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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 14 Nov 1995

Vol. 458 No. 2

Dumping at Sea Bill, 1995: Second Stage.

I move:

"That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill marks a decisive step in developing a strategy for the healthy management of the marine resource and for the protection of the environment of our seas and oceans.

When it becomes law, the Bill will enable Ireland to give effect to the Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic, generally known as the OSPAR Convention. It will extend the limit of Irish control in relation to dumping from 12 miles up to 200 miles and in some areas up to 350 miles off the Irish coast, depending on the extent of our Continental Shelf. It will apply strict limitations on the types of substances which can be disposed of at sea. It will ban incineration at sea, the dumping of radioactive wastes, offshore installations and toxic, harmful or noxious substances, and will provide new enforcement powers and tougher penalties.

The previous exemptions, that is, sovereign immunity, which existed for state vessels, including military vessels, will no longer apply. The Government has decided that, even though dumping by state vessels is legally permitted under international conventions, it is no longer appropriate that Governments should be exempt from the restrictions imposed on others by these conventions.

No state, and particularly no coastal state, can ignore its duties of stewardship of the world's oceans and seas. It is incumbent on Ireland, and on all other states bordering the world's extensive and complex marine resource, to ensure that it is passed on to the next generations in a sound and healthy state. We ignore this duty at our peril.

Our knowledge of the physical, chemical and biological processes of our seas and oceans is far from complete. We do know, however, that they are fragile; that they are threatened every day by the effect of onshore and offshore activities; and that they are at risk of long-term damage from visible and invisible processes and actions, the impact of only some of which we fully understand. Other more insidious damage is inevitably occurring; we cannot await the luxury of the establishment of clear casual relationship to farming and implementing protective measures.

We must also strive to better understand the marine environment, the impact of man's activities on its health, both in the short-term and the very long-term. Damage done now may be irreversible in the future. Our policy, and that of the global community, is to take strong preventative and protective action now and, at the same time, further our understanding and knowledge of the marine resource.

About 70 per cent of the earth's surface is covered by oceans. As I mentioned, the waters and resources of the seas and oceans are fragile, complex and only partly understood. While coastal states strive to protect their coastlines from misuse or abuse, it is only by way of the concerted and co-ordinated efforts of nations that damage, often insidious in nature, can be avoided.

Owing to the nature of the marine system, local action alone will not protect national coastlines, still less the quality of the high seas. We cannot, therefore, control deep-sea pollution without solid, unambiguous agreements between governments. The OSPAR Convention provides a basic and effective framework for the protection of the marine environment. It is aimed at an extensive ocean area of the north-east Atlantic which borders the majority of the countries of the continent of Europe. It is an area of intensive economic and industrial activity where the adjacent seas are particularly threatened by pollution. National measures must be combined with international agreement to reduce the input of pollutants to the marine environment.

As an island nation close to major shipping lanes we are particularly vulnerable to the effects of marine casualties, oil spills and wilful disposal of wastes in the North Atlantic. Thus, we have a very special interest in promoting protection of the marine environment in the interests of human health, marine life and amenity values. We also have a deeply principled interest in ensuring that our stewardship of our adjacent seas and oceans will be seen by future users of the resource to have been wise and farsighted. In addition to the OSPAR Convention, we are party to a number of international conventions designed to protect the marine environment. It is useful to review for the House the body of national and international law and in that regard for the House to put the present Bill into the overall context.

Ireland became a party to the London (Dumping) Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, 1972, at the same time as it became a party to the Oslo Convention. The Dumping at Sea Act, 1981, gives effect to both conventions. Unlike the OSPAR convention, the London Convention, applies globally and has been globally adopted by the International Maritime Organisation. The terms of the convention are very similar to those of the Oslo Convention and the new OSPAR Convention. In general, environmental protection trends set under the Oslo Convention and the OSPAR Convention progress to consideration and adoption by the London Convention. The London Convention is currently under review, following the adoption by the North East European States of the OSPAR Convention in 1992.

Ireland is also party to the Intervention on the High Seas Convention in the case of Oil Pollution Casualties, 1969, and its 1973 Protocal on intervention in cases of pollution by substances other than oil. The Sea Pollution Act, 1991, gives effect to this convention. This Act enables the Minister, following upon a maritime casualty, to give directions for the purpose of preventing, mitigating or eliminating danger from pollution or threat of pollution by oil or any other harmful substance to the owner or master of a ship which is outside territorial waters. Where the response of the owner or master of such vessels to such direction is inadequate, the Minister may take such actions and do such things as he thinks necessary and reasonable to prevent, mitigate or eliminate the effects of pollution.

Ireland is party to MARPOL 73/78. The Sea Pollution Act, 1991, also gives effect to the MARPOL Convention and its 1978 Protocol. The Act prohibits or controls the operational discharge of marine pollutants from ships through the establishment of operational discharge criteria and vessel construction and equipment standards. Three sets of regulations made in 1994 under the Sea Pollution Act, 1991, on the Prevention of Pollution by Oil, the Control of Pollution by Noxious Liquid Substances in Bulk and the Prevention of Pollution by Garbage give effect to three of the Annexes which form an integral part of MARPOL 73/78.

The Oil Pollution of the Sea (Civil Liability and Compensation) Act, 1988 gives effect to the Civil Liability and Compensation Conventions, 1969, and their 1971 Protocols. The Act requires oil tankers carrying 2,000 tonnes or more of oil in bulk as cargo to hold specified insurance cover. Oil importers receiving more than 150,000 tonnes of oil per annum into the country are required to contribute to the compensation fund established under the above mentioned conventions.

The Merchant Shipping (Salvage and Wreck) Act, 1993, gave effect to the International Convention of Salvage, 1989. It made an important further contribution to the procedures for dealing with maritime casualties. An orderly system for handling the three main phases of a casualty at sea was introduced, namely vessels in distress, salvage operations and, where necessary, the removal or rendering harmless of ensuing wrecks. This Act strengthens the role of both the Department of the Marine's emergency service and its Marine Survey Office, where professionalism and operational capacity have been greatly upgraded in recent years. In particular, rescue operations now have a firm legislative base.

The Act places responsibility on owners for the removal or rendering harmless of their wrecks and has given a new role to public authorities in ensuring that owners of wrecks adhere to their responsibilities. Wrecks of historical interest are also dealt with and the Director of the National Museum will have the right of first refusal on any unclaimed wreck around the coasts. Commercial salvage operations are often high risk affairs which need careful regulation if they are to strike the right balance between the interests of the State, shipowners, salvors and the environment. The Merchant Shipping (Salvage and Wreck) Act, 1993 strikes such a balance.

Plans are in train for accession to the 1990 Oil Pollution Preparedness, Response and Co-operation Convention. This convention is concerned with preparedness and response issues related to oil pollution emergencies. It will be expanded in the near future to include emergencies involving hazardous and noxious substances. The convention is designed to facilitate international co-operation and mutual assistance in preparing for and responding to major pollution incidents and to encourage states to develop and maintain an adequate capability to deal with pollution emergencies.

A Memorandum of Understanding between Ireland and the UK on co-operation-assistance in search and rescue and pollution control in the Irish Sea is being negotiated and in due course will contribute to our ability to tackle marine pollution in the area. The House will appreciate from this review that there is a strong body of law in place to deal with marine pollution. This is kept under constant review, as is our operational capacity to implement it in an effective manner.

The Bill will enable Ireland to ratify the Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic, which is known as the OSPAR Convention. In September 1992 the Government authorised the Minister for Foreign Affairs to arrange for signature, subject to ratification, of this convention. Marine pollution in the area of the north-east Atlantic has been covered since the 1970s by two separate conventions in which Ireland has participated. The OSPAR Convention is effectively an amalgamation of these two conventions, namely, the Oslo Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping from Ships and Aircraft, 1972 and the Paris Convention for the Prevention of Marine Pollution from Land-Based Sources, 1974.

The Oslo Convention is administered by the Department of the Marine. The Paris Convention is primarily the concern of the Department of the Environment but the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications also plays a role in controlling the discharge of radioactive substances, including wastes, from land-based sources. All EU member states, excluding Austria, Iceland and Norway are party to both conventions. The EU is party to the Paris Convention and has observer status in the Oslo Convention. Contracting parties to both conventions have signed the OSPAR Convention. In addition to these contracting parties, Switzerland has also signed the Convention.

The new convention takes account of developments since the original Oslo and Paris Conventions were signed in 1972 and 1974, respectively, and merges and consolidates their provisions. The OSPAR Convention attaches particular importance to the need to increase our knowledge of the state and science of the north-east Atlantic. Contracting parties to the new OSPAR Convention have been preparing for the ratification of the new convention by agreeing on new scientific committees. Preparations are under way for the completion of a quality status report for the entire convention area by the year 2000.

Ireland and the UK will be responsible for the preparation of the report in respect of the Irish Sea, Celtic Sea, the area to the west of Ireland and the area to the west of Scotland. These reports will comprehensively assess the health of our adjacent seas under a detailed set of criteria. They will constitute an invaluable input to policy in relation to the sustainable development of the marine resource. We are currently in consultation with the UK and Northern Ireland authorities about the management of this large but potentially extremely valuable undertaking.

In this context I wish to refer to the question of munitions dumping in our adjacent seas, as the quality status report and the OSPAR Convention generally represent the most appropriate means to address this vexed issue. Up to now it has been through the Oslo Convention that the issue of dumping by the UK of chemical and other weapons from World War II has been pursued. Such dumping is a matter of major concern to many of the contracting parties to the Oslo Convention.

We will ensure that the impact of the dumping of chemical weapons off the coast of Ireland and the UK will be specifically addressed in the quality status report. We have asked the UK Government to draw up a system of management of the relevant dump sites. The main aim is to ensure that we are made aware of the physical and chemical processes involved and their impact on the adjacent waters and the marine environment generally. I can assure the House that we attach particular importance to this issue.

It is also through the Oslo Convention that agreement has been reached globally on the termination of the disposal at sea of industrial wastes. Such wastes have not been disposed of at sea in Ireland since July 1993. The Oslo Convention has also been instrumental in addressing the issue of the disposal at sea of sewage sludge. Dumping by Dublin Corporation, Ireland's only authorised sewage sludge dumper, is being phased out and will be terminated by the end of 1998. Alternative land-based methods of treatment and disposal are being developed by Dublin Corporation with that time-frame in mind. This means the only substance of any significance being dumped at sea by Ireland is dredge spoil from harbour development and maintenance operations. The Oslo Convention guidelines for the management of dredged material are taken into consideration in the disposal of dredge spoil.

The Oslo and Paris Conventions have been merged with a view to a stricter and more updated environmental protection regime for the north-east Atlantic. The new convention generally obliges contracting parties to adopt — individually and jointly — programmes and measures involving the use of best available techniques, best environmental practice and, where appropriate, clean technology, for the purpose of preventing and eliminating marine pollution and protecting the maritime area covered by the convention against adverse effects of human activities.

The new convention provides a stricter marine environmental regime; establishes mechanisms for the protection of the marine environment; allows more in-depth considerations of ideas and proposals affecting the marine environment through an increased number of scientific working groups; operates on a "precautionary principle" where countries are asked not to license activities where there is any question of damage to the marine environment; and provides an arbitration mechanism for the settlement of disputes involving transboundary pollution.

This Government is anxious to ratify the convention as soon as possible. It is seen as essential that we equip ourselves with the powers to implement urgently and effectively the marine pollution control regime in the convention. It is also essential that we as a nation are not seen to be behind in ratifying this convention.

An important objective in ratifying the convention is to open the way for the possibility of initiating arbitration between Ireland and the UK arising from the increased discharges from Sellafield since the start-up of THORP. As Deputies are no doubt aware, this Government is opposed to the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel and is seeking the closure of the Sellafield-THORP plant and the halting of any future expansion. An interdepartmental committee on the Irish Sea has been established in order to progress Government policy on Sellafield and the Irish Sea in line with the commitments given in A Government of Renewal policy document.

The operation of the THORP plant results in the transportation near our shores of nuclear materials. I have very serious concerns regarding this matter. We are not alone in this concern. Small island states and other coastal states world wide have been vocal in international fora with regard to the transportation of such material. This led to the adoption in 1993 of the International Maritime Organisation Code on the Safe Carriage of Irradiated Nuclear Fuel, Plutonium and High Level Radioactive Wastes in Flasks on Board Ships — the INF Code. The code lays down standards for construction, equipment and operation of ships engaged in the carriage of irradiated nuclear fuel, plutonium and high level radioactive wastes.

Ireland has consistently argued for the following requirements to be included in the INF code: reporting arrangements; consultation with coastal states; routing restrictions-passage planning; marine emergency response plans and salvage arrangements in the event of an accident.

I have met the Secretary General of the IMO to whom I have expressed Ireland's concerns. He and a number of IMO member states have supported Ireland's view and as a result a special meeting of the IMO is being set up to progress the expansion of the INF code. This morning I made a special presentation to the assembly of the IMO pointing out the deficiencies of the code and requesting that they be addressed. I will be doing everything in my power to ensure that the transportation of nuclear material by ships is strictly controlled.

Three Departments of State have obligations under the OSPAR Convention: the Department of the Environment is responsible for the prevention of marine pollution from land-based sources; the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications is responsible for the prevention of pollution from offshore installations and for the discharge at sea of radioactive substances, and the Department of the Marine is responsible for the prevention of marine pollution by dumping at sea.

Sufficient statutory support to implement the provisions of the convention on pollution from land-based sources already exists in the Local Government (Water Pollution) Acts, 1977 to 1990, the Air Pollution Act, 1987 and the Environmental Protection Act, 1992. An updated legislative framework for provisions relating to discharges or emissions from offshore installations and pipelines, abandonment of offshore installations and placement of disused offshore installations and pipelines in the sea for a purpose other than originally intended is being brought forward by the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications by way of the Energy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill and is awaiting Committee Stage.

The provisions of the convention relating to dumping at sea require that new domestic legislation be enacted to give full effect to the convention. Legal advice is that the most appropriate way to amend the Dumping at Sea Act, 1981, is to repeal the existing legislation and to enact a new Dumping at Sea Bill. We have taken this opportunity to carry out a full review of dumping at sea legislation. I will advise Deputies of the key provisions of the Bill before the House and comment on the extent to which they will enhance the provisions of the Dumping at Sea Act, 1981. The term "dumping" is redefined to bring into the regulatory net all forms of dredging techniques developed since the 1981 Act and includes deliberate disposal at sea of vessels or aircraft as well as substances or material from or in conjunction with a vessel and aircraft.

The "maritime area" to which the Bill applies has been extended beyond the 12 mile territorial seas limit, to 200 miles and, in some cases, up to 350 miles off the Irish coast depending on the extent of our Continental Shelf. Ireland expects to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982 in the near future and, under the terms of that convention, contracting parties may exercise control of the maritime environment out to those limits. This is a major development. Up to now Ireland was in a position to regulate out to 12 miles only. Our control over the marine environment will be greatly enhanced by this provision.

The Dumping at Sea Act, 1981 prohibits the dumping of substances or material except in accordance with a permit issued by the Minister or a contracting party in the OSPAR Convention if it is in its territorial waters. In line with the new convention the Bill before the House clearly specifies what may not be dumped at sea, thus doing away with any misconceptions or ambiguities.

The Bill strictly prohibits the incineration of substances or material at sea; the disposal at sea of offshore installations or of substances or material from any such installations; the disposal at sea of low, intermediate and high level radioactive substances or material and the disposal at sea of toxic, harmful or noxious substances.

A permit may be granted for the disposal of radioactive substances or material below low level subject to consultation between the Minister for the Marine and the Radiological Protection Institute of Ireland. This is intended to allow the dumping of materials, such as dredge spoil, which are found to contain trace or negligible levels of radioactivity. The House may be aware that all substances and material contain some level of naturally occurring radioactivity. The Radiological Protection Institute is guided by the European Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency in defining below low levels.

The 1992 OSPAR Convention prohibits the dumping of wastes or other matter from offshore installations. It allows dumping of an offshore installation under a permit issued by the competent authority of the relevant contracting party on a case-by-case basis. No permit for an offshore installation shall be issued, however, if the disused installation contains substances likely to be deleterious to human health, living marine resources or would damage amenities or interfere with other uses of the sea.

Last May, following pressure from the majority of contracting parties to the Oslo Convention, Shell UK Ltd. decided not to proceed with the proposed disposal at sea of the offshore installation, the Brent Spar. At the OSPAR Commission meeting in June, agreement was reached by the majority of contracting parties to the Convention on a moratorium on the disposal at sea of decommissioned offshore installations until a formal decision was adopted, by 1997 at the latest. The agreement was a positive step towards ensuring that proposals to dump decommissioned installations such as the Brent Spar, of which there are approximately 60 in the North Sea awaiting disposal, would be avoided in future. I am pleased that the joint governmental action of the majority of contracting parties brought such effective pressure to bear on a proposal which was fundamentally unacceptable. In order to ensure that no such dumping takes place in our maritime area, the Bill will specifically prohibit the disposal at sea of offshore installations.

Thus, the Bill does not envisage the issue of permits in respect of offshore installations or radioactive substances, other than those having essentially background levels, and other toxic, harmful or noxious substances.

The disposal at sea of all other substances or material is also prohibited, except in accordance with a permit issued by the Minister for the Marine and in full compliance with any restrictions, requirements or conditions laid down by the Minister and detailed in the said permit. The Minister is empowered to revoke a permit issued. At this stage I would like Deputies to gain an appreciation of how seriously the Minister and his officials will approach applications for permits.

Currently all applications for permits under the 1981 Dumping at Sea Act are referred to the Ministers for the Environment, Enterprise and Employment and Transport, Energy and Communications for their observations. Applications are rigorously assessed by the Department's marine licence vetting committee. The committee, a multi-disciplinary one, is composed of Department of the Marine and Central Fisheries Board officials with expertise in biology, chemistry, oceanography, navigation and engineering disciplines. Effectively assessment of each application has been based on the criteria governing the issue of a permit as outlined in the First Schedule to the Bill and on the exceptions to the prohibition on dumping as shown in Annex 2 to the OSPAR Convention. For the convenience of prospective applicants, this is outlined and given legislative status in the Second Schedule to the Bill. Briefly, the criteria used include the characteristics and composition of the substance or material to be dumped; the characteristic of the dumping site and the proposed method of disposal; the extent to which the dumping might interfere with fish and shellfish cultures, shipping, recreation or navigation; the availability of suitable land-based alternatives; proper certification of the disposal vessel and crew and the possibility of an impact on the marine environment. In practice, dumping does not take place from aircraft.

Where deemed necessary, applicants are requested to undertake analyses or surveys of both the waste and the dump site, at their own expense. If the proposed site is found unsuitable for any reason alternative sites are investigated; if the waste is found unsuitable for sea disposal a permit is refused.

On the basis of the committee's assessment, its recommendations to the Minister and the views of other Ministers, the Minister decides to grant or refuse a permit. I am happy that the assessment procedure guards against any substance or material likely to have a negative impact on the marine environment being dumped at sea.

The 1981 Dumping at Sea Act exempts state ships and vessels from its provisions. The Oslo and OSPAR Conventions provide that "nothing in these Conventions shall abridge the sovereign immunity to which certain vessels are entitled under international law". At the June meeting of the OSPAR Commission, the majority of contracting parties, including Ireland, agreed that notwithstanding this sovereign immunity clause, the provisions of the convention should apply to all vessels and aircraft including those entitled to sovereign immunity. The UK has given a commitment to cease dumping of redundant munitions at sea.

As I mentioned, I strongly believe that the same regulatory provisions should apply to all who want to dump at sea. Therefore, I have removed the exemption provision from the terms of the Bill, thus ruling out any dumping of munitions off the Irish coast.

The Bill empowers the Minister to appoint authorised officers to enforce the provisions of the Bill and makes it an offence to obstruct or interfere with an authorised officer in the course of the officer's performance of functions. Provision has been included to give the Naval Service new enforcement powers. It makes provision for the prosecution of offences and specifies the penalties for such offences. Up to now the Naval Service had no powers in relation to enforcement. The Navy is in a strong position to detect any unlawful dumping at sea.

Penalties for offences under the Bill have been increased. The Bill provides that the maximum penalties for an offence under this Act shall be, on summary conviction, a fine not exceeding £1,500 or 12 months imprisonment, or both and on conviction on indictment, a fine of such amount as the court deems appropriate taking into account the cost of remedial action or five years' imprisonment or both.

It is my hope that the possibility of substantial penalties on conviction will be an effective deterrent to would-be offenders. It is our intention to invoke the full rigours of the law where offenders are not so deterred.

The Bill represents decisive and strong action on the part of the Government in tackling the threat posed by the dumping of toxic and environmentally damaging substances. I have stated from the outset that the protection of our valuable marine resource is one of my key objectives. I am determined to afford it the strongest and fullest protection. The Bill sets new standards for international marine environment management and gives a firm lead to our European partners. I commend the Bill to the House.

This evening the House has an opportunity to deal with the last rung in the ladder in catering for, and introducing legislation to deal with sea, land, air and water pollution. For the past nine or ten years a series of Bills was introduced to protect and enhance the environment. Although I do not predict the Minister will achieve all he set out to achieve under the Bill, I am glad it has been introduced and we will do our best to improve it.

All life began in the oceans and the oxygen in the atmosphere on which all respiratory animals depend is produced in oceans by the plant plankton. The ocean is an enormous source of food and recreation and for far too long has been treated as a sink, a place into which almost anything, such as nuclear and chemical waste, detergents, insecticides, pesticides and animal, human and industrial waste, can be flushed. For far too long the public and Governments all over the world have ignored this reality. The seas and oceans are treated as if they are infinite and inexhaustible.

However, as our knowledge develops we are beginning to understand that the earth is fragile and that each succeeding generation, in its ambition to represent itself, its talents and achievements, must not compromise future generations from doing likewise. Unfortunately, in many cases reaction, legislation and Government activity has come too late.

We are frequently told about the level of radioactivity in the Irish Sea. One of the criteria by which this Bill can be judged is its effectiveness to enable the Government to close THORP at Sellafield. The Minister stated he hopes to be able to use the arbitration rule on foot of this legislation. We want this legislation to have the teeth to bring this matter to a head and bring to an end the life threatening insidious problems associated with the discharge of nuclear waste into the Irish Sea. It is too close for comfort. The matter must be addressed aggressively and successfully and legislation that deals with dumping at sea must make it a priority.

We have been frequently rocked by new information about the dumping of conventional and chemical munitions in the north-east Atlantic and elsewhere following the Second World War. One of the most blatant and unacceptable features of such action is that so little information is made available for a long period afterwards. It is an indictment of Governments and societies that we can allow a country to dump in that fashion without the knowledge of the Irish Government.

Recently in reply to a parliamentary question the Minister of State said there were 22 sites where conventional munitions were dumped and 24 sites where chemical munitions were dumped. He stated there will be joint monitoring and management of these sites. If the shadow of the past in terms of lack of information is anything to go by it is hard to know how we can trust joint management of that kind. The OSPAR Convention provides for a quality status report to be undertaken and we look forward to what will emerge from that.

Concern was expressed about the casings in which these substances are dumped. The scientific evidence seems to indicate we should leave them as they are as it would be more hazardous to tamper with or move them. I am not a scientist but if it is as safe as we are told why was it necessary to be so secretive? Why could it not be sealed and deposited on the spot instead of being brought to our coastline and dumped? I urge the Minister not only to be vigilant but to ensure that the root of the problem is exposed and brought before the House as soon as possible.

We had hardly come to grips with that news when there were reports of dumping of nuclear waste in the Beaufort Dyke. I understand the British authorities have denied that but it is important to clarify the matter and make known the conditions under which the dumping was made. It is crucial that no stone is left unturned in getting that information. The Government must take a practical, tough stand and get all the information for us.

I agree with the Minister that, on their own, Governments cannot monitor or ensure 70 per cent of the earth's surface is protected. This will only happen if they work with the utmost co-operation. As the global scale of these problems and the threat to life and ecosystems becomes known, the more it becomes necessary to have international conventions under which contracting parties agree to fundamental principles.

When Minister for the Environment in 1992 I was glad to have the opportunity to lead the Irish delegation to Paris on the occasion of the signing of the convention. When this Bill is passed the Government will be in a position to ratify that convention. It will apply to the maritime area as defined under Article 1 for the protection of the marine environment in the north-east Atlantic. The area includes the internal waters and territorial seas under Irish jurisdiction and I welcome the fact that this Bill extends the area to be protected. I hope surveillance will be enhanced to ensure that is a reality.

The general obligations under Article 2 require contracting parties to take all possible steps to prevent and eliminate pollution defined as the introduction by man of substances or energy into the maritime area which results or is likely to result in hazards to human health, harm to living resources and marine ecosystems, damage to amenities or interference with other legitimate uses of the sea and the measures necessary to protect the maritime area against the adverse effect of human activities. Programmes and measures must be adopted individually and jointly by contracting parties in pursuance of these obligations. Best available techniques and best environmental practice, including, where appropriate, clean technology, must be incorporated in these programmes and measures which must apply the precautionary principle and the polluter pays principle. When practicable, parties must be required to restore marine areas affected by pollution.

The general obligations are further developed in a number of articles and annexes dealing with specific sources of pollution — land based sources, dumping and incineration of waste or other matters at sea, offshore sources relating to the exploration and exportation of liquid gases and hydrocarbons. Annex II prohibits incineration in a maritime area and also the dumping of waste, apart from a few exceptions. The latter permits the dumping of sewage sludge until 31 December 1998. Dublin Corporation must deal with that problem soon. The only sewage sludge dumped in the sea at present is from Dublin sources and it is vitally important to develop recycling and other alternative systems in order to live up to that aspect of the convention.

Contracting parties will also be required to undertake and publish at regular intervals joint assessments of the quality and status of the marine environment and evaluate the effectiveness of measures taken and proposed to protect it. Provision is made for the adoption of further annexes in respect of pollution sources not otherwise addressed under the convention to the extent that such pollution is not effectively dealt with by the other international organisations or conventions.

Contracting parties will also be required to establish complementary or joint programmes of scientific or technical research. They are obliged to make available to any person information on the state of the maritime area, activities affecting it and measures taken to implement the convention subject to the right to withhold information in specified circumstances and enter into consultation for the purposes of renegotiating a co-operation agreement where transboundary pollution is likely to prejudice the interests of contracting parties. Implementation of the convention will be supervised by the commission made up of representatives of the contracting parties and a permanent secretariat established to deal with administrative matters.

Since the 1970s marine pollution in the north-east Atlantic has been covered by two conventions in which Ireland participated together with 13 other parties. These conventions are the 1972 Oslo Convention on the prevention of marine pollution by dumping from ships and aircraft and the 1974 Paris Convention for the prevention of marine pollution from land-based sources. Before I took office negotiations were in progress to merge these conventions with a view to having a stricter and updated environmental protection regime for the north east Atlantic. I was happy to lead the Irish delegation in 1992 and to help in reaching a favourable outcome. Ireland will be required to contribute to the annual operation budget of the commission established under the convention.

Ireland, with some support, took a strong position in favour of prohibiting all marine dumping of radioactive waste. The UK and France were opposed to a permanent ban on the dumping of low and intermediate level radioactive waste. They were prepared to accept a temporary ban only on such wastes until the year 2000 when the prohibition would have to be reviewed. The London Dumping Convention, 1972, which has worldwide application, is the principal international instrument for control of marine dumping of radioactive waste. Under that convention the dumping of high level radioactive waste is prohibited. Since 1983 a voluntary ad hoc moratorium has been placed on the dumping of low and intermediate level waste. Prior to that moratorium several countries — France, the UK, the Netherlands, Switzerland and Belgium — carried out dumping for 130 miles south-west of the Irish coast.

The UK and France have an upcoming problem with the disposal of decommissioned reactors and old nuclear powered submarines. They have not said positively that they will dump such radioactive material, but they consider sea disposal as a preferred alternative to land disposal and are determined to keep that option open. Their position is a reflection of the technical and political difficulties in finding suitable means and publicly acceptable locations for permanent disposal of radioactive waste on land. An opt-out provision sought by the UK and France would have meant that, against the background of existing hazards from Sellafield and other nuclear installations to the east as well as hazards further east, particularly central and eastern Europe, there would be a possibility of resumption of dumping off south-west Ireland in a few years. It is likely that dumping will be resumed at a site previously used, creating an increased source of contamination to the west of the country.

There is considerable dissatisfaction among environmental organisations at what is perceived as the Government's inability to secure the closure of Sellafield and THORP and the community inspection force for nuclear installations. A threat of dumping of radioactive substances south-west of Ireland, in view of previous dumping by the UK and its strong intention to keep these options open, will only add to public concern and dissatisfaction. It is crucially important in the context of these provisions that we ensure not only an end to discharges from these plants but that we never again have to face the prospect of being told years later what British Governments do with old nuclear chemical or other munitions.

I do not think there will be much objection to the main provisions in the Bill. The measure that will have to be teased out most is that dealing with the granting of future permits by the Minister for the Marine in consultation with his colleagues. We will seriously consider putting down effective amendments to ensure an absolute guarantee of better protection. The Bill provides for the imposition, on summary conviction, of a fine not exceeding £1,500 or 12 months imprisonment, or both. In view of the seriousness of this matter, perhaps the fine may be increased, but we will deal with that matter on Committee Stage.

I wish to deal with aspects that are not directly relevant to this legislation but are vitally important to the way we address the questions. Sea disposal of hazardous waste is unnacceptable. In the past the attitude was "out of sight, out of mind," but most people are concerned that an event which may have taken place years ago may produce problems, unforseen at the time, causing enormous environmental damage. I referred earlier to the question of casings and wondered how permanent and safe they are. It is not good enough simply to impose bans in this regard and to outline what we cannot do; we need to state what it is possible to do. There is no doubt that in certain parts of the seas with rich iron environments successful biodegradation is possible.

There is tremendous public concern that these problems may be addressed by way of landfill sites. There is equal opposition to the alternatives sought. It should be possible for us to set out a course to be followed in addressing these urgent environmental matters. I am concerned about the leaching of chemical and other wastes from landfill sites into ground water and surface water. We do not have sufficient scientific knowledge or experience to guide us as to the safety of these propositions. Regardless of how successful the waste legislation is in terms of waste reduction and elimination, society will continue to produce waste, and I am not sure Governments have found the answers.

I raise that question because it is important to be as open and transparent as possible in addressing these questions and dealing with these risks. We cannot move immediately from the position in which there are dangerous chemical and nuclear objects and armaments to the ideal world where arms can be decommissioned and the public can be assured there is no threat. Safe disposal is therefore a crucial aspect of this matter.

Recently I read that Sweden has decided, in the context of certain nuclear wastes, to construct a pipeline from the land under the sea bed to satisfy public considerations and concerns in this matter. It is a demonstration of how difficult it is to find the right and safe answers for the future.

On the issue of incentives, while I do not wish to argue about how grant oriented we are, we must consider tax incentives, or some other medium which will encourage industry and users to slow up the process, use different technologies and expend funds in scientific research to find ways of reducing the load into the pipeline. While this is not primarily the responsibility of the Minister for the Marine, the Government must act collectively on this matter. If we are discharging waste into the marine environment from land-based sources on a continual basis which could be effectively reduced by a programme of education and support, tax incentives or whatever, then it is something we must consider.

We must also encourage industry with regard to the management of waste and getting rid of the historical practices and long-term liabilities because of mistakes in the past. We must learn from these mistakes and ensure that what we are doing now is the way forward, and can succeed with regard to the three main criteria I would lay down for the Bill, criteria which I am not certain its provisions can meet.

The first is in respect of what we can do on the issue of THORP and Sellafield. Second, how do we get more information, monitoring and management of the dump sites that have been secretly used on our coast, or close to our coast? Third, what are the alternatives, and how well are we developing them to ensure that the passage of this law not only protects the ocean and the seas around our coastline, but that we do not, as a result, force other types of solutions to be used where the same criteria applies, where the same risk is still inherent in them and where, therefore, the possibility of converting from the use of the sea in the way that has been done in the past, and was acceptable, is not matched in the future by using land or landfill to rescue us from this problem?

There should be a wider educational and tax incentive orientation in regard to this problem, so that the pressures that lead to such dumping, and the pipeline which comes from the land sources into the sea is altered irrecovably for the future.

I broadly welcome the Bill and congratulate the Minister on outlining his plans for the future. It is not before time that a Bill of this kind was introduced. Looking back over the years, it is astonishing to read that a nuclear powered submarine could be buried in the North Sea from which, at times, leaks occur.

Vast quantities of atomic, industrial and nuclear waste have been deposited in the seas north of our Continent. The first indications of the seriousness of these deposits were that the waters became totally denuded of wild life. We have also discovered large quantities of gases and poisons, which were left after the First World War, and disposed of in the Irish Sea, not too far from our shores. Some day the containers holding this waste will disintegrate, releasing their poisons into the seas.

I recently spoke to a friend of mine in Limerick, a lone yachtsman, who has sailed around the world on two occasions. He told me that it cost——

The Deputy is lucky to have friends like that.

There are some nice people in Limerick, and loners also. He told me he had crossed the North Atlantic Ocean on two occasions and came across large islands of waste spread out before him. On one occasion he was fearful of being lost in view of the depth and size of the waste. It is only right and proper, therefore, that we give serious consideration to the Bill and ensure that, for future generations, there will be a better means of controlling the damage that all this waste is causing.

At one time we all took the view that if there was anything to dispose of and it was put into a river, lake, stream or sea that would be the end of it. However, waste does not disappear easily. It will reappear for future generations and, perhaps, cause enormous damage to fish stocks, people's health and so on.

Environmental issues have taken on a new importance in public affairs in recent years. In this respect, the importance of dumping at sea, the subject of the Bill, was clearly highlighted by the Brent Spar saga earlier this year. The decision by the Shell Oil Company to tow a disused rig into the North Atlantic Ocean and dump it there caused a huge outcry. It developed into an international incident and, ultimately, the company had to back down in the face of fierce public pressure, which included a boycott of its products, and was effectively forced to abandon its plan to dump the rig.

I accept that public perception of the Brent Spar affair was heavily influenced by the orchestrated campaign mounted by the Greenpeace organisation and we know that some of its claims regarding materials contained in the rig were, perhaps, inaccurate. Nevertheless, the incident illustrated how strongly public passions can be aroused on this topic.

The need for us to protect the environmental integrity of our coastal waters and territorial seas is clear. Any hint of contamination in Irish waters could have serious repercussions for our fishing and tourism industries, both of which are major employers and important contributors to national wealth generation.

This country has more need than most for legislation on the issue of dumping at sea. As an island nation at the edge of Europe, we are adjacent to major international shipping lanes. We are also next door to the UK, one of the most heavily industrialised countries in the world, one of Europe's major military powers and one of the biggest players in the world in the business of nuclear weapons and nuclear energy. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that material dumped by our nearest neighbour should find its way into the waters surrounding our shores.

Regarding the nuclear industry, I realise that Sellafield is outside the ambit of this Bill. Nevertheless I place on record my continuing concern that waste liquids containing radioactive contamination are still being discharged into the Irish Sea from that plant. It is small wonder that the Irish Sea has been described as being twice as radioactive as the Pacific in the wake of a French nuclear test. With the commissioning of the new THORP facility the level of liquid discharges into the Irish Sea will naturally increase. It is important that the Government maintains pressure on Britain on this issue. We should be pressing also for some form of independent monitoring of the Irish Sea by a reputable international body to assess the scale of the nuclear pollution problem.

The British have also shown themselves culpable regarding the disposal of military hardware. It has recently come to light that during the past 50 years the British military authorities have dumped in excess of one million tonnes of munitions and military equipment into a marine trench known as the Beaufort Dyke between Ireland and Scotland located little more than six miles off the coast of Northern Ireland. That dyke holds a dangerous undersea cocktail of phosphorous forms, waste artillery shells and discarded ammunition. It has been described by one expert as an environmental disaster waiting to happen. That is bad enough but it may not be the whole story. There is also a suggestion that up to 2,500 tonnes of nuclear waste may have been dumped in the dyke. Undoubtedly that dumping has had environmental consequences. A scientist from Liverpool University was reported in March this year as having found traces of arsenic in fish caught in the vicinity of that dyke. I need hardly point out the type of damage to our fishing industry that news poses. It is vital that the Irish Government obtains clarification from the British authorities as to what has been dumped and its location. The Beaufort Dyke may be an environmental time bomb. It is vital that we understand the scale of the problem if we are to get to grips with it.

I find fault with section 10 of the Bill which deals with penalties. The maximum fine provided for under the Bill is £1,500. Given that the likely culprits under this legislation could be transnational corporations or major international shipping companies, that sum seems a small penalty in those circumstances. The cost of the damage resulting from the dumping of a toxic substance at sea could be much more than that sum. I accept that the Bill also provides for terms of imprisonment of up to five years. However, the sanction of imprisonment is rarely employed in environmental cases and is not a practical option in cases where the offender is a corporate body. I respectfully suggest that the Minister should consider giving the Bill more bite in terms of the maximum fine that may be levied.

I wish to highlight a related matter, the reliability of sea charts of Irish coastal waters. Last September an expert report was placed before a hydrographic seminar in Cork. The report stated that many of the charts in use for Irish waters were up to 150 years old posing major dangers not only to the environment but to human life. The sea approaches to Dublin were last surveyed in 1880. An oil tanker which runs into difficulties while passing the Irish coast can exercise its right to head for the nearest safe port of refuge. If the available charts are out of date by a century or more, such a vessel is at risk of running aground or worse. Such an incident could result in a major spillage, an environmental catastrophe. Hundreds of vessels engaged in international traffic pass the Irish coast annually. For their safety and that of our environment it is important that up-to-date charts are available. We need a national hydrographic office. Will the Minister indicate what progress, if any, has been made towards that end? I support the Bill.

I compliment the Minister of State, Deputy Gilmore, on introducing this long awaited Bill. For a number of years many of us have been concerned about the extent of dumping along the coast between Ireland and the UK and off the north-west coast of Donegal. During the past ten to 12 years, questions on this matter were asked in the House, motions were passed by local authorities and councils throughout the country condemning indiscriminate dumping of war munitions or poison gas off our coasts and condemnations were made, but little or nothing has happened here where we are supposed to have the power to do something about that matter. Therefore, I compliment the Minister of State who, after less than one year in office, has introduced a Bill designed to address these difficulties and our concerns, particularly those of us living in coastal areas of the north-west.

I have received a number of letters from different Ministers during the past ten to 12 years. I received one from the then Minister for Foreign Affairs in 1986 indicating that he had taken up the matter of dumping at sea with the British authorities and expressed his concern in that regard. I received a letter in July 1987 from the then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Lenihan, who raised this matter with the British authorities and gave useful information. He said that the disposal included weapons captured from the Germans at the end of the Second World War as well as British stocks and consisted of nerve agent GA ("Tabun") mustard gas, phosgene and bromobenzyl cyanide (BBC) and the dumping was carried out at depths ranging from 2,700 feet to 8,000 feet. He gave other valuable information in that letter written eight years ago but very little has been done since to deal with that matter. There have been occasional newspaper articles and issues raised on radio programmes. The Minister must be complimented on addressing this problem.

Deputy Clohessy referred to the Beaufort Dyke mainly between Northern Ireland, along the Down-Antrim coast at Larne, and Stranraer, along the Scottish coast and the north-west of England. That sea route is crossed almost every hour of the day by ferries travelling between Northern Ireland and Scotland carrying passengers and cargoes. Approximately 1,500 feet under the surface of that water there is the largest undersea arms dump in Europe. I question the safety of such crossings and the condition of material dumped there at various times since 1945. The British have admitted that there is more than one million tonnes of material dumped there. It is not the type of dumping that was carried out in the Atlantic by the Americans and by others. None of the munitions were dumped by scuttling ships there as was done in the Atlantic and other areas. Instead materials were crated, although many of them were sunk in barges. The North Channel between Scotland and Ireland contains approximately 350 wrecks, ten of which are known to be military type ships. Off north-west Donegal, about 70 to 80 miles off Tory Island, approximately 240,000 tonnes of chemical weapons are dumped. They were supposed to have been encased in concrete and dumped there immediately after the Second World War and that dumping continued until about ten years ago. Since then we have been told that dumping has not been carried out, but I am not sure if that is the truth.

In recent weeks a colleague raised another matter of great concern in the European Parliament. Mary Banotti interrupted a debate and asked about the dumping of nuclear waste. It is bad enough that munitions and gases may be dumped in that area but, as Deputy Clohessy mentioned, if nuclear waste is dumped there it must be investigated. I understand the Minister is following up that matter with the British authorities. I welcome the Bill. It may not go as far as many of us expected but goes a long way towards dealing with this matter.

A number of measures in the Bill commend themselves to me and to others who are concerned about what is taking place. For example, one measure seeks to extend the maritime area of 12 miles, for which we are responsible, to 200 miles and, where the continential shelf is involved, to 350 miles, giving us power to regulate what dumping takes place within that region. That represents a major step forward. I hope we will be able to monitor what goes on in that area when the Bill is enacted.

A wide range of activities is prohibited: incineration of substances or material at sea; the disposal at sea of offshore installations or of substances or material from any such installations; the disposal at sea of low, intermediate and high level radioactive substances or material, which must be outlawed as soon as possible, and other toxic, harmful or noxious substances. There is also a prohibition on the dumping at sea of sewage sludge. The dumping around our coast of raw sewage into the sea can no longer be tolerated. Under the Bill I understand that after 1998 that will no longer be permitted. It will be difficult to enforce these provisions. Significant extra powers are being given to our patrol ships and to the Naval Service. I hope more monitoring vessels will be available to ensure that its provisions are complied with.

I wish to refer to the issue of penalties. I understand that for an infringement of any of the measures fines of about £1,500 are proposed. Newspapers reports every weekend state that for relatively minor offences people can be fined up to £1,000 or £1,200. If I had any recommendation or amendment to propose it would be to take a long hard look at the figure of £1,500. A fine of £1,500 imposed on any person who is guilty of polluting one of our most valuable natural resources is much too low. We should be thinking in terms of a minimum of £15,000. Indeed, a custodial sentence should also be imposed.

I compliment the Minister on introducing the Bill. I hope it will have a speedy passage through both Houses and become law so that this difficulty of indiscriminate dumping by ourselves or others around our coast will cease.

(Wexford): I welcome the Bill. In a lengthy speech the Minister of State covered all aspects of our concerns in regard to dumping at sea and the problems faced by an island nation, such as ours. Particularly along the east coast, we have been living under a cloud of secrecy for many years in regard to the actions of the UK Government from which we have to drag information. I refer particularly to the Sellafield and THORP nuclear installations which are practically on our doorstep. We have voiced our concerns over the years but it appears successive Governments lacked the power to deal with the actions of the British Government.

Medical experts have expressed concern from time to time about the high number of people who are born with deformities. Despite medical evidence, public concern and the reaction of different Governments, the UK Government continues to act in a highhanded fashion in relation to the whole nuclear industry.

I am concerned at newspaper announcments in September about the dumping of tonnes of nuclear oriented weapons in Ireland's backyard. We have had toxic and nuclear dumping in the Irish Sea. In October there was the following announcement: revelations indicate British authorities dumped 2,000 tonnes of nuclear waste in the sea between Ireland and Scotland. There were other drip announcements as follows: "British Ministry of Defence admits chemical weapons dumped off the Donegal coast" and "one million tonnes of weapons dumped off Irish and British coasts". There were announcements in British and Irish newspapers of what has been happening recently. We tabled many parliamentary questions seeking information. I appreciate it is difficult for the Minister to obtain the correct details from the UK Government in view of the secrecy and underhandedness involved.

While I appreciate that the Minister of State is doing his best to obtain information to allay people's fears, we may not be in a position to get the right answers through the conventions. Reference has been made to the Oslo, London and Paris conventions. As far as I know it is left to the Irish and British Governments to prepare reports and publicise them. I have confidence in the Government to prepare the reports and be honest and up-front in its dealings but I would find it very difficult to accept that the British Government will be honest and up-front in its dealings in view of their record to date of secrecy and underhandedness. We have been unable to extract information from them in the way we would wish. It is not good enough to read in the newspapers about the dumping of arms off the Donegal coast or the dumping of nuclear waste in the sea without knowing the long-term consequences for an island nation so close to the UK.

There is a great emphasis on the need for the protection and cleanliness of the environment by the public, industry, farmers and consumers, and a demand that our environment be protected and enhanced. The sea is very much part and parcel of our environment. It is important for job creation, recreational facilities and tourism. Much has been said about the need to develop the marine and tourism and in order to do so we must protect our seas from continuous dumping by the UK authorities. The environment is most important to future job creation. This Government, in common with its predecessors has identified the jobs potential of environmental protection.

The Brent Spar oil rig issue highlighted public concern about this area. The decision to dump the rig was not taken with public consent but the public became aware of the decision once Greenpeace and other organisations became involved. Some experts say the dumping of the Brent Spar rig might not have caused any great damage while others say it would have caused tremendous damage to marine life. This sums up the problem. There does not seem to be extensive research on or investigations into the dumping of nuclear arms or obsolete ships at sea and whether it causes damage to marine life and waters generally.

The actions of the public at that time should be commended although they may cause problems for Shell in the future and for EU countries which have yet to deal with this type of problem. That Shell planned to dump the rig without ensuring the public was fully aware of its intentions caused anger among Irish people, people in the EU and others further afield. As a result, probably due to commercial reasons as much as anything else, Shell decided to take alternative action.

The public is correct to remain unconvinced of the benefits of deep sea disposal. Marine experts always assumed the deep ocean was effectively a desert. We now know differently because marine biologists and experts have discovered that, although life is much sparser than in estuaries or coral reefs, there is life at the bottom of the ocean. Estimates in the last decade suggested there could be between one and ten million different species on the ocean floor, yet, we are aware of two million species only on the entire planet. This obviously means hundreds of different species of fish are living well below the level at which Shell wished to dump the Brent Spar rig.

The UK Government took a critical view of the public's reaction and of Greenpeace. It criticised the fact that Irish, French and German people were up in arms and suggested we were fools who did not know what we were talking about, since everything was safe. However, as the Minister said at the time, too many questions were left unanswered and there were too many ifs and buts regarding the dumping of the rig. There is no doubt that if that dumping had been allowed, many more obsolete ships would have been dumped off our coast and those of other countries.

When I was in the Department of the Environment I attended a number of meetings about marine matters. I recall one joint meeting with marine Ministers about oil pollution incidents in the Shetlands and other areas when the then Minister, Deputy Andrews, accused the Greeks of having ships with rusty, leaking hulls. They were offended by the tough stance adopted by Ireland and its Minister at the time. They felt we were over-critical and over-reacting.

However, as was pointed out at those meetings, the high quality natural environmental areas off the coast of Ireland and elsewhere are not just recreational amenities. Local inhabitants depend to a large extent on environmentally-supported activities for their living, such as tourism, agriculture and fishing. Ireland has a valuable coastline particularly vulnerable to oil spillages and other problems caused by the dumping of ships. The shipping industry must play its part in preventing marine pollution. "The polluter pays" principle, an important aspect of European Union policy, must be applied with full force to maritime operations.

The Minister in his detailed and lengthy speech has set about tackling the problems related to dumping at sea. I commend him on introducing the Bill. He outlined the conventions under which Ireland and other countries can take action. I welcome the Bill but question whether its provisions will apply henceforth. Perhaps in his reply the Minister could comment on and clarify how the problems caused by the nine or ten incidents the UK Government has admitted in relation to dumped chemical weapons and other matters, will be resolved. It is unclear how the problems will be solved and what effects they will have on the waters around our coastline or the fishing developments announced by the Minister recently. Will the cans or barrels containing chemical weapons at the bottom of the sea corrode? Have they already corroded and is there leakage from such areas at present? What effect, if any, is this having? The UK Government will deny that any such thing is happening or will happen. However, it is important that investigations be carried out on the long-term effects on the fishing, recreation and tourism industries. If leakages do occur, what emergency plans exist to deal with them? This matter is of concern to the communities earning their livings around our coastline. It is also of concern to the wider public. We do not want the UK to continue dumping offensive chemicals and obsolete weapons off our coastline. It is not good enough for any nation to carry out such activities and I ask the Minister to deal with this matter in his reply.

Is the Minister satisfied with the conventions? Under the Oslo, London and Paris Conventions, it seems it is very much up to Ireland and the UK to decide what is best and what type of report will be forthcoming. Does the Minister agree it would be far better, safer and in the interests of the Irish people if an independent body was set up within the EU to investigate the long-term effects of dumping at sea on our coastline and our people? Will the Minister consider, if he has not already done so, asking the EU to take this route?

Deputy McGinley said some of our MEPs have raised this issue in the European Parliament. Deputy Gallagher has been most vocal about these problems on our behalf in the Parliament and he has been told consistently that if Ireland requests such an independent investigatory body it may be considered favourably.

In conjunction with all the Irish MEPs, who are extremely concerned about the environment and the damage being done to our seas, the Minister might seek to have such an investigative body set up as quickly as possible. I trust the Minister and Government to seek action but I do not trust the British Government, whose actions to date in relation to THORP, Sellafield and dumping off the Irish coastline is proof that it has scant regard for the health and welfare of Irish people. That is totally unacceptable. I do not blame the Minister or this Government; successive Governments tried to tackle this problem but were unsuccessful.

With the full support of this House and of the Irish MEPs, the Minister should move a stage further and insist, as Ireland's right within the EU, on the setting up of an independent investigative body to examine all cases of alleged dumping during the past 20 or 25 years.

We do not have answers to the serious problems that may arise in the event of leaks at nuclear plants or accidents at sea. If we are depending on the UK Government to be honest with us in this regard, we are going down the wrong road. There has been too much secrecy and information has been forthcoming on a drip basis when sought by this Government. That is not good enough when we are talking about an area of major concern to everyone in this House and the actions that may be necessary as a result of this Bill.

I welcome the enactment of this Bill. It is long overdue. I congratulate the Minister on its speedy introduction and I hope that over the coming weeks we will all have an input to deciding how best we can resolve the problems I have outlined in relation to the various newspaper reports over the past few months of major concern to all of us.

Over 70 per cent of the earth's surface is covered in water, yet only recently have we become aware of the threat to the marine ecological system, particularly relevant to this island nation for two reasons. In recent decades, both the Irish Sea and the Atlantic have been turned into little more than marine tipheads, resulting in terrible insecurity for people living on the coastline and those who fish the seas.

This Bill marks a watershed in environmental legislation. It enables us, for the first time, to ratify the OSPAR Convention. Its provisions will also extend our control over dumping from 12 to 200 miles and, in some cases, 350 miles. Democratic Left has long argued for stringent measures to protect our marine environment from assault by governments and industry. Those concerns are addressed in the programme, A Government of Renewal, which contains a number of innovative environmental protection measures and deals at some length with the dangers facing our marine environment.

In this regard I congratulate my party colleague, the Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Deputy Gilmore, who since taking office has made it clear that he views our marine environment as a resource to be guarded and protected rather than ruthlessly exploited by governments and industry. The Bill is indicative of this Government's commitment to marine protection. In that respect I am delighted to hear there will be all-party support for it, important because this is the most far-reaching marine protection legislation so far enacted in this or any other jurisdiction.

However, there is a limit, to what Governments can do unilaterally. The environmental threats to the Irish Sea and the Atlantic stem from two main sources, namely, heavy industry and the nuclear establishment. Of course, Ireland does not have an entirely clean environmental record. Much of our current domestic legislation is weak, sloppily implemented and penalties, such as exist, are often derisory — we should cast our minds back to the penalties imposed in the case of Ringaskiddy.

The major threat to our marine environment stems from the UK. No amount of domestic legislation, however well drafted, will of itself halt the nuclear madness on the other side of the Irish Sea. Less than 100 miles from this House the THORP nuclear "elephant" is a constant threat to people here.

Until now, international law has proven a flawed instrument with which to challenge the UK nuclear establishment. As made abundantly clear in the case of the French nuclear tests, the EURATOM Treaties are outdated and inadequate to meet the demands of the modern world. EURATOM is riddled with loopholes and is subject to a wide range of legal interpretations which, unfortunately, have tended to favour the nuclear industry rather than the environment.

The programme, A Government of Renewal, contains a commitment to press for the updating of the EURATOM Treaties to take account of the concerns of countries like Ireland and other non-nuclear jurisdictions sharing land or maritime borders with nuclear jurisdictions. Unless the EURATOM Treaties and other international legislative instruments are given teeth, no amount of domestic legislation will be sufficient to protect our marine environment.

Every day we face the threat of accidents at Sellafield and THORP. Not only will the ever present risk of a nuclear accident increase as the UK nuclear industry submits further to commercial considerations, THORP also increases the volume of nuclear shipping passing through the Irish Sea. It has been estimated that an accident on any of the vessels carrying nuclear waste to THORP could have the same effect as several Chernobyl accidents. It is important to picture the effects on this country of such a horrendous accident. Such concerns led to the adoption, in 1993, of the INF code.

I am sure the Minister will have the full support of every Deputy in ensuring that the transportation of nuclear materials by sea is strictly controlled.

Ideally, Democratic Left would like to see a total ban on nuclear shipping in environmentally sensitive areas, such as the Irish Sea, but the nuclear industry does not pose the only threat to our marine environment. Since the end of the Second World War, and probably the First World War, an unknown quantity of munitions and chemicals has been dumped in Beaufort Dyke which lies between Scotland and Ireland. It has been reported that 2,517 tonnes of nuclear waste was dumped at the same location in 1981. Satisfactory answers have not yet been received from the UK authorities regarding what was dumped, when it was dumped, the total amount and the proposals, if any, there are to ensure the future safety of the dump sites.

The UK authorities' indifference to environmental concerns was obvious in recent months when they supported Shell UK in its plans to dump a disused oil rig, the Brent Spar, in the Atlantic. They were forced to back down by a combination of public pressure and threats of action under the OSPAR Convention. There is a moratorium on the marine disposal of decommissioned offshore installations until a formal decision is adopted in 1997. I hope that during the intervening period governments will intensify their efforts to secure a total ban. I have no doubt that the Irish Government and the Minister of State, Deputy Gilmore, in particular will continue to take the lead in this regard.

The sad reality is that the Irish Sea is the final destination for everything from domestic sewage sludge to irradiated effluent from Sellafield. The most stringent licensing regulations will be imposed under this Bill on all those seeking permits. Applicants will be obliged to undertake surveys and analysis at their own expense. This should act as a deterrent.

I welcome the removal of the sovereign immunity exemption. If this provision had been retained, the State would be enabled to dump munitions. In removing this exemption the Minister of State is making it clear that the same law will apply to all, thus setting a welcome precedent which I hope will be followed internationally. The marine environment is our greatest natural resource which we are in danger of frittering away. Therefore, I hope this legislation will be rigorously enforced.

Domestic legislative measures are one side of the coin only. Unless the Government is successful in seeking the introduction of tighter international controls and massive penalties for any breaches of them domestic legislation will have little effect in preventing marine pollution. I congratulate the Minister of State on his excellent contribution.

I commend the Minister of State on introducing this welcome legislation which as Deputy Eric Byrne reminded us deals with a serious issue. I am surprised, therefore, that there is not more active participation in the debate.

Approximately 70 per cent of the earth's surface is under water. As the Minister of State rightly said, "no state in the world, and particularly no coastal state, can ignore its duties of stewardship of the world's oceans and seas". This legislation, therefore, is timely and I hope it provokes the proper reaction. There is a belief that environmental matters are now high on everyone's agenda.

Approximately 20,000 ships are listed on Lloyd's shipping register, although a number remain unregistered. If one takes account of the number of ships which visit Dublin port, Waterford harbour — 560 last year — New Ross harbour and so on annually, one can appreciate the risk of severe pollution and dumping at sea. All too often one comes across plastic containers, plastic bags and aeroboard along the shoreline. This is a disgrace. Ships registered both here and abroad are obliged to use the waste disposal facilities provided onshore. It is all too easy to dump domestic waste overboard in the same way that people roll down the window of a car to dump a plastic bag. This matter can be easily resolved.

Ships must also be encouraged to use the facilities provided in all our major ports for the disposal of waste oil as it is equally tempting to dump it overboard so as not to carry an unwanted load further. Oil spills damage the marine environment and can cause the death of marine life. We should be very careful about this. From time to time the Department of the Marine has carried out exercises in various places. I participated in one held at Rosslare some years ago. Such clean-up operations are organised after the damage has been done, and while I recommend that sort of damage limitation as a good course of action, our energy should be concentrated on preventing oil spills at every opportunity.

Why are there oil spillages? Carelessness has played the biggest part in the most recent oil spillages. It will be very difficult for the Minister to say that we can control oil spillages, that we can talk to ship owners, masters, crews and so on and ask them to be part of a major campaign to prevent oil spillages. In a perfect society that might work but it will be very difficult to get it to work in the Minister's Department, because he is asking people to do something miles away from everyone when they cannot be seen. He is dependent on the goodwill of ship owners and ships' masters and crews. They must be asked to participate in a campaign to improve the marine environment if we are serious about passing on the marine resources to the next generation in a healthy condition.

While we must do all we can to prevent oil spillages, there will be accidents and we must also ensure that damage limitation exercises are carried out in or near all ports. It is most likely that accidents will occur close to ports. To date we have not had any such spillage in New Ross but there is a real possibility it could happen. New Ross is a very busy port. Some 300,000 tonnes were imported there last year. Exercises must be organised for ports such as New Ross in order to prevent severe damage. As I said, a damage limitation exercise is the best that we can hope for at this stage. I wonder how many ports would be able to cope with the problem if it occurred? The Minister should take a personal interest in this area.

We have seen the damage that has been caused by spillages in the past, off our shores and those of the United Kingdom. There is nothing more terrible than to see dead fish washed up on the shoreline and birds, covered with oil, unable to move. We have all seen such pictures on television. I ask the Minister to ensure that exercises are carried out at or near all ports to ensure that such damage is limited when it occurs.

What about submarines?

I am coming to that. I was very disappointed that I got very little support from the Deputy when I raised this issue. I was delighted to hear my colleague, Deputy Eric Byrne, raise the issue of the use of the Irish Sea by the British, Russians, Americans, French and anyone else who happens to have submarines in their naval fleets. The Cold War is over and war games no longer occur in the Irish Sea.

The use to which the Irish Sea has been put would encourage people to believe that it is the British dump. That is a tough statement to have to make, but it is true from several points of view, not least submarine activity. Because of the activity of submarines in the Irish Sea, 50 lives and several fine trawlers were lost. They pulled the trawlers under and then disappeared. Only a coward will run from the scene of a crime. Only after severe pressure did the British Ministry for Defence admit to some of its mistakes. Whether it was I or the conclusion of the Cold War that brought it about, I am happy to note that there is now less submarine activity in the the Irish Sea.

It concerns me that ships, sometimes nuclear powered, travel on the Irish Sea to take nuclear waste to Sellafield. All we can do is hope and pray that an accident will not happen. There should be very severe and restrictive controls on such traffic. It will be said that it is not really our concern, but of course it is. This traffic is just off or coastline and if anything happens there is no doubt that we will be the worst hit. I do not know how many tonnes of waste are imported into Sellafield. Now that THORP is up and running the amount will definitely increase. No thought whatsoever has been given to Irish concerns in this matter. We all know that there is tremendous concern throughout the country but particularly along the east coast at the prospect of an accident.

As I indicated earlier, the Irish Sea seems to be the British dump. If we consider the amount of nuclear waste that is pumped into the Irish Sea every day we would have to agree. Successive Governments have attempted, so they tell us, to discourage that activity. The response has been what I am reading here. Their response to us was reported in the Irish Independent of 20 September 1995 as follows: “We have never tried to hide the fact.”

That is the arrogant British attitude to this country which reaps no benefit from their electricity supply industry. While it has been maintained from time to time that the price of progress is inconvenience, that is progress for Britain but inconvenience or worse for Ireland. How serious are we about endeavouring to control the levels of nuclear waste being dumped into the Irish Sea? Would it be honest to say we raise the odd objection but are not really serious about it? Do we really care, or could it be maintained that, if the opportunity arose, we would connect to the British electricity grid, take advantage of their supply and continue to complain about its source? It would be hypocritical to adopt such an attitude; we are either against it or for it. I should like to know from the Minister of State precisely what is our attitude.

I will refer now to the matter of drugs in general. On the south Wexford coast there have been very big drugs seizure incidents in the recent past when tonnes of drugs were picked up from the sea floor. Now that our port authorities have become so diligent, it appears we are making headway on drugs detection. The attitude of the drug barons appears to be: dump the drugs offshore and somebody will take them inland to various markets. What is our attitude to that? As I understand it, we have seven corvettes, four of which are in dry dock at any one time. If we are serious surely those seven corvettes should be manned and at sea at any given time. There is much talk about eliminating the drugs problem but very little about prevention.

Our fishermen who are at sea day and night know every nook and cranny of our coastline and must have known when that load of drugs was dumped. The Departments of the Marine and Justice should avail of their knowledge and expertise. If we are really serious about preventing the importation of drugs here we should consider rewarding fishermen who provide intelligence which results in their seizure. The shoreline appears to be the new entry point for drugs coming in here. We must reward those who provide intelligence leading to their discovery.

I congratulate the Minister of State, Deputy Gilmore, on his foresight in introducing this Bill and on his particularly good ministerial performance to date. He is very attentive to his brief, in control of it, receptive to ideas and always willing to travel to any location to hear or investigate a complaint. Certainly, I have experienced no difficulty in approaching him on such matters and thank him for his attention.

I had the opportunity of attending a Globe International conference in Brussels last week. It was something of an eye opener for me, giving me an insight into an aspect of the environment I had not appreciated before. I returned convinced I had learned much from its deliberations. In fact, I subscribed my name for membership to Globe International whose discussions covered many of the issues debated in this House from time to time.

The introduction of this Bill is indeed opportune, coming as it does when environmental questions have become a priority for all politicians irrespective of party allegiance. There is no doubt that the environment and a growing appreciation of it, will play an even greater part in politics than it has to date.

As an island nation, the sea and its better management is of particular interest to us. While this century has witnessed tremendous developmental and industrial advances, in the latter part only, has marine life and culture been evaluated and, at the same time, threatened. Last week in Brussels two Icelandic MEPs requested me to sign a motion protesting at the development of Sellafield and another reprocessing plant apparently being established in Scotland. They were worried about the continuation of fish life on which Iceland depends so much. I told them I shared their concern but, as an eastern coast resident of Ireland, I was even more concerned about the lives of our citizens on that coast. We discovered we had much in common. Their concern was deep and genuine and they continued to raise it at many intervals in the course of that three day conference.

Like Deputy Hugh Byrne and others, I too am deeply concerned about Sellafield, living as I do in the town of Dundalk, in the smallest county in Ireland with the highest number of deaths from leukaemia with our neighbours in County Down, a remarkable phenomenon. While there are differing medical opinions on the subject, the man in the street believes, as I do, the reason is that we are located in the direct path of winds blowing across from Sellafield. Indeed, in the years 1957-59 there arose a phenomenon, never explained — and I suppose never will be — when 11 young girls who had attended the St. Louis Convent School in Dundalk gave birth to Down's Syndrome babies.

That is a horrible indictment of the Sellafield plant. Britain has no right to threaten the lives of the people in a small neighbouring country. The only solution is intervention by the European Court and/or the formulation of a definite policy on nuclear waste by the European Parliament.

The European Parliament has produced much fine legislation, but can waffle and sit on the fence on a par with any Irish politician when it suits it. The recent problem of France's nuclear experiments shows just how lacking in teeth is the European Parliament. As a matter of priority, the European Parliament should develop a cohesive and definite waste programme, given that France turned a blind eye to the objections of the world and that Britain is doing the same at Sellafield. Last week an English member of parliament, a member of the Labour Party who is against Sellafield, told me privately that Sellafield would continue because of economic considerations. During the seven years that Fianna Fáil was in power I never raised the issue of Sellafield. I felt it would have been sheer gamesmanship to have done so because, unless the Government could focus the attention of the European Parliament on that question, there was nothing we could do. I still believe that. This is a matter for the concerted efforts of the European Parliament. No small nation at this stage of world development should be endangered by a greater power for economic reasons. Those economic considerations are massive; the employment generated by Sellafield is hugely significant in an unemployment black spot. However, international pressure should be focused on that problem and the health of our people should not be endangered simply to provide employment on the other side of the Irish Sea.

There are certain aspects of this Bill about which we have to be concerned and on which, being a political cynic, I must voice a certain cynicism. I refer to the extension of the limit of Irish control in relation to dumping from 12 miles to 200 miles off the Irish coast. That looks very well in writing, but have we the naval resources to patrol this area effectively? I am sure the Minister will correct me if I am wrong, but I understand that there are two major Irish patrol vessels constantly at anchor in a harbour in Cork because of our inability to provide seamen. It makes nonsense of this legislation.

There are many other considerations, such as the necessity to have an effective patrol against the vultures who trade in that most despicable of trades, drug running. No politician needs to be told of the necessity to elevate that issue to priority and to clamp down on those ruthless people who run drugs in by the sea to destroy and dehumanise our youth. If some of those drug runners were to meet with an accident at sea, say to slip on a wet surface, I would not shed any tears and would not be raising the matter in this House. Most parents are concerned about the sudden density and extent of drugs in the country, and that is something we must address. If we have ships for which the taxpayer paid millions, surely we can provide seamen to crew them so that they can put to sea where they are needed and are not being left riding at anchor.

The channel between the Antrim coast and Scotland is the graveyard of many ships that have been deliberately scuttled by the British who have turned it into a tiphead for ocean wrecks. It is supposed to be the most densely polluted area in the world, and there the Scottish coast is as close as 12 miles to the Antrim coast. That is something we should be negotiating with the British on a permanent basis. It is a fact that the British have used the Irish Sea as a dumping ground and perhaps in the past Irish Governments have been remiss in allowing that.

Deputy Byrne referred to the mysterious activities of submarines in the Irish Sea in recent years. There is no doubt that shameful activities occurred in that area involving not only British submarines but Russian and American, and many fatalities occured for which nobody accepted responsibility. There is no doubt that those three world powers were involved in the disappearance of several ships and the loss of the lives of people who were simply seeking to earn a living from the sea.

The question of raw sewage has to be mentioned. Some of the objectives contained in this document are laudable, but we continue to pollute the seas by discharging raw sewage into it. The Government should facilitate local councils to eliminate that sort of pollution. Until we do, much of what is in this document will remain a pious aspiration.

Finally, I congratulate the Minister of State, Deputy Gilmore, on introducing this necessary legislation which will ratify the OSPAR Convention. Perhaps he would give his attention to the points I raised, particularly regarding the non-use of substantial vessels which are so necessary if we are to implement many of the Minister's own suggestions contained in this document.

Debate adjourned.
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