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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 16 Feb 1995

Vol. 449 No. 3

Financial Resolutions, 1995. - Financial Resolution No. 4: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

As I said last night, the purpose of the budget is threefold: to reward work, promote enterprise and strengthen society. These are three key Fine Gael principles. Some of the measures taken in the budget have helped to remove the wedge which stopped people working. We advocate an enterprise culture based on reward for investment and success. Many of the measures in the budget which have the aim of introducing a new dynamism in the economy are part of Fine Gael policy.

Last year, Fine Gael argued for a profamily budget believing that directing support towards the family unit was the most effective means of strengthening communities and tackling social problems.Several of the measures clearly demonstrate Fine Gael's commitment to the family.

As far as rewarding work in concerned, changes in income tax and employers PRSI are most important. We have increased the general exemption limits by £100 or £200 depending on whether a person is single or married. We have widened the standard bands to £700 for a single person and £1,400 for a married couple. We increased personal allowances and exempted the first £50 per week from PRSI. This will reduce the cost of employment for firms and give better returns to those at work. We increased the threshold from £9,000 to £12,000, retaining the 9 per cent rate for PRSI and reduced the ceiling for employers contribution from £26,000 to £25,800. We extended the employers PRSI exemption scheme to include those under the age of 23 who are first time workers regardless of their status on the live register. These are major improvements.

Many crocodile tears have been shed by the Opposition because we increased social welfare payments by 2.5 per cent. This increase is being brought forward to the middle of June which makes it equivalent to the 3 per cent given by the previous Government. We have improved the position for carers. When I was first elected to this House two years ago it was generally accepted that the carer's allowance was such in name only. However, I must give credit to the former Minister for Social Welfare who last year excluded the first £100 of a spouse's income in assessing eligibility for that allowance, which figure has been increased by the present Minister to £150. More important, he has also allowed contributory old age pensioners to qualify for the carer's allowance. Also of importance is the £7 extra for all children and the increase in the age limit to 18 years for those young people participating in FÁS courses or in full-time education. Another matter raised many times in this House was the fact that a young person was forced to leave home in order to qualify for any social welfare benefit which meant that the State also had to pay them a rent allowance, increased by the present Minister from £10 to £25. While we should all like to see that figure somewhat higher, this latest increase constitutes an improvement.

The Minister has also increased the fuel allowance, which had remained static for many years, from £5 to £6, which may not appear to be much but, when added to the 2.5 per cent increase, does not deserve condemnation from the far side of the House. There is also being made available a free colour television licence. I am sure most people would have preferred not to see blood shed at Lansdowne Road yesterday which was deplored by all.

The decision to abolish third-level fees over the next two years is to be welcomed, particuarly by the many middle-income families who experienced extreme financial difficulty, having been unable to gain much from covenants while paying full college fees for their children. While those of us in Border regions will benefit from some of our students travelling northwards over the next two years, they will be enabled to choose between North and South colleges.Like other Members, I want to see an improvement in the maintenance grant for third-level students. I welcome the fact that those students who must go abroad because they cannot find suitable courses or whatever here, will be given a maintenance allowance. This is a welcome change because there was an anomaly in the past in that if a student remained at home and did not endeavour to improve himself or herself, he or she was paid a social welfare allowance whereas, if the same student went abroad, he or she did not receive anything.

An extra £8 million has been provided to deal with hospital waiting lists. That should alleviate the problems of many people awaiting heart surgery, hip replacements and so on. It is extremely important that we look after our sick and aged, something to which this Government has shown absolute commitment.

I have been much involved in agriculture over many years and I make no apology for raising that industry as a major issue in this budget. I welcome the commitment of the new Minister, Deputy Yates, and his Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan. Their dynamism and efforts in this Department within the few short weeks must be commended. Before I became involved in party politics I spent a number of years with the Irish Farmers' Association and, through that organisation, I was a member of the meat board. When I was appointed to that board in 1979, State allocation amounted to £700,000 and, in the following spring, the former Minister Mr. McSharry in his budget cut that figure in half. In this year's Estimates, consolidated in the budgetary provisions, there is evidence of the Government's commitment to the food industry in the allocation of £8 million to An Bord Bia, the replacement of CBF, and so on. That is much to be welcomed.

In a further endeavour to encourage farmers and agriculturalists generally to modernise their operations making them competitive, the Minister has increased the allocation to Teagasc by £3 million, allowing the creation of an additional 350 jobs and the entry of young, new blood into that organisation. That is vital to the adoption of innovative ideas. Methods used by many farmers should be followed by others. Indeed, such methods have already been adopted successfully by many industrialists. We must produce the highest quality food. We live on a green island of which we are proud and of which we must make others aware. The £640 million package announced by the Minister in recent days is a further indication of his and the Government's commitment to the food and agri-industry which we hope will produce an additional 5,000 jobs and help existing industries maintain their present employees.

In the past two years we have seen evidence of the severe inadequacies in the Department when called upon to deal with the enormous volume of form-filling as a result of changes in European Union regulations. It would be my hope that the farmers' charter of rights to be drawn up by the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, and his Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, accompanied by the budgetary provision of £5 million will be enormously beneficial and welcomed by all farmers. Those of us involved in farming and politics in recent years have been inundated with complaints by farmers who have not received their entitlements on time, or not at all, sometimes for very trivial reasons. For example, in County Monaghan there is one staff member only in the departmental office whereas an equivalent number of herd owners is serviced by a staff of two in Longford; perhaps that had something to do with their local representative at that time.

The Minister's commitment to updating departmental offices, increasing staff levels and having them remain open for realistic hours should be of further help to farmers and ensure that they can have their problems dealt with in their home towns without having to telephone, say, Portlaoise, Castlebar, Dublin or Cavan.

Another welcome development is the Minister's commitment to introduce stock relief for four years for young farmers, who felt they had no possibility ever of increasing their stock numbers because of quotas, over which we had no control, but also because of lack of tax relief, over which we did have control.That relief had been sought by those young farmers, and their organisations, before the announcement in the budget. Another severe impediment to the transfer of farms was the imposition of capital acquisitions tax and the fact that a farmer can now transfer, as a gift, up to £420,000 worth tax free, is a guarantee for young farmers remaining in business.

There is urgent need also for simplified application forms for various grants and I am delighted to see the Minister's commitment in that regard. Many farmers do not have the necessary education to understand how the computerised form system operates. It is important that the forms are simplified and that if farmers encounter problems with forms they can bring them into their local office and have the problem dealt with quickly so that they can receive their grants on time. In January 1994 some farmers sent their forms and blue cards or identity cards to Portlaoise. Those cards were returned stamped and the farmers took it for granted that everything was in order. Some of them sold their cattle in June, July and August of that year. In August, however, they received letters which indicated that because the ages of the cattle were wrongly recorded on the forms they were not eligible for grants. If that matter had been rectified within two months of the application being made those farmers could have reapplied at a later date and received their money. This is important not only for farmers but also because they do not receive grants from the Department, the Department cannot claim such money from the EU. The EU is always being condemned for not giving enough funding but this is a clear case of the State being unable to claim EU funding because farmers could not collect their grants. We must ensure this problem is rectified under the charter of rights.

We would like some of the budgetary provisions improved and I make no apology for saying that. Efforts are being made by farmers to control pollution and aid has been given by the previous Minister and by this Minister, but farmers have had to borrow a good deal of money towards building projects.They are being asked to pay tax on meagre incomes and are only being allowed a small amount of relief for depreciation. I ask the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry and the Minister for Finance to give a more generous depreciation allowance in the first few years of such projects so that farmers will have an opportunity to meet repayments. While farming may yield reasonable incomes which enable farmers make repayments, one only has to recall the early 1980s when many farmers were caught out and had to pay extraordinarily high levels of interest and did not have the necessary finance to make repayments. That must not happen again.

The allocation of £25 million in the agricultural budget to meet the cost of the beef tribunal is a severe loss to farmers and the economy. I hope we will learn from that experience and not become involved in such a tribunal again. Many projects in Monaghan and across the country could have been funded with the £25 million to £40 million spent on the beef tribunal. It is hoped that new committee structures can be set up in this House to deal with future inquiries. We saw such a structure in operation in December and January.We must not allow taxpayers' money to be spent on such a tribunal again. My constituency colleague last night spoke about roads, water schemes and so on in County Monaghan. One can only imagine how the costs involved in the beef tribunal could have been used to benefit that county. I hope that in future such moneys will be allocated for water schemes and other services.

I wish to refer to the issue of live exports versus the dead meat trade. I welcome the efforts of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates, to resolve this problem between farmers and others who are trying to block live exports. This is a European issue and must be dealt with at European level. I have no doubt that people involved in this campaign are genuinely committed to improving animal welfare, but the activities of some of those involved must be questioned. Having spent many of my earlier years lobbying on behalf of the rights of farmers at national and European level, I support the rights of groups to lobby in an orderly and proper fashion but they should direct their efforts towards the European Parliament and Europe in general where decisions can be made. I understand the Minister and his colleagues, together with the European Commission, are making every effort to ensure that proper guidelines are issued for the movement of cattle and other livestock.

I must remind the House of the importance of competition. During the 1950s and 1960s many people emigrated to the United Kingdom, America and other destinations to find work. My home county of Monaghan was not any different in that respect. When I became involved in farming and took up a position from which I could address this problem, I decided to ensure that, where possible, Irish livestock would be slaughtered at home and that jobs, and consequently people, would be retained. As a result of my efforts and those of many others in Europe in the early 1980s there was a reorganisation of the EU support in favour of the dead meat trade. The meat industry recognised my role in that area by presenting me with the Bastow Memorial Award in 1985 for my commitment to the processing industry. In the years that followed, however, I, like many other farmers, was completely disillusioned with the monopoly in the meat industry. It failed to pass on a realistic return to farmers and the reality is that many more farmers would have gone out of business if it had not been for the reopening of the live trade. When the former Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Walsh, allowed the port of Greenore to be closed on technical grounds I and some other backbenchers made every effort to have it reopened in the interests of trade.

I am committed to the protection of jobs and income for all those involved in the meat industry. In the interests of competition it is important that regulations for the transportation of live animals are agreed at European level. I understand important meetings will take place in Europe in this regard early next week and I wish the Minister and his officials success in those negotiations, not only for the sake of farmers but for the benefit of our economy. That is possibly one of the most important issues the Minister has to deal with in the near future. We all want to ensure that jobs are retained and that the industry is improved.

The Minister has allocated £640 million for improvements in the processing industry. It is important to have balance and realise that live cattle are exported to distant countries. It is in farmers' interests that those cattle are properly cared for because if they do not arrive at their destination in a healthy condition, they will not satisfy the needs of customers.Farmers, the industry and the Minister are committed to ensuring that proper procedures are followed in the export of live animals and I hope this matter can be properly resolved in the not too distant future.

I welcome the fact that there was not any increase on VAT or other taxes in respect of goods sold in Border areas. My colleague, Deputy Leonard, spoke about what happened many years ago. Regardless of what party was responsible, I welcome the changes which have been made in recent years to bring taxes into line so that traders in towns along the Border can earn a reasonable income. An increase of a few pence in the price of petrol and auto diesel might have been acceptable having regard to the position in Monaghan and Cavan if extra money needed to improve county roads was made available. I, like my other colleagues in rural Ireland, realise the seriousness of the condition of country roads. I welcome the Minister's commitment of an additional £8 million in the budget in this regard but more must be done. I will use every opportunity to ensure that more funds are made available to Border regions whether through Exchequer funds, INTERREG or other schemes under the Delors package.

While the people in Cavan-Monaghan have shown their ability to produce chickens and mushrooms and to engage in small industry without Government help they deserve proper roads. I have a letter from Cavan County Council which states that money was allocated for the Benbawn road, the R525 in Cavan — where an aged aunt of mine lives — in last year's budget. The county council understood the road would be repaired but afterwards the local engineers decided it would not unless the local inhabitants provided extra money. This is unfair double taxation.

While the rates were abolished in 1977 this is a new form of rates, a draconian measure, against those living in rural areas. I hope the Minister and others will ensure that while farmers and rural dwellers are prepared to help in every way to clean up watercourses, cut hedges and so on it is unfair to ask them for contributions, up to £800 per household, to have their roads repaired while highways and roundabouts are provided for the people of Dublin and elsewhere. The question of roads is extremely important and I make no apology for bringing the matter to the attention of the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and all the Ministers concerned. If we are committed to keeping the people in rural areas we must be committed to rebuilding and restructuring roads.

With the few exceptions I mentioned this is a good budget. It helps to eliminate the inhibiting factors that prevent people from leaving social welfare and going to work. The Fine Gael Party in its manifesto for the last election had ideals which, if it had been in Government for the past three years, would have brought this much further. It is vital that people who are prepared to work gain something from it.

As long as there is a tax wedge that permits them to get as much or, in some cases more, through side benefits from remaining on the dole rather than working it is difficult to encourage them to work. The fact that industry has been given some leeway in regard to PRSI and other incentives is important. We look forward to continued growth — I acknowledge the growth in the past 12 months — increased employment and hopefully better times for all over the next three years under a Fine Gael Coalition led by the Taoiseach, Deputy Bruton.

I am glad of the opportunity to speak on the 1995 budget. The main feature of the budget is the return to borrowing which was a major feature of the Fine Gael and Labour Coalition when they were in Government between 1982 and 1987. Another feature of it is the paltry increase in social welfare allowances to old age pensioners and the long term unemployed.

The last time Fine Gael and Labour were in Government they budgeted for a deficit of £1,250 million in 1986. At the end of that year they had borrowed £1,395 million or 7.9 per cent of GNP, an increase of £145 million on what they said they would borrow. Obviously that level of borrowing was unacceptable. There was a perception in 1973 when the then Minister for Finance, Mr. Richie Ryan, borrowed on a grand scale because of the oil crisis that countries could borrow their way out of trouble but we have long since moved from that. There should be no going back to borrowing.

The Government in its Government for Renewal document talked about firm management of public finances. In his Budget Statement, the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, referred to prudent financial management. We have seen everything except prudent financial management in this budget because the Government came into office with a budget surplus of £15 million. This was the first time for about 30 years that we had a surplus on our day to day spending.That was the result of a Government decision in 1987 to take this country by the scruff of the neck and to deal with unprecedented levels of overspending by the Fine Gael and Labour Government of the day. I do not have to tell anyone in this House that there were difficult years from 1987 onwards to bring about an improvement in the financial position. It is fair to say nobody knows that better than myself because I happened to be in a very large spending Department, the Department of Health, from 1987-91.

The Department of Health was responsible for almost a quarter of total spending but savings had to be effected there also. I am pleased that savings were effected there. There is now a culture in all public departments that recognises the value of a pound and the fact that we do not have unprecedented levels of money to spend. The country has benefited to the extent that in 1994 the then Minister for Finance, Deputy Bertie Ahern, Leader of the Opposition, introduced a budget with a £15 million surplus. The Government has decided to spend 6 per cent extra on day-to-day spending. The former Minister for Finance, Deputy Bertie Ahern, before leaving office stated that Fianna Fáil would spend about 4.5 per cent or 5 per cent at most. Having come from a surplus of £15 million the Government now intends to borrow £310 million for day-to-day spending.

We have returned to the bad old days of Fine Gael and Labour Governments when there was borrowing to an unprecedented extent, something which is inexcusable. Already we have a very large national debt. If that was not the case it could be argued that borrowing would not be too much of an imposition on the people. We are spending about £2.5 billion a year on interest servicing the debt. If we started to tackle the debt — and we should do so in good economic times — and if we were able to eliminate it over a period we would have £2,500 million to spend on essential services. Each Deputy who contributed to the budget debate highlighted the developments and improvements we need. Instead of that we are off again on a spending spree.

Everybody recognises that the economy has been doing well. Anyone with an ounce of sense will tell you we should not borrow now but should save up for the rainy day. In a recession one could argue that there is an excuse for borrowing, but when our current budget is in surplus there is no reason to borrow for day to day spending.

Another question that ought to be raised is whether this generation has the right to provide a level of public services for which we are not prepared to pay, and leave the bill for our children.As parents we do not in our own homes run up massive bills to provide services for which we are not prepared to pay.

We have been fortunate in receiving funding from the European Union for infrastructural development. As the European Union expands and other countries join, particularly countries that may not be as well off as ourselves, we cannot be sure we will receive a similar level of funding from the European Union and we must prepare for that day. That is another good reason we should not have resorted to borrowing on a grand scale in 1995. Borrowing would have been much greater had the Government not reallocated some of the 1995 spending to 1994.

In 1987 when Fianna Fáil returned to Government public debt as a percentage of GDP was 112 per cent and by 1994 that figure was down to 82 per cent, which was a great achievement.

What about the cutbacks?

It was projected that by 1996 the figure would be 70 per cent — the figure for the European Union is 60 per cent. With the level of borrowing by this Government, I doubt that we will reach that figure. Fianna Fáil stated clearly before leaving office that there would be no borrowing for current spending in 1995.

Why did the Government not balance the books last year?

We did, and we are very proud that we had a surplus of £15 million last year. Everybody wants to see income tax reduced. Tax rates are too high and we are not sufficiently competitive vis-à-vis other countries. That is another reason there should be strict and prudent financial management.As borrowing increases, pressure is put on interest rates, creating problems for those paying mortgages and so on.

This was the most leaked budget in the history of the State as all the facts were known before budget day. This could have caused untold problems in the financial markets, but thankfully that did not happen. Who had access to the budget and who had the written documents the day before the budget was announced? As I said on the Ministers and Secretaries Bill if the programme manager system is to work effectively, programme managers should be appointed from within the public service, where people are committed to the public service and have signed the Official Secrets Act. The practice of bringing in party political hacks as the Labour Party has done has not served the country well.

Would Fianna Fáil still be in Government if it had Government managers?

I welcome the changes in income tax and PRSI, even though they are too small. The Government tried to do too much, giving a little to everybody, but had it identified particular areas a better job could have been done. On the widening of the income tax bands, I would draw the attention of the House to the debate on the 1994 budget when the present Taoiseach was leader of the Opposition. He said in Volume 437, column 1958 of the Official Report of 7 January 1994 that Fine Gael had costed to the nearest penny the amount it would take to extend the income tax band by £5,000, and that that was Fine Gael policy. Taxpayers will be very disappointed with this year's budget having read and listened to that statement. Had Deputy Bruton not costed the amount, I would have said it was very prudent not to make that change as we could not afford it, but he said it was costed to the nearest penny, yet he did not deliver on what he said was Fine Gael policy. Instead of widening the band by £5,000 it was widened by a little more than a quarter of that amount.

On the same day in column 1966 of the Official Report the present Taoiseach said we were more likely to develop jobs in servicing than in manufacturing.He said that corporation tax for services should be reduced from 40 per cent to 27 per cent. I agree fully with him, but corporation tax was reduced from 40 per cent to 38 per cent, applying right across the board. The main beneficiaries of that measure, to the tune of £12 million, will be the banks who are already making massive profits. We have seen this week that Allied Irish Bank made a profit of £341 million. Why was that money not targeted at specific services and reduced to 27 per cent? A very good job could have been done and quite an amount of stimulation for the service industry could have been given by targeting the money at particular services rather than giving an across the board reduction of 2 per cent, which will simply help the big corporations.

This is the first time in 30 years the increase — a measly 2.5 per cent increase — to social welfare recipients, old age pensioners and the long term unemployed, has been so low. If I was a member of the Labour Party or the Democratic Left I would not say too much about this matter in view of what they said during the years. Unfortunately I have only half an hour, otherwise I could spend the whole day and tomorrow quoting what those parties said about increases of 25 per cent, 10 per cent and 4 per cent. The people in my constituency still talk about the Cumann na nGael Finance Minister, Ernest Blythe, who reduced the old age pension by one shilling in 1929. The budget is not as bad as that for old age pensioners but it is the worst budget for them since then.

What about 1987?

There was an increase of 3 per cent in 1987.

I am comparing the increase to the rate of inflation.

I would be ashamed to be a member of a Government which gave old age pensioners the lowest increase for 30 years. The Government seems to think that old age pensioners should be absolutely delighted at the fact that the increase will be paid six weeks earlier.

The programme, A Government of Renewal, stated that social welfare would be increased to the rate recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare. The Government is still a long way from achieving this objective. I welcome the increases in child benefit but am critical of the increases for old age pensioners and the long term unemployed who have fared very badly under the budget. We are judged by how we treat the less well off in society, and the Government would do well to remember this.

On the question of equal treatment for women, while I welcome the decision that women should be paid the money they are owed, I am disappointed that the Government intends to raid the social insurance fund to pay them.

That is rich coming from a Fianna Fáil Deputy. He must have a hard neck

As the Minister of State is aware, that problem arose between 1982 and 1987 because the then Fine Gael-Labour Coalition Government did not deal with it at that time. These women should have been paid then.

The Deputy should ask Deputy Woods about equality payments.

What about the 1982 budget?

The Deputy in possession without interruption, please.

I pay tribute to Deputy Woods for doing away with the prescribed relative's allowance and replacing it with the carer's allowance which increased the number of people who were eligible to receive increased rates of payment. While I welcome the provision which will disregard the first £150 of income, there is still one glaring problem which needs to be addressed, that is, people who have had a stroke and require full-time care and whose spouses are working. It would not cost much to disregard the income of their spouses. Many people, particularly women who stay at home to look after their relatives, their mother, father, mother-in-law, father-in-law, aunt or uncle are totally excluded from the scheme because their spouse earn a little bit over the limit yet their neighbour who looks after someone who might not require the same level of care qualifies for a full carer's allowance. Further consideration should be given to this anomaly.

A quarter of a page was devoted in the budget to agriculture, a very important industry. I welcome the extension of the stock relief for a further two years. On budget day we discussed the other Financial Resolutions.I have no objection to the increase in the excise duty on tobacco, but the abolition of covenant is the type of blunderbuss approach one would expect from a Government made up of three parties. No effort was made to study the impact of the abolition of the covenants on certain categories. I admit that some people avoided their tax responsibilities through the use of covenants but the Government could have found a way of dealing with this problem without abolishing them, thereby creating untold hardship for many people who make covenants to benefit relatives and institutions which care for the ill and handicapped.While I welcome the abolition of third level fees, this will not be of much benefit to many people in rural areas who will have to pay very high maintenance costs.

Many people in rural areas already attend college.

People who live adjacent to a third level institution in a city or town will have free third level education.

The people in my constituency do not attend third level institutions.

Consideration must be given to the position of families in rural areas who have to maintain one, two or three children in third level education.

I welcome the cessation of violence by the IRA and loyalist paramilitaries. I also welcome the provision which will give old age pensioners from the North free travel in the South and the decision not to increase the excise duty on petrol. During its first month in office in 1982 the then Fine Gael-Labour Government increased the price of petrol three times and almost wrecked the economy of the Border counties — people crossed the Border in droves to buy cheaper petrol. People further south thought they were missing something and at one stage 150 buses with shoppers from the South crossed the Border every day. If the then Minister for Finance, Mr. MacSharry, had not dealt with this problem in 1987 the economy of the Border counties and the country generally would have been ruined.

The European Union has recognised the special problems of Border areas through INTERREG I and II and the provision of £80 million specifically for these areas. The contributors to the IFI have also recognised these problems, while President Clinton has provided increased funding and will raise the matter at the very important Washington Conference which will be held in May. Does the Government recognise the special problems of Border areas? It is significant that for the first time in the history of the State we do not have a Minister from a Border county.

The troubles in the North over the past 25 years also created problems for Border counties in the South. It is to the credit of good workforces and management that indigenous industries in those areas did well during that period. We did not have much foreign investment, which is understandable, but we have some very prestigious factories, for example, the American company, Bose, which is the brand leader in loudspeakers, and Pauwels Trafo in Cavan. Has the Government made a conscious decision that 80-90 per cent of the population should live within 20 miles of Dublin by the year 2010?

What would be wrong with that?

I have referred specifically to Border areas, but I would like to know what the Government intends to do to help rural areas generally. Let us consider the facts. New overseas industries tend to locate within ten to 20 miles of major urban areas, mainly Dublin, which have all the advantages, in terms of facilities, and where they can be competitive. I understand that 1,000 acres of public land are available, with a good road network, within a 20 mile radius of Dublin. In light of the peace process why is the Government not concentrating on providing more resources for the Border areas in particular when outside agencies such as the European Union and those who subscribe to the International Fund for Ireland are doing so?

No areas within the region have been developed to allow the Border areas to compete with Dublin. I appeal to the Government to consider providing some advance factories on developed land in the Border areas as well as funding our infrastructure, water and sewerage facilities and roads. In my home town the food sector in particular is expanding, established industries are crying out for development and new industries are anxious to locate but we need major sewerage facilities. In light of the peace process why are we not receiving this support?

There is no national primary road from east to west north of Dublin and Galway. As we may never have another opportunity — the money is pouring in from many outside agencies — now is the time to build or improve the road from Dundalk to Sligo which carries a large volume of traffic. This suggestion should be considered.

I referred to the food sector. In light of the peace process and the developments taking place, we recognise that the six Northern counties are receiving the highest percentage of the funding being provided, between 75 and 80 per cent, but we expect the Government to consider what it can do. I want to see the money provided from abroad being spent in the Border areas. As well as providing additional funds, the Government should consider how we can become more competitive with the six Northern counties. In this regard it should consider providing assistance by way of the PAYE, PRSI, VAT and corporation profits tax system. It also needs to consider what can be done under European legislation.

I ask the Government to talk to Telecom Éireann, the IDA and Forbairt about the provision of telemarketing services. Telecom Éireann has no fibreoptic network in most of the Border counties and this should be rectified.

In association with the European Union the Government should consider granting special tax concessions, for example, a zero or 5 per cent rate of corporation profits tax for manufacturing industry in the Border counties. It could provide such a concession to industries which have a 50 per cent stake north and south of the Border.

The Washington Conference is particularly significant. As President Clinton is due to attend it is a great opportunity not to be missed. I ask the Government to prepare properly for it. When Charles Haughey was Taoiseach he spent two years preparing for the presidency of the European Union and we could see the results. He did an excellent job.

We are doing the same.

The Department of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Enterprise and Employment, IDA-Ireland and US businesses which have located along the Border should all be involved in the preparations for this conference.

I appeal to the Government to provide funding for infrastructure such as water, sewerage facilities and roads so that the Border areas can become more competitive and to ensure that the entire population will not be living in Dublin by the year 2010. I praise the International Fund for Ireland for the work it has done in terms of economic and social development along the Border.If I had the time I would refer to the need to obtain value for money in every Government Department.

The budget was a missed opportunity. I deplore the fact that the Government decided to increase the level of borrowing at a time when there is a budget surplus. I also deplore the fact that old age pensioners and the long term unemployed are to receive an increase of 2.5 per cent only. Instead of providing a little for everybody it would have been better to target the available resources at specific areas. The rate of corporation profits tax has been reduced from 40 to 38 per cent. When the Taoiseach, Deputy Bruton was on this side of the House he argued that the rate should be reduced to 27 per cent and targeted at certain areas. I agree with such a move.

I am sure that is satisfactory and agreed.

This is a budget for children, for women, for the family and for jobs. It has introduced significant and long overdue reforms in the tax and social welfare areas. It will have a lasting impact for the better on the lives of the majority of people, especially those on low and middle incomes.

There is clearly a limit to what can be done in any single budget. It is naïve to expect that there can be a "big bang" approach to tax reform or social welfare change, that a fair tax regime or a satisfactory social welfare system can be delivered all at once. These objectives can only be achieved over a number of years, but the 1995 budget has begun a process of reform. It will provide a springboard to enable the Government to deliver on the key objectives set out in the programme for A Government of Renewal.

The single most significant element in the budget is the increase in child benefit.By raising child benefit by £7 — the biggest increase since this type of benefit was introduced in 1941 — the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, has demonstrated in the most effective way possible the commitment of the government to the alleviation of child poverty. Report after report on child poverty from the Combat Poverty Agency and the ESRI have pointed to the inadequate level of child benefit and recommended an increase in its level as the most efficient way of dealing with the problem.

Child benefit has the advantage of being paid directly to the carer of the child, which is usually the mother. It is, therefore, in the case of many families, the only money paid directly to the mother. A Combat Poverty Agency study produced last year found that 58 per cent of women receiving child benefit have no other independent source of income. The same study found that in the overwhelming majority of cases, child benefit is spent either directly on the children, for example children's clothes, school, etc., or to help to pay the general day-to-day expenses of the household.

I hope it will be possible to make even greater progress in the area of child support in next year's budget. The programme, A Government of Renewal, contains a specific commitment to work towards a basic income system for children.

The Minister for Social Welfare made a conscious policy decision that tackling child poverty would be at the heart of his budget strategy this year. While he has been widely praised by the public for this approach, he has been criticised for it by the Opposition parties. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, apparently believe that rather than concentrating on improving child benefit the Minister should have gone for a larger general increase in the overall level of social welfare payments.

The Fianna Fáil approach is fundamentally dishonest. It has tried to make a meal of the fact that the general level of increases has been set at 2.5 per cent, in keeping with the expected level of inflation and the wage increases workers will be receiving under the Programme for Competitiveness and Work, but the Fianna Fáil Leader, Deputy Ahern, is on the record as saying that if he had been in Government the general increase would have been 3 per cent. The difference between what was granted in the budget and what Fianna Fáil was proposing represented just a half penny in the pound.

In addition, the 2.5 per cent general increase has to be viewed against the background of many other social welfare changes in this year's budget which will provide a boost in the real income levels of many on social welfare. The total cost of the social welfare package in this year's budget amounts to £212 million, an increase of 35 per cent on the 1994 budget changes. All of those on social welfare with children will benefit from the substantial increase in child benefit, and from the decision to extend payment of child dependant allowances, for those on long term benefits, to cover 21 year olds in full time education. Families will benefit from the increase in the back to school clothing and footwear allowance — an increase of almost 15 per cent in the case of primary school children and 10 per cent for those at second level.

Single unemployed people will benefit from the increase in the minimum unemployment assistance payment for people living in the family home and assessed with board and lodgings, and the value of board and lodgings will no longer be assessed for unemployment assistance unless the recipient is living with parents.

Apart from the increase in child benefit the single biggest achievement of the Minister for Social Welfare has been to persuade the Government to bring forward the date of payment of the general social welfare increases. Originally, these increases were paid in April but over the years they have been pushed further and further back. When Fianna Fáil were returned to power in 1987 some of the increases were paid in May. Over the intervening years, while Fianna Fáil have controlled both the Departments of Social Welfare and Finance, all of the payments have been pushed back to July, and some were not even paid until the end of July.

I am particularly pleased that an initial sum of £60 million has been allocated in the budget to allow the State meet its commitment to the payment of the legally determined entitlements of married women to social welfare equality payments. I must confess I was almost overwhelmed by nausea when I heard the lecture being given by the previous Fianna Fáil speaker on this matter.I do not take kindly to being lectured on the history of Fianna Fáil in relation to the social welfare equality payments. I hope we are now entering the final chapter of his sorry saga which has seen successive Governments trying to do everything possible to avoid meeting their obligations to Irish women under EU social welfare equality regulations.

The real irony is that had the State met its obligations honestly in the first place in the mid 1980s, the cost to the Exchequer would have been considerably less. All those associated with the campaign for payments, including the present Minister for Social Welfare, who persistently raised the matter while in Opposition, my colleague, Deputy Kathleen Lynch, who was central to the campaign in Cork, and, most of all, the women who refused to accept discrimination, are entitled to congratulations for the success of their cause.

This budget was about much more than social welfare. It delivered significant progress in tax and PRSI reforms, and it should also make a significant contribution towards a reduction in the numbers on the live register. The Programme for Government promised to target lower paid workers and young new job entrants through a combination of measures aimed at taking them out of the tax net, and the development of a reformed system of PRSI contributions and other measures.

The measures introduced this year are not the end of the process, but merely the beginning. There is much more to be done in this area. For far too long we, as a society, have been prepared to tolerate a tax system which placed a disproportionate share of the burden on those on low and middle incomes.

It is worth noting that the changes in tax relief benefit women, in particular, in low paid part-time work. This budget is clear evidence of the Government's commitment to equality for women. It is also about equality for those in need of housing. In my area of responsibility as Minister of State there is a significant shift of resources.

The total capital provision for housing of almost £358 million in the 1995 budget is a major boost to the Government's target of 7,000 social housing starts annually. This increased provision will mean 3,900 new starts and purchases in the 1995 local authority housing programme. That is certainly in stark contrast to the interim Fianna Fáil Government's target of 2,900.

We will notify each local authority shortly of its authorised number of starts or purchases for 1995. It is vitally important that each authority gets the new planning procedures under way in respect of its housing proposals in order to get its authorised starts to construction at the earliest possible date and, at all costs, to ensure that it takes up its full quota before the end of the year.

The increased funds of £38 million for the capital assistance and rental subsidy schemes will allow a contribution of some 1,200 starts in the voluntary housing sector. In addition the £60 million available for shared ownership will allow some 1,500 families to avail of this route to home ownership.

On the review of the Plan for Social Housing, one of my immediate priorities in the housing area is to publish this review without further delay. My overriding concern is to get the entire package right — balanced, up to date, equitable and effective.

The aim is to improve access to housing for all those in need and to take account of the circumstances of all categories of housing need. The package we will announce will aim to exploit the full potential of the five social housing schemes introduced in a Plan for Social Housing — shared ownership, improvement works in lieu of local authority housing, the cheap sites scheme, mortage allowance and the rental subsidy scheme.

I will also review the tenant purchase and improvement loans schemes and the voluntary housing capital assistance scheme. I intend that this package will be well resourced to meet the full range of housing needs and deliver a degree of choice to clients of the system.

A total of £4.5 million has been made available for halting sites and group housing schemes in 1995. In recognition of the growing importance of group housing schemes, new schemes started by local authorities this year will be treated and funded separately from the local authority general housing programme.I expect this change, which was recommended in the task force's interim progress report, will result in an increased programme of group housing schemes.

I reiterate that additional funding as required will be made available subject to the necessary criteria of reasonable cost and value for money.

I make a special plea to Deputies on all sides of the House who are members of local authorities, to ensure that local authorities face up to their responsibilities.I want to see action and courageous leadership from elected members of local authorities on the provisions for travellers.

The problem of homelessness will be a particular concern of mine as Minister for housing. I know that solid progress has been made in assisting the homeless in the last number of years. The further expansion of the local authority and voluntary housing programmes, which I have already referred to, will have a positive impact.

The funds available to local authorities by way of recoupment of expenditure in providing accommodation for the homeless have been increased to £1.5 million this year. I will assess the position over the coming months before coming to any conclusions on the additional steps that may be needed.

I am convinced that greater participation by tenants in the running of their estates is absolutely essential in the delivery of a quality housing service.

Where residents are given real responsibility, their estates and communities can benefit significantly. Local authorities have a major role in ensuring that tenants are given the opportunity to make this contribution.

To encourage selected housing management initiatives a sum of £100,000 is being made available this year, as an incentive to local authorities to develop pilot projects aimed at securing improvements in housing management.

The projects to be selected for funding will focus on specified actions which are additional to the normal day to day management and maintenance, and which have the potential to deliver lasting benefit in housing management. Details of this new scheme will be sent to local authorities shortly and they will be invited to submit their proposals for funding.

The voluntary housing capital assistance scheme has been particularly good at meeting the needs of elderly, homeless, handicapped and other disadvantaged persons. I am, therefore, delighted that we have been able to increase the capital provision for this scheme by £2 million to £15 million.

A special allocation of £0.75 million from national lottery funds is being made towards the provision of communal facilities in such housing projects. This represents a 50 per cent increase in the level of funding in previous years.

Funding under the remedial works programme to date is almost £118 million.

This year's allocation of £18.4 million will enable work to continue on some 70 estates throughout the country and will allow the designation of further estates for special funding under this scheme this year. There is now a legal obligation on local authorities to provide bathroom facilities on all their rental dwellings by 1 January 1998; £3 million is being provided this year to assist with this programme. The allocations for 1995 under these schemes will be notified to local authorities as soon as possible.

I would like to refer briefly to the operational programme on local development. Part of my brief relates to the renewal of urban areas and villages, and I will be setting guidelines for local authorities in order that they can draw up action plans.

This is a good budget. It is the result of hard choices that targeted those most in need. It has set the ground for significant improvements for those people living in poverty who are combating unemployment at the moment. We have set ambitious housing targets which are a considerable increase on the housing targets last year and above what the Fianna Fáil temporary Government was proposing. It is important for us to meet those targets because we are facing a major housing need across the country, particularly in urban areas. I am committed to meeting those targets and I will be looking to local authorities to provide the initiative and the energy to ensure they are reached.

Last Wednesday was an historic day in the long march of the Labour Party from its foundation in 1912 to its current role in this Government of renewal. It was an historic day when the first Labour Minister for Finance introduced a wide-ranging progressive, forward-looking and original budget. He was warmly commended on the day and I commend him again today.

One of the most interesting aspects of the budget was the way the Minister framed it. His presentation was brief but he concentrated on three key elements — work, enterprise and social solidarity. In every one of those elements he delivered on the essential promises of the Government of renewal.

There has been much speculation about how much of the budget was known beforehand. I would like to see more discussion of Estimates before the introduction of the budget. Year after year we are presented with Estimates late in the year and, as backbenchers, get little chance to discuss them. We usually discuss them in one of our committees the following June, six months too late. Perhaps what we need to do is to enable Estimates to be fully discussed before the budget.

The Minister for Finance took over a well organised financial structure from the outgoing Finance Minister, Deputy Bertie Ahern. All the key indicators of growth, GDP, investment, low inflation, and the rise in employment were important elements which enabled him to frame such a progressive budget. Particularly noteworthy was the rise in investment last year of 7.25 per cent and this year of 9.25 per cent, and the rise in overall levels of employment of 36,000 last year and a projected 31,000 this year. In many respects the Minister had a firm foundation to build on, which I frankly acknowledge.

Deputy Ahern asked why the Minister did not balance the current budget this year and Deputy O'Hanlon said this morning that he should have embarked on a similar course. The parameters set by the Minister are as ambitious as those set by Deputy Ahern last year but last year there was an underlying deficit resulting from once-off factors that cannot be repeated. This year the Minister has taken a prudent line by aiming for an Exchequer borrowing requirement of £813 million or only 2.4 per cent of GDP.

The management and containment of the national debt has to be a key element in the budget of the Labour Party, Democratic Left and Fine Gael, and the Minister has succeeded excellently in this, because the projections of GDP to debt ratio this year will be 90 per cent, going down from 96 per cent last year and the projections of debt to GNP ratio will go down from 99 per cent to 94 per cent. If one looks at the European league of national debts one will see that Ireland is falling down. It is one of those tables, unlike in football, where one wants to be bottom of the league or as close to it as possible. We have fallen to about half way and are breathing down the neck of the Netherlands.That is a strong position for the country.

The Minister has taken a number of outstanding measures to deal with the 280,000 unemployed, and this year hopes to reduce that number to 266,000. Principal among these measures is the introduction of the £50 a week allowance for full-rate PRSI payers, the extension of the threshold for the lower 9 per cent rate for employers from £9,000 to £12,000 and the expansion of the standard rate of tax to £17,800 for couples. These are all extremely progressive measures and will enable employers to take on many more workers. I accept also that we should, in coming years, aim at the prescription outlined by The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed, that we should in future pay particular attention to tax allowances and expand them more significantly than we did on this occasion. I look forward to the Minister doing that in the next two years and, perhaps, trebling or quadrupling the increases of this year, because widening the standard tax band alone does not do enough to pull lower paid people out of the tax net. We need to work on those tax allowances in the future.

On budget night we listened to much ráiméis from the spokesperson for the Progressive Democrats, Deputy Michael McDowell. What he advocated was a programme of disastrous cuts in health, education and social welfare which no party other than the Progressive Democrats would stand over. I warn Fianna Fáil not to allow themselves to be dragged to the right by the competition in Opposition from an extreme right wing party, the Progressive Democrats.

Deputy Quinn has an excellent track record on local economic development, particularly as Minister for Enterprise and Employment. It is quite striking how he has beefed up the Estimates to £125 million for local employment developments in the Taoiseach's Department, £46 million for his own new community initiative, and has expanded the community employment programme which will now cater for 38,500 people on average this year at a cost of £232 million. These are all major and important developments.

I would have wished him to go perhaps a little further and implement the recommendation of the National Economic and Social Forum on ending long term unemployment. The Minister allocated £6 million out of the £30 million that we think we need to implement the intensive placement programme which was advocated by the National Economic and Social Forum. I would ask the Minister, even at this stage, to look again at the ways in which FÁS could be reorganised or in which we could save money out of the £17 million being given to Forfás which, I understand, is a holding company, and redirect it into the intensive placement service. This placement service exists in the Coolock area of my constituency. It has been brilliantly successful with about 700 people being placed in real jobs in industry and services last year. It has been successful in the 40 key areas of our country where we now have partnerships, Leader programmes, INTERREG or other such developments.It is critical that we should develop the same infrastructure, perhaps involving FÁS.

The Government should ensure that the urban programme, a new EU development programme for deprived areas, is allocated to the north side of Dublin, as promised in recent months. It seems that we can only nominate two areas and it may well be that Cork city will be one of the areas — having campaigned there last summer I can understand why people would lobby for the north side of Cork. We are certainly lobbying for the urban programme to be allocated to the north side of Dublin where it is urgently needed.

The Minister has an outstanding track record and is regarded widely as perhaps the best friend small business ever had in a Government Department. I welcome the measures he has introduced to encourage business such as a reduction in corporation profits tax from 40 per cent to 38 per cent, improvements in capital acquisitions tax, the relaxation of conditions relating to capital gains tax, retirement relief and roll over relief, and the expansion of the seed capital scheme. These are major steps forward for people who are working hard in business.

There has been a great deal of speculation about the bank levy. We know the yield from corporation tax during the period of partnership Government grew from almost nothing to £1,300 million. This is being continued by the Government, although at a lower rate. I understand the banks are paying in the region of £70 million to £80 million in corporation tax so that the banking sector is making a huge input. I urge Deputy Quinn to grasp the nettle of the third banking force and if we realise funds from banks over which the State has no control, he should redirect them into a strong third banking force based on the ICC, TSB or whatever.

I congratulate my colleague, the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Proinsias De Rossa, the Leader of Democratic Left for his outstanding programme in targeting and directing resources to the less fortunate in our community, particularly for the increase of £7 in child benefit and the movement towards a basic income for all children. Deputies Quinn and De Rossa have also made other very welcome improvements in social welfare payments for example the minimum payment of £25 to a young person at home on unemployment assistance. It was a disgrace up to now that such young people had no money. Another example, is the extension of child benefit to 18 year olds in full-time education. The general increase in social welfare rates was 2.5 per cent but the Government decided to pay the increase six weeks earlier than heretofore and it is the target of this Government, I hope, to bring the payment date back to April so that social welfare recipients will get their increases at the time workers get tax increases. I understand that accounts for a major portion of the available moneys.

Provision has been made to allocate £60 million is settlement of the equality payments. I congratulate my colleagues Deputies Burton, Shortall and Moynihan-Cronin who have campaigned for this during the years.

A basic problem is that rates of social welfare payments are too low; disability and unemployment benefit will increase to £62.50 per week, the survivors' pension will increase to £66.10, the old age contributory pension will increase to £72.80 per week and the non contributory pension to £62.50. However, we need to improve the basic rates. When compared with earnings, some of those payments are derisory. I sometimes wonder about the genius in the Department of Finance who thought up the derisory 50p increase for somebody on social welfare.

The organisation for the unemployed and the organisations who represent senior citizens — some of whom will be coming into this House to visit me next week — should be represented and have a direct input into the negotiations on social partnerships.

I congratulate Deputies De Rossa and Quinn on what they have done. I am delighted my colleague, Deputy Niamh Bhreathnach has started to abolish third level fees. I note that economists and one or two university heads who complained about this have finally retreated into bankrupt slogans on the loss of academic autonomy and the possibility of having a more cost benefit approach. The effect of this is psychological.The area I represent, Dublin 17 together with Ballyfermot has the lowest take-up rate of third level education in Ireland. This has to be changed and the abolition of fees is an important psychological boost.

The expansion in the health budget is welcome, in particular the allocation of £12 million for the mentally handicapped.I ask Deputies Noonan and O'Shea to keep working on it. I congratulate my colleague, Deputy McManus, Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, who has secured a huge expansion of the public housing programme following on the recent achievements of Deputy Stagg. I note her comments on travellers' housing for which we have allocated £4.5 million in this budget. When the commission on travellers, which Senator Mary Kelly now chairs publishes its report, we will have a major programme to try to house all our traveller fellow citizens in the next five to six years. As I said recently to the media, it is outrageous that travellers children live in Rwandan and Bosnian type conditions. We must end that. The increased allocations for the environment, for overseas development assistance, and the arts are welcome.

The Minister for Finance in his concluding statement said how he looked forward to the year 2010 but the year 2012 is very important for the Labour Party because it will be the hundredth anniversary of our party. With the continued input of the Labour Party and its allies in leading the Government, our country will be among the most developed, peaceful and prosperous in Europe and a model for many other nations.

On the events of last night, the expression of bewilderment on the face of the young boy whom we all saw on television last night and photographed in the newspapers as he and his father watched the behaviour of the so called English fans tells its own story and sums up the feelings of Irish people. No doubt every Member was shocked and sickened by these events. I certainly look forward to the debate on this matter and I extend sympathy to the family of the man who died at Lansdowne Road.

There are serious questions to be answered by the English Football Association, the Football Association of Ireland and obviously the Minister for Justice will have to answer questions also. Lessons have to be learnt from this tragic event. The question on my mind is what information the Garda were given by their British counterparts about the plans of a small number of hard core hooligans, as they have been called, to travel to the match in Dublin and the planning and security arrangements that were made to deal with this group of barbarians — I am sure everyone would agree with that justifiable description of them — and the controls that the English FA have in place for the distribution of tickets. It was fortunate that many lives were not lost and we did not have a repeat of the disaster at Heysel Stadium or of what happened in Hillsborough. We must protect vulnerable young children, and no doubt their dreams were shattered last night when they saw what happened as they watched the match. Unfortunately, to do that you need tough, effective and efficient action by those in charge to root out those evil people. I suppose the days of the innocent child going with his father to a soccer match have come to an end. We saw another photograph in The Irish Times this morning that tells its own story, three English soccer supporters attacking an Irish fan. We cannot allow that to happen again, particularly for the sake of young children and local fans. We must compliment the Irish supporters. I thank the Ceann Comhairle for allowing me to express my feelings on the matter.

I listened carefully to what Deputies said about the budget. I appreciate that others will not agree with my comments and suggestions but I will tell it as it is.

Introducing the budget the Minister for Finance set out three objectives — to reward work, promote enterprise and strengthen social solidarity. These objectives relate to my area of responsibility, social affairs. The first two relate to the area of production and distribution and the third relates to the fruits of production. I challenge the Minister and the validity of his budget in respect of each of these objectives. The major budget targets for Exchequer borrowing are seriously flawed in both absolute and relative terms in that they signal a return to an unjustifiably high rate of public borrowing which, if not immediately corrected, could result in serious economic and social damage. I make these observations having listened carefully to what the Minister said and examined the figures.

It is fanciful in the extreme for the Minister to claim that changes in PRSI and income tax will reward the average employee. The net gain as a percentage of total income for a single person on a wage of £12,000 a year, about 90 per cent of the average industrial wage, paying the full PRSI contribution will be 2.5 per cent, which just about keeps pace with inflation. A married couple earning £12,000 a year will gain only 2 per cent as a result of the combined changes in PRSI and income tax. Taking inflation into account, they will be worse off in terms of real purchasing power. The gain for a married couple reduces as a percentage of net income as income increases above £12,000 a year and it is down to 1.5 per cent, or not much more than half the inflation rate, for a couple on a salary of £16,000 a year. A married couple would have to earn over £24,000 a year before their gain in net income reached 2.7 per cent, as a result of PRSI and income tax changes. So much for the Minister's statement on "This Week" on Sunday that he wanted to reward those on low and modest incomes.

The total tax take must be addressed. The much heralded tax reliefs are a myth for many people. While it is true that some will gain, the taxpaying public will lose. In 1995 the Government will control a greater slice of the economy than in 1994. This is inevitable because Government expenditure will increase by 6 per cent whereas inflation will be about half the figure at 2.5 per cent. Total tax revenue in 1995 will increase by 5.7 per cent or more than twice the projected inflation figure in 1995 after excluding the 1994 tax amnesty proceeds which will not be repeated.

The Minister made extravagant claims about promoting enterprise. While the reductions in employer's PRSI are welcome the other 12 measures in this section of the budget will have little or no effect in enhancing our economic output or creating additional viable jobs. The Minister is well aware that we depend on indigenous small businesses to create jobs. For most existing small businesses, the reduction in the standard rate of corporation profits tax from 40 per cent to 38 per cent is theoretical because levels are so low that to retain an extra 2 per cent will not provide an additional capital base on which to create one extra job. On the other hand, the reduction in corporation profits tax benefits big business, especially financial institutions, where it will undoubtedly be used for purposes other than job creation. It would have been more beneficial for the Minister to use funds to reduce corporation profits tax by a greater amount for a tightly targeted group of small companies.A reduction in the rate of corporation profits tax to 25 per cent on the first £100,000 of profits for a company employing fewer than 50 people might result in the recruitment of one or two extra employees. A targeted approach to reducing corporation profits tax would have much more meaning in terms of trying to help the 266,000 people who are expected to be unemployed throughout the year.

A continuing inequity is the failure to extend the PAYE tax allowance to owner-directors who operate the PAYE system in full for themselves. If the Minister wants to encourage the entrepreneurs in society, this is an area he should look at when preparing the Finance Bill. The cost of the measures would not be great. An allowance of £800 per proprietorial director per annum at the higher tax rate of 48 per cent amounts to £384 in tax foregone. At the 27 per cent of tax the cost would be £216 per annum. The positive message to the small business sector would undoubtedly bring forth the response in terms of economic output which would more than repay the cost.

One of the ways to promote social solidarity is for the Government to ensure greater equity in the distribution of the fruits of economic production. This is done partly by awarding social welfare increases in excess of the rate of inflation whenever Exchequer finances allow. The outgoing Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance left the Exchequer in the best condition for about 30 years with a surplus of £269 million. The total cost of the social welfare measures will be £90 million or only one-third of the 1994 current budget surplus. Do I need to say any more to put the new measures in context? The Minister provided an increase of 2.5 per cent for social welfare recipients which will barely keep pace with price increases. The return to a higher level of public borrowing could push up inflation to over 2.5 per cent as a result of which social welfare recipients would suffer a real reduction in benefits.

The economic prosperity of the nation is adversely affected by high levels of public borrowing. This was the well argued case the social partners made in the NESC report of autumn 1986 whose strategy was adopted by Fianna Fáil when they took office in 1987. It is well to remember that the Fine Gael-Labour Coalition which formed the previous Government doubled the national debt in four years and left the country on the verge of economic chaos. The Fianna Fáil-Labour Government which has just left office handed over a healthy Exchequer with a current budget surplus. That position will change for the worse in 1995 with a current budget deficit of £310 million and total Exchequer borrowing of £813 million.It is well to remember that our economic difficulties as a result of past borrowing are not yet over. We have a national debt of £30,000 million which must ultimately be repaid out of the proceeds of taxation. Meanwhile, the taxpayer must pay interest on the debt.

Debt servicing, in terms of interest and sinking fund payments, in 1995 will amount to £2,410 million or 16.6 per cent of gross current Government expenditure, larger than the health budget, which amounts to 14.9 per cent of Government expenditure and the education budget which amounts to 13.6 per cent of Government expenditure. Debt service, for which today's taxpayer receives nothing directly in return, amounts to much more than double the total current expenditure on all economic services, industry, labour, agriculture, fisheries, forestry and tourism which, combined, amount to 7.8 per cent of gross Government expenditure. It is clear from those figures this Government has little understanding of the economic reality. In the national interest, it is vital that this is the first and last budget of this rainbow Coalition, rich in rhetoric and in doctrinaire ideas, but which will do nothing to give real economic leadership, encourage enterprise, create conditions for sustainable, long term job creation or promote equity in the distribution of the fruits of economic growth.

I raised on the Adjournment last evening an issue of important public interest, that of local projects funded at the behest of Ministers — £2.1 million constituency sweeteners were included in the budget, a practice I abhor, on which I might make a couple of comments.I had thought that the days of Ministers handing out sweeteners to their constituents or constituencies were coming to an end — I appreciate this happened across party lines in the past — but what we read in The Irish Times yesterday was very disturbing. The reports suggest that Civil Service sources call it a political list drawn up by key Government Ministers. I note from those reports that Labour Ministers fared better than their Fine Gael or Democratic Left counterparts. I also note from the reports that the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, managed to get £390,000 for his constituency and that £40,000 goes to the Cambridge Boys' Football Club in Irishtown. No doubt they need the money but I wonder why it was announced as part of the budgetary proposals. Furthermore, I noticed that in the Tánaiste's constituency £200,000 is allocated to particular projects, one to an athletic track in Castleisland costing £100,000. I have no doubt it is very worthy of support, but I question its having been included as part of the budgetary proposals. I notice also in the Tánasite's constituency that Ballybunion is designated under the seaside resorts scheme. Why where the seaside resorts in south Kerry not similarly designated? After all, we are told that south Kerry is Ireland's tourist capital, but no grants were allocated to it.

I notice that the Minister for Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Taylor, is present, a good friend of mine with whom I soldiered on local authorities over the years, when we fought for grants for all sorts of clubs and so on. However, he and the Minister of State to the Government, Deputy Rabbitte, have been very fortunate in having a sum of £50,000 granted to St. Mark's Gaelic Football Club—

Forty thousand pounds, to be exact.

I have many friends and supporters in the GAA in Dublin, including people in that club I know, a deserving one, but I could give the Government a list of others in similar need. I seriously question this type of proposal having been included in the Budget Statement of a Minister for Finance.

Without it, they are in danger of losing their clubhouse.

I could list many other examples in my constituency, time does not allow me, and that is not the argument I want to make.

I had always understood that some national lottery proceeds would be allocated to sports and recreational projects, when objective criteria would be used. Indeed, I remember current Ministers, in Opposition, always taking the high moral ground on this issue, saying it was a political stroke and so on and that such allocations should be deployed through objective criteria. I disagree with this overall style and have no doubt that the electorate know what it is all about, to win votes, because there are demands for such funds nationwide.

The Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications, Deputy Lowry, has just come into the House. I will avail of this opportunity to congratulate him also because it would appear he managed to pull one of these projects out of the hat for his constituency.

Last evening the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Doyle, informed me that these projects were not picked for political reasons. I simply reject that claim because there is evidence that Ministers have done well. More luck to them. I have no objection to £5,000 being allocated to Ballintubber Abbey, £250,000 for the Famine commemoration events, £200,000 for the Special Olympics and £50,000 to the Commission on Disability. They are all excellent, worthy causes and have one thing in common, they are of national significance. I fully support a Government picking out projects of that nature and announcing its intentions at budget time, but I fundamentally disagree with Ministers sitting around the Cabinet table, in a smoke-filled room, divvying out projects for their own constituencies.I warn them not to continue to engage in that disgraceful practice. Since I received no answer last evening, I want the Minister for Finance to come in here and explain why these particular projects, and not others, were included in his Budget Statement. I want them included in national lottery allocations and to see objective criteria used in taking decisions on them.

I will refer to the overall question of overseas development and tax relief to Third World charities. In his budget statement the Minister announced that new measures will be introduced to enable taxpayers to make contributions to a designated Third World charity of their choice, the relevant aid agency receiving a topping-up sum from the Revenue Commissioners. To give the House an example, if a taxpayer gives, say, £750 to Concern, GOAL or Trócaire, the Revenue Commissioners will give an additional £250. I question whether the Minister for Finance has thought through this proposal because the key question here is whether the £250 will come from the Overseas Development Aid budget, which I believe will amount to almost £90 million this year, and from this source in forthcoming years. If it does, this latest proposal is a nonsense.

As the Minister will be aware, a sizeable proportion of this Overseas Development Aid budget goes to the bilateral aid programme which deals with providing long term, sustainable development in countries like Zambia, Tanzania, Lesotho, now expanding into Uganda and, hopefully, eventually into Mozambique, direct assistance from the Irish Government, the Irish people, to the most vulnerable people in these countries, to the poorest of the poor. It is an extremely welcome approach in helping these people, involving Irish personnel, providing health care, educational support, clean water, sanitation, all their basic needs.

Is the Minister seriously suggesting that the expansion of this vital work — seen by our President when I accompanied her on her visit to Zambia and Tanzania — should be interfered with in some way, by diverting moneys into this new tax relief scheme for aid agencies? Indeed are those agencies in a position to match this type of work being undertaken by the Irish Government through its high quality technical assistance? We have many professional people undertaking such work in these poor regions, especially in Africa. Do the aid agencies support this scheme because I do not think they have yet become aware of how it will work in practice? I do not want to be misinterpreted — although I do not think Members would do so on this issue — aid agencies, like Concern, GOAL, Trócaire and many more here are among the best in the world; everybody realises that. Much of their work involves emergency, humanitarian assistance, different from the type of work about which I speak, involved in long term development.These agencies have worked amidst conflict in Rwanda, Somalia and elsewhere. The Irish public respond instantly to their requests for financial assistance, some of those larger agencies giving long term assistance. If these new funds come from the overall Overseas Development Aid budget, it will render the whole exercise meaningless, with which I am sure those agencies would agree. However, if they are new funds, that is an entirely different matter. I would ask the Minister for Finance to outline precisely how this scheme will work because, if it is to be implemented in its proposed form, agencies might have public relations/sales representative-type people advertising its provisions.Perhaps it would be better if taxpayers themselves paid those agencies, obtained tax relief on their payments, which would be a straightforward transaction, as happens in other countries.

I support the increase in the Overseas Development Aid budget but the issue of tax concessions on donations to charitable agencies must be clarified. I should like the Minister to state also how the Government intends to fund the superannuation of APSO volunteers announced in his Budget Statement. For example, will this also be funded from the ODA budget?

Regarding work under the bilateral aid programme, I would like our semi-State bodies to become more centrally involved in that work. When I was Minister of State I saw the work of ESB International, the involvement of FÁS and the work of many of our semi-State companies. We have very large funds but it will take a good deal of organisation to use them properly and efficiently. Our semi-State agencies could help in applying the skills they have within their organisations to many poor regions, like Rwanda and Mozambique, to provide infrastructural support.Great opportunities exist to do that and I encourage the Government to proceed along those lines.

I note that the Minister in his speech did not deal in a meaningful way with the European dimension. It is all very well for him to refer to a vision for 2010, but there is a real need to place stronger emphasis on that dimension and I hope he will address that in his reply. It is important that the Minister stitch into his reply his thoughts regarding the preparation for the intergovernmental conference which will be held here in 1996. A clear strategy for the third stage of European Monetary Union was not outlined in his speech. We must adopt a positive approach concerning our preparation for convergence. We will host the Presidency of the European Union in 1996 and I would have thought that the Minister would have referred to our strategy for the vital economic, social and political European agenda that lies ahead.

I wish the Minister to address a Europe-related matter in his reply, the quality of our official published statistics.I am sure the Minister is aware of a study carried out by Dr. Antóin Murphy on "The Irish Economy — Celtic Tiger or Tortoise". In that Dr. Murphy questions the quality of official published statistics. As no doubt the Minister is aware, that research project raises serious questions about the levels and growth rates of GNP and GDP. The study in effect concludes that the levels and growth rates of GNP and GDP are over inflated because of the activities of foreign-owned multinational companies.If that is the case, it will have serious implications for fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies. I appreciate that debate has been taking place for some months and it was of concern also to the previous Government. I would like to hear the Minister's views on this important study in the context of the Government's attitude to the fast-tracking of Ireland into any proposed monetary union.

The Government has decided to phase out third level student fees over a two year period and obviously we welcome that. I was disappointed that the Minister for Education did not seriously consider the comments made on this side of the House. She was quick to dismiss my colleagues who acknowledged that, even though they would benefit from this measure because of their level of income, they did not consider it an equitable measure. I ask the Minister to address the genuine issues raised on this side of the House in that regard. I, like many other Members who have sons and daughters attending or wishing to attend third level institutions, will benefit from the abolition of fees.

The point was made on this side of the House that the abolition of fees is something to which we should aspire, but other elements of the debate must be addressed. The Minister should consider related matters, such as the need to improve dramatically the higher education grants system and maintenance payments. If the Minister addresses those matters she will satisfy people on this side of the House. I admire members of young Fine Gael and the Labour youth movement who have spoken on this issue because they have raised legitimate arguments. I have not heard much comment from young Democratic Left on this, but I understand they are a disciplined party and perhaps they did not get a chance to express their views. The question of grants and access to third level education is a key issue and I ask the Minister to consider the points made by many of my colleagues.

Regarding labour affairs, I encourage the Government to deal with the issue of training. I recognise that FÁS is doing a good job but much of the finance coming from Brussels will be depleted in years to come and the Government must consider the need to provide adequate domestic funding for FÁS in the years ahead. My colleague, Deputy O'Rourke, yesterday referred to the need to target and assist the long term unemployed. There is a real danger that we will write them off the balance sheet. They must not be marginalised.

The Government should establish a special unit in the Department of Enterprise and Employment. The social partners have carried out great work in this area. There is a tendency in Irish industry to seek a third party when a dispute arises. I ask the Government to consider the models pursued in, for example, Norway and Denmark where there is a joint resource body. When a problem arises in the workplace between management and trade unions, representatives from either side are brought together to resolve the dispute. That type of system must be developed here as a matter of urgency in order to build trust and better communications between labour and management.

I thank the Chair for its indulgence. It is unfortunate I do not have more time to raise other issues, but there will be other opportunities.

The budget is an interesting one. We knew what was in it because of the leaks. I am convinced that nothing will be found as a result of whatever inquiry takes place. It was clearly a budget designed to placate various members of the Government. I am fortunate that three representatives of it are present. There is no vision in the budget. I deplore the unprecedented leaks, but that matter is over now. It is unfortunate that a good Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, had to lose his ministerial post. He was a scapegoat because others at a higher level should answer the more serious questions.

Those who say that this year's budget has something for everybody are of course perfectly right. The 1995 budget has been one of the most innovative and imaginative for many years. It is both enterprising and compassionate. The reduction in PRSI contributions makes its easier for people to take jobs rather than to opt for unemployment. The reduction in corporation tax by 2 per cent gives a very welcome boost to the business sector and will assist our efforts in creating employment. The unprecedented increase in child benefit or children's allowance, as it is sometimes known, provides women in the home with a most welcome boost to their incomes and helps to defray the ever-increasing expense of raising children. The increase in child benefit announced by my colleagues, the Ministers for Finance and Social Welfare, of £7 per child per month, making it £27 each for the first two children and £32 for further children is the single biggest increase ever in this allowance.

The widening of tax bands announced in the budget will also make a contribution to the income levels of thousands of taxpayers. As a result of these changes 800,000 workers or 56 per cent of the labour force will pay tax at the standard rate of 27 per cent. Only 200,000 workers will now be paying tax at the high rate of 48 per cent.

As Minister with responsibility for equality and women's issues as well as with responsibilities in the area of disability, I was delighted to see a number of very specific measures which would go a long way to helping these groups. My colleague, the Minister for Finance, has set aside £60 million this year for social welfare equality payments. The resolution of this particular inequity is long overdue and this Government has had the courage to grasp the nettle and to ensure that payments begin promptly this year.

There are a number of other specific and innovative proposals which will have the effect of helping large numbers of women. Deserted wife's benefit and lone parent's allowance are to be increased and unified in a new scheme. The carer's allowance which is paid to people living in the family home and taking care of elderly or sick relatives is also to be increased.

In addition to these changes, the marginalised and those who require special support in society are also being helped. A new employment service for the long term unemployed is being established. This will provide intensive guidance and a placement service for this most vulnerable section of our society. In a new provision, the first £10 of unemployment benefit and disability benefit, with additions for dependent children, will be tax free. A sum of £8 million pounds is to be made available to maintain and to accelerate the attack on health waiting lists.

This budget represents the very best ideas of a new kind of Government. It shows a Government committed to a new concept, that of the "growth dividend".Those who have sacrificed so much to ensure our economy is in good working order will be seen to benefit in real terms. This budget gives hope to everyone who wants to better themselves.It helps the unemployed and those on modest incomes but it also helps businesses, both big and small. It represents an historic start to the term of office of the new coalition Government and it promises opportunity and innovation over the two to three years of its remaining term.

When I consider the Estimates for 1995 for my own Department they certainly provide us with ample evidence of the ongoing commitment on the part of the Government to equal opportunities policies. I take very seriously my responsibility for organisations such as the Employment Equality Agency, the Legal Aid Board, the Family Mediation Service and marriage counselling services.I have had regular meetings with representatives of all these organisations since my appointment as Minister for Equality and Law Reform. They are well aware of my own and the Government's full support in seeing that the essential services for which they are responsible are supported and upgraded.

The amount of money being made available by the taxpayer in 1995 for these services is significantly increased on the previous years. The Legal Aid Board, for example, which provides legal aid and advice at little or no cost to people who could not otherwise afford it, will see its budget increased by 25 per cent this year. Just two years ago, this organisation was receiving a grant-in-aid from the taxpayer of £3 million pounds. The 1995 estimate is for £6.2 million. When that is considered along with the unprecedented additional funding which the Legal Aid Board has received over the last two years, it is no surprise that the board has been in a position to expand its services greatly and to employ significantly more solicitors and back-up staff in law centres throughout the country. By the same token, the waiting lists for services at the law centres have been drastically reduced and in many cases eliminated altogether. It is appropriate that I should pay tribute to the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Bertie Ahern, and the former Government for the increases made available to me for that service in 1993 and 1994.

The increase in family problems and in the overall rate of marital breakdown calls for a response from the Government.I am committed to an improvement in accessibility to civil legal aid, to family mediation and to family marriage counselling. With regard to all of these areas the Government has been willing to provide the necessary funding.

This year the Family Mediation Service will receive £300,000 from my Department, an increase of 100 per cent on last year. Marriage counselling services throughout the country are on record as saying that they were delighted with the level of grant they received from my Department in 1994. I am happy to say that we will continue payments at that level to marriage counselling services in the current year.

As Deputies are well aware, this Government is committed to the holding of a referendum on the removal of the constitutional ban on divorce, in 1995. At the same time we are also committed to continued support for family life. In recent years there has been a heightened awareness of the seriousness of problems within families. This Government is determined to assist families who are in difficulty and to ensure that such problems they may have are not brushed under the carpet. A significant part of our strategy to help families in need is to provide the agencies which operate in support of families with the resources they require to carry out their work on a professional basis. Given the estimates for my department in relation to civil legal aid, the mediation service and marriage counselling, the House can be in no doubt as to the firmness of my commitment and that of the Government in this area.

This year too I intend to bring forward child care measures arising out of the report of the working group on child care for working parents. My Department has been provided with £1 million in 1995 to fund special projects in disadvantaged areas in relation to child care.

The funds provided to my Department since its establishment are adequate testimony to the Government's continuing commitment to equal opportunities policies. The recent change in Government has not altered this pattern of funding. On the contrary my Department will receive a net total increase in funding of 27 per cent in the current year. The Department of Equality and Law Reform is a small Department relatively speaking. Much of the funding provided to other Departments far outweighs our own. Nevertheless I would argue that the impact of this small Department on Irish life as a whole in the next few years will be considerable and quite out of proportion to its size.

My colleagues in Government have made the financial commitment necessary to allow me to pursue the legislative programme of my Department, in the knowledge that it is backed by a Government commitment to the realisation of a truly equal society. The moneys provided in the Estimate for this year will certainly help bring this about.

Looking at the budget as a whole it is one of which all members of the Government can be proud. It is imaginative and at the same time maintains the necessary financial discipline required to remain within the Maastricht guidelines.It will also significantly help in the creation of employment. This will be done in a number of ways: it will reduce the level of tax in exposed sectors of the economy; it will reduce the burden of PRSI on employers; it contains specific measures designed to promote enterprise; it will stimulate consumer demand through substantial increases in real income and it provides for a plan of action for the long term unemployed.

Budget '95 is an extremely important achievement in the first months of this Government's existence. While all three parties in Government had an essential and vital input into this budget, it is an historic fact, of which I am justifiably proud, that this was the first budget introduced by a Minister for Finance who is a member of the Labour Party, and I look forward to many more.

It is perhaps not surprising that Opposition parties have had difficulty in criticising this budget in any constructive way. This may be because the critics themselves, despite their best efforts, cannot fail to see its merits. The new Government has made a good start with budget '95, I have no doubt that it will usher in a new era of opportunity, excitement and challenge for all of us in the year to come.

It may come as a surprise to some if, perhaps, unlike many people on this side of the House, I begin by welcoming certain aspects of the budget.

This budget, as is the case with most budgets, contains provisions that are positive and beneficial to most sectors of society. I particularly welcome the continued implementation of policies put in place by Fianna Fáil during the last administration, some of which were put in place as far back as 1987 and continued throughout the period of Government up to December of last year. I welcome the adoption of new policies initiated by Fianna Fáil and agreed by the previous administration. I refer particularly to changes in PRSI which were clearly signalled last year. I hope the Government will continue to implement further PRSI exemptions, although I have some reservations in that regard.

I wish to refer to the scheme to assist traditional seaside resorts which is introduced in this budget though I find it strange that, with the exception of one in Minister we seem to have traditional seaside resorts on the west coast only. Not one seaside resort on the east coast is included. I hope that by the time the scheme commences, even on a pilot basis, the Minister will discover that there is an east coast on which there are many seaside resorts that could be included. At risk of being accused of being parochial, I could mention one in Louth but also some in Dublin, Wexford and Wicklow which are equally deserving of inclusion in the scheme. I will take the example of the constituency of the Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Deputy McManus. At one stage Bray was known as the Brighton of Ireland. It is a traditional seaside resort and one that is certainly in need of the change that inclusion in this scheme would bring about, but sadly it is omitted. I do not know why not one resort on the east coast is included but I hope that will be rectified.

As a middle income PAYE taxpayer I welcome many measures in the budget. If I am to believe the figures given by the Minister, and I have no reason to doubt them, I will not be paying more tax at the end of this year. It appears I will pay less PRSI and that I will get an allowance on the service charges I pay to Meath County Council. I hope the Minister will extend the allowance to refuse collection charges. Incidentally County Meath had the good sense some time ago to allow that service go to contract. I will save £75 on my residential property tax which I had to pay as a result of the changes introduced in last year's budget. As well as these changes, the State will pay my wife an extra £336 per annum in child benefit. Even balancing all these benefits against the reduction in mortgage and VHI relief, a policy initiated in the last budget and to be continued until 1997, I will fare quite well. It has been estimated in some quarters that I will benefit to the tune of at least several hundred pounds, perhaps as much as £700, provided mortgage interest rates do not increase in the meantime which would obviously have an effect on my income.

As someone who is termed generally as a reasonably well off middle income person, a person who has been described in this House by so-called left wing politicians as being right of centre — I have always disagreed with that label; I regard myself as being slightly left of centre in my social and political views — I welcome the budget from the point of view of personal gains. However, as a person with a social conscience, a politician with a sense of social justice, which I think most Members of this House have even though they may not show it as much as other people, as a person with sense of fair play and of responsibility to speak for those who cannot speak for themselves, I regard this budget as most unjust. When you compare what I stand to gain from the budget with what an old age pensioner will gain it is very unjust. How many hundred pounds better off will he be? He will not be £300, £200 or even £100 better off. All he will receive is £88 extra. Last year, I think, Deputy Rabbitte said that the increase given to pensioners would not pay the wine bill for the Tánaiste in the Waldorf Astoria. If last year's increase would not pay the wine bill then this year's increase would not even pay for the water. This increase has been given by what has been termed a Labour-led and left wing dominated Government. I shudder to think what would happen if a right wing Government got into office.

I welcome some of the provisions in the budget. Democratic Left, in particular, and the Government, in general, have made much play of the £7 increase in child benefit from which I, with four children, will benefit. I am sure people earning £50,000, £60,000 and £100,000 will also welcome this increase, not that it will make much difference to them. If the idea behind this increase is to enhance support for families on low income or social welfare then much more should have been done. For example, it could have been targeted in a more defined way.

Many organisations with a social justice agenda have advocated taxing child benefit as a way of ensuring more equity.This is a very thorny subject and it is not a very popular line to adopt. Parties which, in Opposition, seem to have an exclusive right to ensuring social justice and being worried about the less well off should, in power, have the courage of their convictions and take unpopular decisions so as to ensure social equity. A report published three or four years ago indicated that if child benefit was taxed it would be possible to increase the rate of benefit for each child to £40 per month without any cost to the Exchequer. This increase would impose an additional cost on someone like me who is earning £31,000 to £32,000 and those earning an income above a certain threshold. If the people who say they are committed to social justice and equity are really committed to achieving these objectives, this is the route they should follow. I do not see any sign of this commitment in the budget.

When a former Minister indicated that he might follow this route in 1990-91 there was a huge outcry: it was argued that this was the only direct payment to a mother, it was hers as of right, and one should not deprive her of an income which she could call her own. Taxing the benefit would not affect its payment directly to the mother. It is the responsibility of those who, in Opposition, talked about social justice and equity to take difficult decisions in Government. This will prove they are paying more than just lip service to the idea of social justice.

The Minister for Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Taylor, said there was very little in the budget which the Opposition could criticise and that any criticism was very muted. This is not true: there has been very clear, coherent and telling criticism of the social welfare provisions. Many objective commentators, not Members of the Opposition who the Government claim want to be critical of and negative have sent very clear messages to the Government about the thrust of the budget.

The people on social welfare gained least from the budget. When all the factors are taken into account, including the wage increases under the Programme for Competitiveness and Work, the people who have least got least in the budget. This point has been made not only by Opposition Deputies but also by the Conference of Religious in Ireland which is quoted around budget time and which was also quoted by the Government parties when they were in Opposition.

I agree with the thrust of the changes in social welfare, to eliminate poverty traps and give people an incentive to work. Some of the changes will go some way towards achieving these objectives but the Minister should have gone further if he wanted to remove the obstacles to work. Having gone some way towards removing these obstacles, he should have given special consideration to old age pensioners, those on fixed incomes and those who cannot work. I refer specifically to people on disability and invalidity pensions. An increase of 2.5 per cent for these people is an absolute scandal. Nobody, particularly those who criticised much larger increases given by previous Governments, should try to justify this increase. They should be honest, remain silent and not try to suggest that an increase of 2.5 per cent, £88 per year, is adequate for an old age pensioner who has worked all his life. I hope I will not have to listen to any more hypocrisy as it is unjustifiable and inexcusable and Members on the opposite side of the House should feel ashamed.

It has been said that this increase of 2.5 per cent for old age pensioners is a reflection of Fine Gael's influence on the budget. I would be more charitable but this is the only sign of its influence on the budget. It is good that it has some say or influence behind closed doors, even if it has not been evident in the House during the past two to three weeks that it is a party in Government.

The Government has abandoned the policy followed by successive Governments of all shades of granting increases in line with inflation. The Minister for Social Welfare and the Department of Finance should think again and consider increasing the figure in the Social Welfare Bill for old age pensioners and those on fixed social welfare incomes to at least 3 per cent. Indications are that the rate of inflation will be approximately 2.9 per cent.

I acknowledge that the Minister has decided to bring forward the date of payment by a number of weeks, a good move which should be welcomed. I will support the Minister in his endeavours to have the increases paid as close as possible to 6 April. I am aware that this would cause horrendous bureaucratic difficulties in the Department of Social Welfare but bureaucracies are supposed to serve the people. While I am critical of the size of the increase I acknowledge what the Minister has done in this area.

In the Budget Statement the Minister for Finance referred to deserted wife's benefit and the lone parent's allowance and mentioned that he was considering fusing them. In effect this is an announcement — I would be delighted if the Minister corrects me — that deserted wife's benefit is being abolished.The paragraph in the Minister's speech is a good example of official gobbledygook.On the one hand he states that the new scheme will not be means tested and on the other that it will be structured on a basis which will facilitate the gradual withdrawal of payment over a specified income range; in other words, it will be means tested. This is a clever use of words but the Minister is fooling no one and the sooner he comes clean the better. In this age of equality — I regret the Minister for Equality and Law Reform is not present — I am sure that deserted wives will be interested to hear that this benefit is being abolished.

As my party's spokesperson on the environment I wish to address a number of specific issues. On a positive note I welcome the reduction of £1,000 in vehicle registration tax to encourage people to dispose of old cars. This is a good idea and a sound policy for a number of reasons, not least the question of safety. As we are all aware, there was much talk in rural areas during the Christmas period about the drink driving laws and causes of accidents. A scientific analysis of the causes under three or four headings, including the age of the vehicle, drink and speed, would make interesting reading. I am sure that many cars are unroadworthy and accidents caused as a result.

It is also environmentally friendly. I have seen statistics which indicate that the rate of emissions from old cars, particularly those ten years and over, is over 100 times higher than the rate for brand new cars. I pay tribute to the Society of the Irish Motor Industry which wanted the Minister to go further this year. He has travelled part of the road. Last year it produced a plan and stated that certain things would happen if the Minister took a particular route which he followed to a certain extent, and employment was created. The society has taken a responsible approach and costed all its proposals. Before introducing the Finance Bill I ask the Minister to consider reducing the rate of VRT to encourage people to buy new cars. This would be beneficial all round.

On a negative note I am shocked at the allocation for county roads. The Minister decided to grant an extra £8 million this year. Last year he granted an extra £10.66 million. He had previously announced that he had decided to allocate an additional sum of £6.34 million bringing the total for last year to approximately £107 million for county and regional roads. I note that the figure for this year will be approximately £100 million at a time when the condition of our roads is deteriorating more rapidly. The bad weather and flooding have caused serious problems throughout the country, no area has escaped.

The Minister recently announced a ten year plan to tackle this problem. With all due respects to the Minister, this is almost the tenth plan for roads that I have heard about in the past seven years. We need much more than a plan. People living on class 3 roads or lanes around the country cannot wait ten years for action. They are at the end of their tether because many of the roads are impassable. In my constituency — I am sure many Deputies have similar experiences — elderly and infirm people are trapped in their homes because many of these roads and lanes are impassable. School children have to wear wellington boots to get from one end of a lane to the other when going to school and people have to park their cars at the entrance to lanes. In many parts of rural Ireland there was not any need to apply the drink driving laws; people were already trapped in their homes. I will return to this subject at a later stage because I am sure we will be having a debate on the condition of our county roads soon.

I wish to refer to the issue of local service charges. As a Member of this House and of a local authority, I have listened to other public representatives of Democratic Left and Labour, talking about abolishing these charges when they get into power. Fianna Fáil promised to abolish them in 1985. We entered Government in 1987 but we did not do it. We are still being taken to task because of that even though we fought six or seven elections since then and it was not part of our policy documents.Democratic Left is now in Government, the charges are still in place and there has been no mention of abolishing them.

I welcome this budget because it exposes the hypocrisy of the parties in Government, particularly the left wing parties. Over the past seven years I listened to Opposition Deputies suggesting instant solutions to all our problems. Every decision that had to be taken by us when in Government to get the economy on a sound footing was met with shock and horror. Difficult decisions had to be taken but we had the courage to take them. I believe Democratic Left is badly exposed in this Government.

I heard Minister of State Rabbitte, in his usual flippant manner, say that all members of the Fianna Fáil Front Bench needed bereavement counselling because they were suffering from withdrawal symptoms due to their loss of power. Deputy Rabbitte will shortly have to contact AA for counselling because he is clearly intoxicated with power and has forgotten everything he said when in Opposition. I hope he gets that counselling soon because he is in danger of becoming smug over the term of this Government, if it lasts the two years.

I repeat that an increase of 2.5 per cent for old age pensioners and those on invalidity benefit is not enough. Where is the Minister's sense of social justice? He should reconsider that as a matter of urgency.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate on this year's budget. The budget for 1995 provides a coherent and consistent framework for ensuring further economic growth, greater social equity and a higher level of total employment. It is also a framework which respects the public finance commitments of both the Government's policy programme, A Government of Renewal, and the financial disciplines of the Maastricht Treaty.

The Government, in its policy programme, committed itself to firm management of the public finances. This budget has adhered strictly to that commitment which is underpinned by the two key Maastricht criteria, that the Exchequer borrowing requirement be kept prudently below 3 per cent of gross national product and, that the debt/gross domestic product ratio be steadily reduced towards 60 per cent.

It is reassuring that, even with all of the adjustments made in the budget, the EBR to GNP ratio is expected to be only 2.4 per cent for 1995, which is comfortably below the EU target of 3 per cent. As regards debt as a proportion of GDP, we are again demonstrating our commitment to move steadily towards the Maastricht criteria. The debt/GDP ratio, which had stood at over 96 per cent at the end of 1993, is estimated to have fallen by some 6 percentage points by the end of 1994 and this year, the Government is confident that a further worthwhile reduction in the debt/GDP ratio will be achieved.

These criteria are not being targeted just to meet requirements set down by the European Union. They are being planned because they are central to achieving sustained growth in the economy.This budget contains a number of features which are designed to make it more attractive to produce new jobs and to retain existing jobs. I will not take up the time of the House in listing the many positive incentives and adjustments introduced in the budget last week by my colleague, the Minister for Finance, in the areas of personal tax, PRSI benefits for employees and employers and the reduction in corporation tax.

The changes included in the budget will help to reduce unemployment by reducing the cost to employers of providing jobs. They will also increase the take home pay of those at work by reducing taxation. The most positive benefit will be the considerable increase in the number of new jobs. Indeed, total employment is now set to increase significantly in 1995, given the prospects for continued strong growth, led by domestic demand. Average numbers at work outside agriculture are projected to increase by 37,000.

The increase in employment will be spread across a number of sectors, with the bulk arising in industry and private services. When account is taken of increases in our labour force, we can expect overall employment will actually increase by 31,000 and overall unemployment numbers to fall by a further 16,000 this year. If this is achieved it will represent a marked improvement in the historic employment creation performance of the economy.

While critics claim this budget does not do anything to generate increases in employment, the evidence is very much to the contrary. However, the Government on its own cannot ensure that the overall employment level will increase. If we are to prosper in an increasingly competitive international arena, we will all have to work harder, more effectively and more efficiently. That applies to the community as a whole, as well as to each business and activity within the economy.

Above all, if we are to ensure a stable, low inflation economy we need the continued commitment of the social partners.The omens are certainly good in that regard. The Programme for Competitiveness and Work has provided a positive framework and consensus approach to economic and social development in recent years. It has clearly underpinned our recent economic performance and the improvements in our public finances. Delivering on the Programme for Competitiveness and Work in the years to come will require an unrelenting commitment to competitiveness in both the public and private sectors.

The transport, energy and communications sectors, for which I am responsible, have a key role to play in improving the competitiveness of the economy. The importance of transport is illustrated by the greater distance hurdle we have to overcome in exporting our goods, relative to our competitors. As regards energy, the emphasis on the rational use of resources has been intensifying in recent years in response to the increasing awareness of the need to conserve scarce resources, the need to protect the environment and the need to reduce pollution. Communications, is taking on a more prominent and vital role as services employment grows, as the economy becomes more service-intensive and as employment becomes increasing information-based.

In all three sectors, we can be certain that competitive pressures will become more severe over the next few years. In some sections of transport such as road haulage and air services, increased competition is all too evident. However, in others, consumer demand will impose even sharper competitive pressures on all market operators. As to the energy sector, it has not only to face increased competition but also has to face-up to transparency in the supply and distribution of energy products. Telecommunications, in particular, technology-driven development will not only pose new threats, but will also present new opportunities and challenges in the market place. It must be realised that opportunities are just that. The challenge is to turn opportunities into real benefits. This is the key item on my agenda. We must be internationally competitive because as a country we will only succeed if we take on and beat international competition. I aim to ensure that in terms of transport, energy and communications, Ireland is able to compete internationally.

I am anxious to ensure that the enterprises that operate in the three sectors for which I have responsibility, will operate with flexibility in responding to changing market requirements. Indeed, the key to commercial success is to adapt quickly to changing circumstances.Over-reliance on traditional methods of organisation and operation can no longer guarantee the delivery of jobs and profits, in what are increasingly dynamic markets. Such markets pose challenges for all types of commercial enterprise. There is no doubt that private and public enterprises not only in the transport, energy and communications sectors, but also in the economy in general, have now to respond to much tougher and more competitive market places. As regards public enterprise, we recognised in our Government policy programme that dramatic change will occur in some State companies and that the twin drivers of technological change and EU competition rules will significantly affect what were once natural monopolies in the State sector. Our approach to these inevitable forces will be to ensure that all change in the State companies will be managed in the best interests of employees, taxpayers and consumers.

The onset of more competitive conditions across the economy has created a climate in which innovative and more cost-effective services have to be made available to consumers throughout the economy. These conditions can generate greater consumer choice and employment in the economy generally, together with more efficient supplier operations. Given the changing operating environment, the regulatory regimes applying to important areas within many of the key economic sectors have come under review. In this context, I should point out that this Government has given a commitment to pursue the establishment of independent regulators for telecommunications and electricity, as appropriate, in the years ahead.

Obviously, the key task for such regulators will be to ensure that markets for which they are responsible operate on a fair and equitable basis. This will work to the advantage of both consumer and suppliers, including those carrying universal service obligations in respect of the management of the economy as a whole.

My colleague, the Minister for Finance, gave prominance in his budget speech to the whole question of public service management and in particular to the strategic management initiative for the public service. This management issue is central to the conduct of policy and ultimately to the performance of the economy in the competitive global marketplace that I have outlined to the House.

In 1995 total public expenditure in Ireland, both current and capital, is forecast to exceed £13 billion. This amounts to nearly 40 per cent of our gross national product. Clearly the way in which we use this public expenditure has a massive impact on our economy, on our ability to create jobs and to generate wealth. Because the levels of expenditure are so great, relative to the scale of the economy, even small changes, at the margin, can and do make a real difference.

The SMI is not simply about money. It is ultimately about the way in which we manage our affairs, the way in which we make policy and the way in which we serve the people. The system of Government ultimately relies for its legitimacy on its capacity to represent and serve the long term democratic interests of the people. This Government recognises a broader need to develop and to change our public service.We want its work to be of the highest quality. We need its performance to be cost-effective and we need to have accountability at all levels of the system.

For all of these reasons, we in Government have committed ourselves to supporting and implementing the SMI. The 1924 Ministers and Secretaries Act which remains, even today, the statutory cornerstone of public management will be amended, to allow for much needed reforms. The Government intends to modernise the public service to ensure a greater devolution of responsibility and accountability. We will also provide for improved financial and personnel management and greater transparency. We will introduce simplified procedures with a new emphasis on treating the public as customers who are entitled to an efficient and effective service.

Clearly, my own areas of ministerial responsibility — the transport, energy, communications and earth resources sectors — have a critical bearing on the success not just of the overall SMI but of economic policy as a whole. Equally State enterprises and executive agencies in these sectors have an enormously important role in the economy. Put simply, successful economic policy, employment creation and wealth creation all require State enterprise which are efficient and which deliver the goods on terms which are as competitive as those of our trading partners. The message must be understood. Inefficient, topheavy State enterprises cost jobs in the general economy. Delivering the goods on a competitive basis will not become any easier in the future. We must create the conditions to allow Irish companies and Irish goods to compete on level terms with their international competitors — because, given our dependence on exports, it is on the international arena that we have to compete and be successful.

The strategic management initiative in the public service, if it is to be a success, must contribute to the development of Irish employment and Irish business. There can be no wishful thinking.Departments and indeed Ministers must be prepared to look at old issues afresh, to challenge the status quo and to take effective action when this is necessary and not simply when it is expedient. This will require courage because it will not always be popular. Equally, the whole process of introducing a culture of change in the public sector will meet resistance.

I would not underestimate for a moment the difficulty of bringing about change in the public sector. However, if the public sector faced the pressures regularly imposed on small businesses, I doubt that we would spend as much time talking about how difficult the process of change was. I suspect we would instead just get on with the task. I am confident, nevertheless, that the Government, with the support of the public sector will successfully implement the SMI. Furthermore, I believe that the initiative has the potential to transform the Irish public sector over the next decade.

We must shape our policies and institutions around the reality of the external environment in which we operate. If that environment is changing we must be prepared to change. If it is competitive, we must be competitive. The public service, no more than the private sector has a responsibility to deliver the goods, and it must be seen to do so. It must develop core long term goals and a real mission as a means for shaping strategy and policy which will deliver on these goals. It must set itself testing targets and it must develop a systematic and consistent performance indicator approach so that it is clear whether or not policy is actually working. It must grasp the benefits of new technology and not see it as something that is antipeople.Indeed, as the lead editorial in The Economist magazine put it this week:

As well as embracing new technology, Governments and employers need to provide people, through lifelong training, with the skills to use it.

My Department's mission is to advance national prosperity by fostering the development and appropriate regulation of the transport, energy, communications and earth resources so as to provide safe, secure and high quality services. The mission statement is very precise in what it says. There are no sacred cows in these sectors. The days of certainty, of stability and of absolute security are gone. This is because the world in which these sectors operate is becoming a distinctly less comfortable and more challenging place.

In very straightforward terms we must be prepared to change the way in which we do business. Refusal to do so will leave us dead in the water. When it comes to getting competitive, producing better goods and meeting our competitors head-on we cannot and must not take our foot off the accelerator. Those who think otherwise are facing a rude and deeply unpleasant awakening.

In the days of unrestricted monopoly, while the world outside might have been a tough one, the monopolist could always get captive consumers to pay the price of inefficiency. But in the new environment, one in which technology and the demands of a growing marketplace are sweeping away old barriers, this cosy shelter is no longer available. It seems that the message has yet to get through in some quarters. I will ensure under my ministry that it gets through loud and clear.

Our economic strategy, if it is to be effective therefore, must be about helping the public sector and public policy to cope with change. And the outlook for a strategy of change is quite good. The national and international marketplace appears set for solid growth into the medium-term. The transport, energy and communications sectors internationally are becoming more open and volatile. Therefore, there is arguably an element of inevitability about the change which we are about to see. The Irish transport, energy and communications sectors are becoming increasingly well resourced. In other words the raw material we have to work with is fundamentally quite good.

Even though, the outlook for changing the way in which we manage our affairs is good, we have to learn to become more comfortable, whether as politicians or as administrators, with the tools of change. Foremost among these is the capacity to look honestly and critically at the current arrangements and to take on vested interests when this is the correct thing to do.

We also need to learn to combine on issues of common concern more effectively, and to stop compartmentalising important areas of public policy. There are numerous policy areas where this argument applies. But the issues of energy, the environment and transport infrastructure policy and planning are of particular relevance to my portfolio.

This budget has given practical expression to the Government's commitment to develop an innovative enterprising economy, which meets the demands of international competition and shares the rewards of effort, initiative and success. We are now well placed to reap the benfits of economic restraint and sound economic management. I for my part will be doing everything possible to ensure that the sectors for which I am responsible will be making an increasingly positive contribution to the development of an even more competitive economy.

I am surprised that the Minister for Transport, Energy and Comunications, Deputy Lowry, did not mention CIE in detail. My former colleagues in CIE have told me that the Minister has cut £4 million to £5 million from their capital budget but I will leave it to Deputy Seán Ryan, a former colleague in CIE, to pursue him. The staff in CIE thought they would be made up because a main railway line runs through the Minister's constituency but they are very disappointed.

There was a total lack of buzz to this year's budget, probably because everything in it had been leaked. Members have mentioned how irresponsible it is that sensitive information is leaked to the public. When we come to debate the Ethics in Government Bill, we can discuss this issue. It was pathetic to hear Ministers of State say on television that their desks had been broken into which in my opinion was trying to gently get across the idea that information had been pinched from their desks and leaked to the media. I have the greatest sympathy for Deputy Hogan who chose to resign last week on the matter. The Fine Gael Party was obviously trying to compete as there had been other leaks. Whoever claims credit for the doctrine of openness, transparency and accountability, OTA, is probably the person responsible because it is quite clear that Ministers, Ministers of State and advisers and so on have taken it too far. The author of that doctrine, be it the Tánaiste or whoever, should call in everybody and tell them that while these principles are fine they have to use their savvy.

The outgoing Minister for Finance left the finances in good order. All the economic indicators were very positive: employment was up 35,000 or more and unemployment was down by more than 12,000; inflation was under 2.5 per cent and retail sales and consumer spending showed a healthy upward movement. It was the first time since the mid-1960s that the finances were in such good order. The £15 million surplus shown for 1994 could have been much larger if the Department of Finance had the will to arrange things in that way as there are always inflows and outflows and the Department can arrange in the last few days to get the figure up or down, if it so wishes. Had it not been for the fact that the outgoing Minister for Finance had declared that we were in surplus before leaving the Department, we might have been presented with a small surplus.

Our economic performance in 1994 was one of the best in Europe, something of which the outgoing Minister for Finance and the Government is proud. Previous Governments in the past eight years reached a series of agreements with the social partners and the benefits of those agreements, including the Programme for Competitiveness and Work, have contributed in large measure to the healthy state of the country's finances. Unions, workers and everyone who participated in the social partnerships can rightly feel proud that they contributed to them. Public sector pay has also been brought under control and the new conciliation and arbitration scheme brought in by the Minister for Finance last year will prove its worth in the years to come.

Every politician would love to take over a Department when the finances are in a good state because we all have great ideas of how to sort out the wrongs of the world. In the 1980s many cutbacks were imposed which caused hardship. Some of them were imposed in a ruthless manner but if we had more time they could have been imposed in a more caring fashion. However, they had to be imposed to bring the finances back on course. It is a pity now to see that effort squandered and the danger that the finances may run wild again.

I wonder how the Government will manage to keep to a 6 per cent increase in current budget expenditure this year and, more specifically, how it will manage to keep it within 2 per cent next year. Many of the commitments given in the budget, for example the increase in child benefit which I welcome, will not cost anything until 1996. The Government is digging a grave for itself. Either the 2 per cent will be flexible or the Government will spend, spend, spend. It probably feels it will be in office for only one year and may as well enjoy it while it lasts. It is crazy and irresponsible to go from a surplus of £15 million to a projected deficit of £310 million.

The changes in the income tax rates are welcome but the change in the personal allowance is no big deal. The allowance of £300 for a married couple will not mean very much when mortgage and VHI allowances are taken into account. When people receive their tax free allowances for the new financial year they will not be as happy as they were perceived to be in recent days. I welcome the increase in exemption limits.The previous Minister for Finance gave a public commitment to increase exemption limits for those over 65 years by more than £400 but even that amount is welcome.

We are shocked by the 2.5 per cent increase for social welfare recipients. It hurts the old more than the long term unemployed. They received increases in addition to the standard ones which helped to improve their position. The Minister for Social Welfare announced changes which will cost over £215 million in a full year. I cannot understand how a Minister could successfully get the Cabinet to agree to give his Department £215 million and yet make so many public enemies as a result of the way he distributed the money. I do not know if it is naivety, incompetence or an uncaring attitude on the part of the Minister. Ministers might only receive £5 million or £10 million but they manage to distribute it in a caring way. The Minister for Social Welfare deserves credit for getting so much money for this Department but it is incredible that he should spend it in such an uncaring way.

I do not know if the Minister is making a statement on what he feels about the elderly. Some grant schemes which were previously under the aegis of his Department have been given to the Department of Health, for example, the voluntary and community organisation scheme. I made representations for various day care centres, a new kitchen for the meals on wheels and so on but the Minister said such matters are not his responsibility. It is almost as if he is making a public statement that he is not interested in the elderly and placing a different emphasis on what his Department should be doing. I accept that very few elderly people vote for Democratic Left or Labour. Normally they vote for Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. Fewer will vote for Democratic Left or Labour because the Minister for Social Welfare has done great damage to them. Times were hard in the past and we were all told to pull up our socks and not be too demanding. However, when the economy is going well surely those who are most deserving should get their fair share. The elderly put the show on the road in the first place and know all about hard times. In disbursing the £215 million the Minister made many enemies and the Coalition will suffer for that.

The Minister said he would amalgamate the deserted wife and lone parent schemes into a new scheme. As regards community employment schemes, deserted wives complain that they are unfairly treated vis-á-vis a lone parent. I know the position may have changed recently but everybody should be treated equally and should not be discriminated against because they are married or unmarried. However, I do not think we should show favour to or treat people better because they are lone parents. I look forward to the new scheme the Minister will introduce. The lone parent's scheme is abused. I am not trying to moralise and I accept that any woman can have one baby but women with two and three babies also claim the lone parent's allowance. In the new scheme the Minister should give 12 months' notice of his intention to adopt a hard line. If a woman has a second or third child she should be the dependant of someone be they working or receiving social welfare and should not receive lone parent's allowance. Everyone knows they have a partner but it is more profitable to draw money from the State by pretending you are a lone parent. We need to sort out that area and distribute scarce resources in a fair manner.

Other Members have spoken about the reduced corporation profits tax, the banks and financial institutions being the main beneficiaries. That reduction is surprising particularly when one thinks of some politicians who would have hovered around the left wing flag formerly.

The outside left.

I was very disappointed at the increased DIRT at 15 per cent. People who put their money in such special accounts are not high rollers or corporate bodies. By and large they are people who may have received redundancy payments, the proceeds of an endowment assurance policy or something like that, which they put aside to supplement their pension in old age. It is all the more surprising following the miserable increase in social welfare, helping to spread the notion that the Government is being very unfair to the elderly. We on this side of the House will help to spread that gospel. I welcome the proposed changes in the taxation of unemployment and disability benefit. Last year, the big fuss was about the residential property tax. The taxation of unemployment benefit was a larger issue in my constituency but it never seemed to develop the head of steam the residential property tax campaign did. While I welcome the slight changes being made, it is interesting to observe some Ministers who made all sorts of wild promises realising, now that they are in the hot seat, that power has its limitations and discovering that they are not in a position to fulfil those wild promises.

I very much welcome the increases in child benefit which will be of enormous help to many families. The commission established by the former Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Woods, had recommended a figure of £5 but obviously this Government felt it should go somewhat further. Some years ago, when there were tax allowances for children the experts advised that we move away from that concept. Now we appear to be targeting assistance to families in particular, which I welcome.

Not all social welfare proposals are negative. For example, the Minister has improved the eligibility conditions for the carer's allowance, involving the exclusion of £150 of a spouse's income in means testing. Some method of payment which is not means related could be made to carers. I come across many carers. I spoke to a woman recently who had three aunts living with her and who does not qualify because her husband has a fairly good job. Many people with a reasonably good household income are minding a parent or relation. I should like to think that even £25 would be paid as a token of the State's appreciation to their commitment, recognising that, if such people put their elderly relatives into nursing homes, it would cost the State a fortune.

I am glad to see the minimum unemployment allowance being raised to £25 but many people do not qualify for any. A fortune is being expended on people not in receipt of social welfare, who move out of their homes into a flat and receive a rent allowance. The total figure the Minister gave on Tuesday last for this allowance was £40 million. I should prefer to think that everybody would receive some payment for remaining at home. Many people who do not qualify for any payment move out of their homes and occupy rented accommodation badly needed by others on local authority housing lists, thereby costing the State a fortune. For a figure of £40 million annually many local authority houses could be built. While that was a very humane scheme, its provisions are being milked by those who could not care less.

The Minister for Social Welfare referred to a number of small improvements I very much welcome, such as bringing forward payments by six weeks — I hope that will continue and that these payments will be effected from April each year. There is also the proposed £10 income disregard for the free fuel allowance, which costs the Minister approximately £100,000. He might have gone further but nonetheless it is to be welcomed. Then there is the extension of the free colour television licence to all social welfare pensioners currently receiving an electricity allowance, eliminating an anomaly in that area, and the child benefit for students up to age 22 in full-time education, accompanied by the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance along with the reduced qualification age for back-to-work allowance from 23 to 21 years, all of which are welcome. I am somewhat amused by the Minister's increased funding to the student summer jobs scheme which, when introduced some two or three years ago, led to a hullabaloo on the part of those people now in Government. I have always been a total believer in the benefits of that scheme. I am glad to note the Minister has been converted and proposes to support it.

We all welcome the proposed phased abolition of third level fees, which is of great personal benefit to me, in that I pay approximately £2,700 in such fees annually. I question why the Minister did not do the job properly. I accept that anomalies existed in that area, having observed myself that the worst affected were families in receipt of incomes between £18,000 and £25,000, particularly if more than one of their children was attending college. I cannot allow the PLC sector to go unmentioned because it would appear the Minister and her Department do not recognise that sector. Nonetheless it exists. Within the Dublin context, that group of students is comprised of people who remain at home. I cannot understand why the Minister has not taken the small step of completing the circle. I hope the PLC sector will be subjected to further scrutiny. I note that a figure of £2 million has been allocated to that purpose but I am unsure whether that amount will cover all expenditure. Usually, PLC students pay £300 annually, comprised of £50 for materials, £75 for registration, £100 to a professional body and another £80 for something else. Does that £2 million cover the total £300 or the £50 only? I hope it covers the lot but I am not sure.

Under this proposed abolition of third level fees, it seems strange that if one is in receipt of an annual income of, say, £100,000, and one's son or daughter is attending Trinity College or Dublin City University, they pay no fees whereas, conversely, if one's son or daughter is attending Plunkett College, Coláiste Íde or Whitehall House, they will not even qualify for local maintainance amounting to a couple of hundred pounds a year which would be of enormous help to them. Those students come from the less well off sector. Many are out all night trying to earn some money for educational purposes. I hope the Minister will reconsider that proposal.

The Minister for Education has latched on to the abolition of third level fees as though it was her original idea. It is no harm to point out that the Fianna Fáil Party, when Deputy Séamus Brennan was Minister for Education, was first to include that proposition in its 1992 general election manifesto. It was rubbished as a gimmick by some people now in Government. Unfortunately, when Fianna Fáil sat down to talk with the Labour Party to form a programme for Government, that proposal was pushed aside. Labour was not enthusiastic about it, but it has now become obvious that the Minister for Education sifted through the ashes of that Fianna Fáil manifesto, realising it contained good ideas after all.

The abolition of third level fees was not the Government's idea, it was proposed by our party. We raised the issue of the PLC sector and asked the Minister why she did not include it in the education package and make it complete.Some members of the Government labelled us as being anti-free education which we most certainly are not. Regarding covenants, I accept they were abused in the past, but I often recommended them as a legal means to overcome other anomalies. In recent days various organisations have pleaded that they be retained and I hope they will not be abolished. Many people have entered into covenants to help ease the financial burden involved in caring for people, particularly those in nursing homes or those being cared for at home.

Two of my constituents who are in receipt of the unmarried mother's allowance gave up their books and officially went to live with their boyfriends, many others in receipt of that allowance will not do that even though they are living with their boyfriends. Not only did those constituents lose their allowance, but because they were in a second relationship they could only claim a single person's allowance. This anomaly affects people in second relationships and I hope the Government will resolve it. It is illogical that the Department of Social Welfare recognises a common law relationship, but the Revenue Commissioners do not. I am not converted to that way of thinking only since December, I always believed the position was illogical.

I welcome tax relief for people in private rented accommodation and I hope it will succeed in catching out some landlords. It is interesting to note the outturn of the imposition of the residential property tax last year. The fears expressed about it have turned out to be only a ball of smoke. I suppose all political parties played around with the idea of granting tax free allowances on service charges, but we will have to make a decision on the issue. I am a member of Dublin Corporation which has resisted the imposition of service charges. If a tax free allowance is applied to service charges, it will create additional pressure for their introduction.I am sure the city manager will adopt that line.

He should also increase the water pressure.

Our line of defence is being weakened. We should introduce a local sales tax and abolish service charges and residential property tax. Last year figures indicated that all service charges bring in approximately £40 million in revenue and residential property tax £12 million or £15 million in revenue. A 1 per cent local sales tax would yield approximately £70 million in revenue and that money could be used by the local authority.

It is amusing to consider all the Government Departments that were squeezed in the 1987-89 era, but have had money pumped back into them as in the case of Education and Health. They are all booming but local authorities are not. The squeeze was put on local authorities and it has been kept on them. Local authorities are the obvious and ideal forum for creating local employment, yet they are not being allocated money. I would support a local sales tax that would be quite painless because people do not know whether they are paying VAT at 21 or 22 per cent when they are buying a pint, a suit or a pair of shoes. It would not make one iota of difference if such a tax where added to VAT and it would facilitate the funding of local authorities.I hope I can encourage my party to support this proposal and I would like the Government to consider it.

I was surprised at the budgetary provision for the community employment scheme. I had hoped the scheme would have been raised during Question Time yesterday. I was disappointed that less than £40,000 will be provided this year for that scheme as I understood the commitment for it was £100,000 within the life of the Programme for Competitiveness and Work. I am disappointed that the Government appears to be backtracking from that commitment. It is all very well to talk about improving the economic climate to create jobs in the private sector, but we all know that will not make serious inroads in reducing unemployment figures. I am a believer in community employment schemes and I am disappointed that the commitment to them has been dissipated under the new Government. Many other schemes could be operated, particularly through the local authorities, but up until recent days unions in the Dublin local authorities have refused to consider them. I had hoped that the Minister would clarify the Government's policy on this yesterday. If it is not clarified the Government is saying to the 200,000-plus unemployed that it is working on the economy and that the unemployed will be permanently set aside. That is not an adequate response.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Flaherty.

I am sure that is satisfactory and agreed.

Deputy Ahern spent as much time welcoming aspects of the budget as he did trying to find flaws in it.

I am fair.

I suppose that is an acknowledgement that the budget is a good one. I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this year's budget debate. This budget is a historic one for the Labour Party and the other parties in Government. It is the first budget in the history of the State to be presented by a Labour Minister for Finance. When preparing a budget and the Book of Estimates it is vital to strike the right balance having regard to the need to improve the economic climate to facilitate job creation, to bring about tax reform, particularly for the PAYE sector, and to provide additional services. This budget struck the right balance. It makes me smile when I hear the Progressive Democrats call for massive cuts in personal taxation and at the same time demand increases in public services.Is it too much to expect that in a favourable economic climate the needs of people depending on essential services, such as, health, education and local authority housing should be catered for? Improved services are needed, such as, access to hospitals, particularly for the elderly, and the provision of new schools and school extensions.

My constituency is a growth area and there is a need for new schools and extensions, particularly for Fingal community college, Coláiste Choilm and Loreto college in Balbriggan, and for additional housing. Those social services must be considered and provided. I make no apology for having priorities that are different from those of the Progressive Democrats. Fianna Fáil appears to be taking a different view on public spending now that it is in Opposition, but I advise it to be very careful in that regard.

The first budget of the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, gives hope to everyone in the community. It is a budget for the unemployed, for those on modest incomes, for families and young people seeking a better future. In short this budget will boost job creation and redistribute wealth to the low and middle income groups.

Furthermore, the Minister has shown a strong determination to implement a strategy to improve the living standards of those on low pay and keep social welfare payments at least in line with inflation during the coming year. The purpose of the budget is to reward work, promote enterprise and strengthen social solidarity. I share these aims.

One of the main aspirations of this budget is to get people back to work. Job creation is undoubtedly the biggest challenge facing the country given the number of people who are without work and are demanding work.

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