a major deterrent. The detective units and the plain clothes units also have a major part to play. Gardaí on the beat can be a major deterrent to the commission of crime. That is why I was glad that we were able to get enough finance to continue with our full recruitment campaign. The allocation for Garda recruitment will enable 700 new gardaí to be trained at Templemore from mid-summer onwards into the early part of 1984.

Many of the young gardaí are assigned to cities and they work on a different rostering system. They come to Dublin and other large cities and the urban environment is strange to them. I endorse the deployment policy of the Commissioner who is inclined to assign to urban areas gardaí who were born and reared in city areas when they come out of Templemore and enter the front line in the fight against crime. Obviously gardaí need leadership. Young gardaí need the encouragement and support of people who have been in the job for a long time. They also need sergeants and that is why I am glad the Minister for Finance has authorised the appointment of 100 sergeants in 1983. The young gardaí need the leadership of the sergeants.

It is important that gardaí on the beat should have good relationships with the communities they patrol. I know that the Gardaí, and especially the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors, have been anxious that a kind of community policing be established. The Commissioner, in response to this, to debates in this House and to submissions from the public, recently assigned a chief superintendent and a superintendent on a full-time basis to Garda community relations work. These officers will have overall responsibility for the co-ordination and development of Garda community relations activities and at present they are investigating ways by which such relationships might be promoted. This is very important.

There have been problems in the past in relation to Garda community relations with community groups. Recently there have been newspaper reports that suggested vigilante groups were operating widely in the Dublin area. I am assured by the Garda they are keeping a close watch on the situation. They are satisfied that the reports have exaggerated the position to a great extent. To the knowledge of the Garda there has only been a small number of incidents involving alleged vigilantes. An assault by kneecapping allegedly carried out by a vigilante group has been investigated and the directions of the DPP are awaited.

I wish to emphasise that there can be no tolerance of vigilante groups. There can be only one body to enforce law and order in this State and that is the Garda Síochána. They operate within the law and by doing so provide the greatest safeguard for the rights of communities. People who take the law into their own hands are equally criminal, no matter their motive. The only way crime will be reduced will be by the Garda Síochána and the community working together. Self-styled vigilante groups are to be deplored. They have no part whatever in the scenario I see developing of closer community relationships between the Garda Síochána and the general public.

The general intention is to encourage and promote community co-operation with the Garda Síochána in some structured way without making it too formal. In other countries a community watch system of relationship between the police and the local communities has emerged and it seems to be working reasonably successfully. I am considering this matter. I know the Garda get co-operation from individual members of the public, but where a community rather than an individual member becomes the victim of crime and vandalism there is need for an appropriate structure so that the community can be in a position to co-operate with the Garda Síochána.

I am laying great stress on the deployment of gardaí, of their going back on the beat and establishing close community relationships. I am doing this in the context of the prevention of crime rather than simply the detection of crime. If an individual garda knows people in a housing estate or in a particular street, he will be in the same situation that existed in years past in villages and towns where the local garda knew everyone. Therefore, when a crime was committed he was in a position to form an opinion about the source of that crime and frequently was able to detect the offender very quickly.

In the wider context of organisation of the Garda and general reform, the Government programme includes a commitment to set up a Garda authority——

On a point of order, how much further does the Minister intend to go, since the Bill is a very direct and limited measure? I accept that the Minister, when replying, would make some comments in relation to the various points raised right across the House, but I should like to know how much further the Minister can go in a speech replying to Second Stage.

(Limerick-East): The difficulty in which I find myself is that I confined myself to the Bill when introducing its Second Stage. Subsequently, the debate ranged over the whole area of law and order, crime and policing. Everything which I had considered in the situation was introduced. I feel that it would be discourteous of me not to reply to the points raised by Deputies on all sides of the House. However, I am in the hands of the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, if he wishes to give me a direction.

If the Minister is replying to points raised in the debate, the Chair can hardly intervene.

I accept that point. When I attempted at the outset to raise some of the general issues relating to crime the Ceann Comhairle repeatedly interrupted me, to bring me back to the Bill quite strictly. I appreciate that subsequently the debate ranged quite widely and accept that it is reasonable for the Minister to comment. I just wanted to ascertain the extent to which his comments are intended to go.

I presume that the Minister is endeavouring to cover as many points as possible which were raised in the course of the debate and restricting himself to them.

(Limerick East): I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle. I am confining myself to what has been raised. I have been asked specifically to state the Government's position on these points, so I feel that I should do so.

I referred to the point raised about the Government's intentions with regard to a police authority. The Government programme includes a commitment to set up a Garda authority. For a start, I want to make clear that that commitment will be honoured. The exact type of authority which will best suit our needs has not, as yet, been finally decided. What its areas of responsibility should be and how it should be constituted are still under consideration. These are matters which must be got right and which need to be thought out very carefully.

What is required is an appropriate balance between the need for proper control and accountability on the one hand and, on the other hand, the need for the force to be able to go about its work unhindered by undue interference from any source. One useful role which I see for the authority is that it should be able to act as a buffer to protect the force from any undue political interference. The House should note that I am talking about undue political interference. I must make it clear that there can be no question of handing over control of the Garda Síochána to a Garda Authority which would be independent of the Minister for Justice, the Government, or the Dáil. Any idea of responsibility for the force being removed from elected public representatives is just not tenable in our democracy or, indeed, in any other.

It is vital to come up with the proper solutions on this matter. If and when a Garda Authority is set up it will affect the Garda Síochána for many years to come. It is not something set up and dismantled over a short timetable. Obviously, if it is set up and the Garda will work under its ambit for many years to come, it needs to be considered very carefully. It is under active consideration at the moment by me and my Department. However, I am ready to listen to any advice or suggestions in regard to it from Members of this House, in Government or in Opposition. The Minister has certain statutory powers at the moment in relation to the Garda Síochána. So have the Government and so has the Commissioner. A Garda Authority would take over some of those powers, if set up. Consequently, we need to examine the situation carefully within the constraints of what I have just said.

The question of drugs was raised by many Deputies. Obviously, there is great concern, shared by parents, teachers, and now by society at large about the problems of drug abuse. The Garda authorities are giving a great deal of attention to the prevention and control of the misuse of drugs. The drug squads are taking and will continue to take effective action against drug traffickers. Since February 1981, intensive drug courses have been conducted at Garda headquarters for operational members of the force, with the express purpose of ensuring the greater involvement of the general membership in the drug enforcement area. In addition, it is the policy of the Garda authorities that each member has a commitment in drug enforcement, irrespective of other duties he is normally engaged in. Every opportunity is availed of to stress this to all members of the Garda.

Arrangements are being made at present to transfer the drug unit at Garda headquarters to Dublin Castle, in order to increase the effectiveness of the Dublin city unit. The combined unit will be under the direct control of a detective superintendent at Central Detective Unit, Dublin Castle. The Garda authorities are very much aware of the increase in heroin availability in this country and take a serious view of present trends. They have reported that this is by no means a problem exclusive to this country, as heroin is becoming more widely available all over Europe. Developments in the Middle East have influenced the situation and two other factors have influenced the domestic scene. Firstly, there is now a very firm belief that gangs who were involved in ordinary serious crime have extended into the illicit drug scene. Secondly, there is evidence that some youths are now going straight on to heroin without going through an intermediate stage of less addictive substances. The user of heroin will often become a pusher in order to support the habit. As considerable sums of money are needed by addicts to procure supplies, an inevitable consequence is an increase in the general crime rate to fund the drug abuser's habit.

There are good relationships between the Customs service and the Garda Síochána and between the two services they will continue to make life difficult for those who endeavour to import drugs illegally. Customs authorities are prominent in dealing with this problem with skilled personnel for detecting illegal importation. It is very important, however, that the community would be conscious of the growing incidence of drug abuse. Again, relationships between the Garda and the communities are of vital importance here.

There is a very important criminal dimension to the problem. It is clear that the control of the problem requires a co-ordinated approach by several agencies. That is why recently the Government decided that a special committee of Ministers would be set up to direct and co-ordinate policy in this area. In this area the Government have resolved that no efforts will be spared to eliminate this grave threat to our society, particularly to our young citizens. It has reached the stage now of very serious proportions. The spin-off effects on the crime situation in general, particularly in Dublin city and — as Deputy Woods has mentioned — in the Dublin inner city area, the situation is very serious indeed.

I have already mentioned the Government's intentions in the area of law reform. Many Deputies have raised questions which relate to the courts and the administration of the courts, which I will deal with at a later date. In general the debate has been very wide-ranging. It has gone through the whole gamut of crime, law and order, policing, police authorities and different forms of offences. It shows quite clearly the great concern felt by the community at large and by the constituents of the Deputies who spoke in this House, who I have no doubt whatsoever were reflecting the views of their constituents. I would like them to support this first instalment in an attempt to roll back the criminal influence in our society. I would say to Deputies that it is a first instalment but a very important one. I should like the House to support it and to continue to support the measures I am bringing forward in this and the next session as further instalments in our fight against crime.

I would also ask Deputies to support the Garda Síochána and, through Deputies, I would ask the community at large to support them. They are the only force we have in our fight against crime and they deserve our support and confidence. Indeed, as they take on closer community involvement, they will be sensitive to the reactions of communities and of individuals in the communities in which they work and seek to prevent and detect crime. Close co-operation between the Garda and local communities is vital. It will be sought by the Garda in coming months and, I hope, will be returned by communities which see themselves under threat.

In the course of the debate and in a previous debate here sentencing practice in the courts has been criticised. I am not going to reply to the points raised but, in common with many Deputies, I should like to see a more uniform sentencing practice throughout the courts. I am sure the courts and judges have the capacity to bring about that uniformity.

I commend the Bill to the House and thank Deputies for their contributions.

Question put and agreed to.

Acting Chairman

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

(Limerick East): Next Tuesday, by agreement with the Whips.

By agreement between the Whips.

Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 10 May 1983.
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