I am grateful to you, Sir, for allowing me to raise this matter. I have been shocked and appalled by President Chirac's brutal and uncomprising announcement that France intends to carry out eight nuclear tests on the Mururoa Atoll in the South Pacific between now and the end of May next year. My sense of shock and outrage at this is shared by the leaders of all the party groups on the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and by other members of the committee and Houses of the Oireachtas to whom I have spoken today. President Chirac's announcement that France will sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty next autumn after the completion of this series of tests is utterly cynical and provocative. It amounts to a clear statement that France believes in a test ban treaty only in circumstances where that treaty has no real relevance to French policy. This will seriously damage the prospects of an early test ban.
This French move, coupled with the recent nuclear test by the People's Republic of China will exacerbate the difficulties facing us not only in relation to nuclear non-proliferation, but also in relation to nuclear disarmament. So far France has reportedly manufactured 800 nuclear warheads, 500 of which are currently deployed. The only point of the current series of tests can be to modernise and fortify its arsenal, if not, to increase it. I fear we will see an increase in tension on issues connected with nuclear armaments. That fear was strengthened today during a conversation I had with a diplomatic representative of a nuclear-equipped State.
This appalling French decision clearly highlights the grave disadvantages flowing from the fact that the European Union does not have the same solid treaty basis for a common foreign and security policy as it has for, say, its agricultural policy. Even with the provisions of the Maastricht Treaty, European Union action in the security field is purely intergovernmental. That means that other member states of the European Union have no treaty policy lever to exert on the French on this issue. I should point out also that since the French nuclear deterrent-nuclear capability is not subject to NATO influence, the NATO partners have no lever to bring to bear on this situation either.
Contrary to what many of our anti-European Union Cassandras claim, greater political cohesion, particularly in the area of foreign and security policy, would give us the means, or more ample means, of curbing the type of nationalistic adventurism in which the French are now indulging to the detriment of the security interests of Europe and the world. Stronger political cohesion could give us a more effective means to end the ruthless exploitation of the people and natural resources of the South Pacific and the cavalier treatment of the people of Australia and New Zealand.
I ask the Government to protest in the strongest possible terms to the French Government against this monstrous decision. I ask the Government to make it clear that it will protest and keep doing so and not accept the arrogant French assertion that this decision is irrevocable. I do not believe that can be accepted in today's world.
By the same token I take this opportunity to ask Fianna Fáil to take action. The Fianna Fáil spokesman on Foreign Affairs, Deputy Burke, who is present has been very forthright in recent months in his condemnation of nuclear power in all its guises. I would like to know whether he will now exert himself in the context of his party's curious relationship with President Chirac's to have this obnoxious decision reversed. Whatever means of pressure can be brought to bear should be used by our Government and our political system. This decision has cast the most serious gloom over efforts I know we all support, irrespective of our political affiliations, to rid the world of the threat of nuclear disaster.