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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 18 Sep 2001

Vol. 541 No. 1

Atrocities in the United States of America: Statements.

I thank the Ceann Comhairle and the leaders of the Opposition parties for responding so promptly to the Government's request to convene this special session of Dáil Éireann. It is important that the Members of the House have the opportunity to express, on behalf of the Irish nation we represent, our sorrow and outrage at the terrible and evil events that have occurred in the United States.

This day, one week ago, is a day we will never forget. It was, in the words of one commentator, one of those moments in which history splits and we define the world as "before" and "after". In short, last Tuesday is likely to mark a clear and shockingly defined moment in history. While it is too early to assess the full implications of the atrocities committed, it is clear they will affect the way the world functions across the range of human activity.

We are gathered to express our sympathy for the very many victims and our condemnation of the barbarous acts of terrorism. On behalf of the Government and the Irish people, I express our deepest heartfelt sympathy with the families of the victims, many of whom are Irish or of Irish descent. We also come together to express our solidarity with the President and Congress of the United States of America and the entire American people. It is also appropriate that we take the opportunity to express our readiness to co-operate in any way within our power to bring the perpetrators of this crime against humanity to justice and ensure there can never again be a recurrence of the horror that has unfolded before our eyes over this past, terrible week.

In any situation where life, even that of a single human being, is cut short suddenly, prematurely and unexpectedly, there is a measure of disbelief on the part of the family, relatives and friends of those who lose their lives. The whole human family has been engulfed by such a sense of disbelief over this past week. All of us have witnessed mass murder and tragedy on a truly universal scale and we have struggled to come to terms with the enormity of this disaster. People everywhere find it difficult to comprehend what happened or understand how any person, group or government could be so evil, so ruthless, so heedless of human life and the values of human civilisation to plan and execute such horrendous crimes.

We have seen pictures of frightful scenes as people fell to their deaths from the upper floors of the World Trade Centre in New York. We have also heard with shock the accounts of airliners hijacked and crashed into the Pentagon and in Pennsylvania. We cannot even imagine the fate of those caught in the infernos that so quickly developed or who were crushed beneath hundreds of thousands of tonnes of rubble as the twin towers collapsed.

Our hearts go out to the victims and their families and the American people, as we see and hear the appalling scenes unfolding on our television screens and hear the many stories of fortunate escape or family members and friends lost forever. We stand shoulder to shoulder with the American people at this time for this was an attack not only on the leading democracy in the world, but on all of us who uphold the values of freedom, democracy and human rights.

We must face the probability that the number of Irish people killed in these attacks will be substantial. Already, we have heard with sadness of the tragic fate of Ruth Clifford McCourt and her daughter, Juliana, the first Irish fatalities to be identified. That such a typical Irish family could suffer such an horrific fate at the hands of ruthless killers is a shocking indication of the effects that terrorist actions can have on ordinary people. Unfortunately, in the coming days as additional fatalities are confirmed, we will feel again the sense of shock we felt last week. The death toll of Irish people and Irish Americans is proof, were it needed, of the close links between our two countries.

I put on record our great admiration and profound respect for the men and women of the emergency services in America, not least the men and women of the police and fire departments in New York, for the heroic sacrifice made by them and their lost colleagues, their patriotism and sense of duty, and their complete commitment to the task of attempting to save life from this cruel, heartless act of mass murder.

In our own country, over the past 30 years, many days have been etched in our memory, days which saw terrible and tragic events which brought immense suffering, most recently at Omagh. We can, therefore, in some measure, begin to understand and empathise with the shock and pain our American friends are feeling. We still have much to do to help mitigate, as far as we ever can, the pain and suffering – mental, emotional and physical – of all those injured or bereaved in these terrible events in Ireland. Further steps in this regard will shortly be considered by the Government. Our experience has given us some insight into the sheer enormity of what happened last week in America and the consequential human losses. As I speak, we still do not know the full toll of human life, but it is clear that in the region of almost 6,000 lives were cruelly sacrificed on the altar of human hatred.

It was against this background that the Government decided to designate Friday last as a national day of mourning as a mark of respect to the victims and a symbol of our solidarity with the people of the United States. I pay tribute to the spirit in which the Irish people, led by our President, Mary McAleese, and all the businesses and workers and organisers of sporting and public events observed the spirit of that sad day. I also express our appreciation to the heads of the major religious denominations for their co-operation in helping to organise religious services which enabled people to offer their prayers for the people of America and particularly for the victims and their grief-stricken families and friends.

Apart from the scale of the catastrophe, we were also very conscious, in arranging the national day of mourning, of the special and unique relationship between the Irish and American peoples, exemplified by the Irish people who lost their lives or are still missing and feared dead as a result of last Tuesday's events. In both these senses, what we saw were attacks on our own kith and kin.

In addition to the deep personal and family links with the United States, Ireland has manifold other links – trade, investment, artistic and political – but it is the intimate human ties that underpin the special and unique relationship between the Irish and American peoples. The way in which that affinity is so strongly felt by our people was clearly demonstrated by the large numbers – thousands at one stage – who queued to sign the books of condolences at the American Embassy and by the attendance at religious services of remembrance, both on the day of mourning and again on Sunday last. In the same generous spirit, many families opened their houses to American tourists stranded here by the closure of American airspace or offered words and gestures of comfort and solidarity to American men and women when they met them in street, hotel, restaurant or pub.

We all know the extent of our economic links, how so many Irish people work in US firms established here in Ireland, which has been the investment location of choice for a large number of American corporations. We know the extent of the support that the United States has given to the peace process here in Ireland and the related political process. This was most notably seen during the two terms of President Clinton, who made three official visits to Ireland, North and South, in support of the process. He also sent us Senator George Mitchell to carry out the successive tasks that he undertook with such distinction and success, most notably the chairing of the multi-party talks that led to the Good Friday Agreement.

US support for the peace and political process has continued undiminished under President George W. Bush. Very early in his term of office he appointed a very senior State Department diplomat, Ambassador Richard Haass, as his special representative to advise and assist on Irish affairs. It was, in one way, extraordinary that I learned of the dreadful attacks last Tuesday just as I was about to commence a meeting with Ambassador Haass, accompanied by the new US ambassador, Mr. Richard Egan, who, I think, will be present in the Distinguished Visitors Gallery later today. Our meeting was intended to focus on his efforts over the following few days to help in our endeavours to overcome the remaining obstacles to the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Naturally, while we did discuss that matter, our discussion was very largely devoted to the terrible events in the United States.

The Government responded with the greatest sense of urgency to the appalling news. I immediately condemned the attacks and conveyed our sympathy and support to President Bush and all Americans. With the Tánaiste and Ambassadors Haass and Egan, I quickly spoke to the media at Government Buildings to express our feelings of disbelief and outrage. Within hours of the attack, the Tánaiste and I chaired a meeting of heads of the security services and key Government Departments. We were briefed on arrangements which the Department of Foreign Affairs had by then put in place to assist people who had concerns about relatives in the United States. We were also briefed on measures being taken to step up security as the scale and nature of the attacks became apparent.

A high level co-ordinating group, chaired by my Department and comprising representatives of the Garda, Defence Forces and the Government Departments immediately concerned, has continued to meet since then to monitor developments. Other bodies, such as the National Civil Aviation Security Committee, have also been meeting to respond to unfolding events in their own spheres of responsibility.

In order to help our own people concerned as to the fate of loved ones living or visiting New York and Washington, we very quickly set up and announced helpline telephone numbers. We established an emergency centre in the Department of Foreign Affairs, which has continued, from the outset, to operate on a 24 hour basis to provide information, support, comfort for the thousands who have telephoned with queries as to the safety of family members, relatives or friends who were in New York and Washington. Many officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs, other Departments and health boards volunteered to provide this service and I commend the Departments and all the staff who have risen so magnificently to the occasion. The operation at headquarters in Iveagh House has been fully integrated with the Embassy in Washington and the Consulate-General in New York in providing this very important service for our own people. Thanks are also due to the thousands of workers in the air travel industry, the Garda, a myriad of other services and the general public who have selflessly given of their time to assist those affected.

A great many Irish people in the affected cities, particularly New York, have been traced and it has been possible to give reassurance and good news to many. Sadly, those manning the special centre have also had to confirm the worst to other grieving families. Trauma counselling has been made available to the staff engaged in the very stressful work of confirming loss of life or seeking to alleviate the anxiety of those in great distress with uncertainty and worry for their loved ones.

The events that had occurred and the whole situation were reviewed by the Government at our meeting on Wednesday last, a day on which I also wrote to President Bush to offer our condolences and solidarity on behalf of the Irish people. Following that meeting, all the members of the Cabinet who were present went to the United States Embassy, where we signed the book of condolences. In addition, the Tánaiste and I held a press conference at Government Buildings, where we outlined the steps already taken by the Government and its machinery and announced the intention to have the national day of mourning on Friday last, as part of a co-ordinated response at European Union level, as a mark of respect to the victims and solidarity with the United States.

At the very time the attacks occurred, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, was en route to Gaza to meet Mr. Yasser Arafat, President of the Palestinian Authority. Following consultation, the Minister continued his journey and held the meeting at which he underlined strongly the need for maximum solidarity with the United States at this time of great trial. President Arafat joined the Minister, following the meeting, in expressing horror and condemnation of the cowardly attacks.

At international and European level, too, a rapid response was put in place. An emergency meeting of the General Affairs Council of the European Union was convened the day after the attacks. I spoke to Mr Guy Verhofstadt, the Belgian Prime Minister and current chairman of the European Council, and Prime Minister Tony Blair. The Council took the first steps in preparing a co-ordinated EU response to these events. An EU wide day of mourning and solidarity was agreed for last Friday. That day, in addition to being marked by three minutes of silence across the European Union, was marked by a joint declaration by the EU Heads of State and Government, the Presidents of the European Commission and the European Parliament and the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy. In addition to expressing solidarity with the United States at this time, the European Union in that declaration committed itself to a concerted and unrelenting fight against terrorism. In particular, the signatories of the joint declaration committed the European Union to tirelessly defending justice and democracy at a global level, to promote an international framework of security and prosperity for all countries, and to contribute towards the emergence of a strong, sustained and global action against terrorism. We must strengthen our intelligence efforts against terrorism and accelerate the implementation of a genuine European judicial area. This will entail, among other things, the creation of a European warrant for arrest and extradition, in accordance with the Tampere conclusions, and the mutual recognition of legal decisions and verdicts.

Achieving the aims set out above, while respecting the foreign policy and judicial prerogatives of the member states, will not be easy. It is essential that Europe be effective in fighting the threat of terrorism. Failure to do so will undermine our people's confidence in the ability of Europe to defend their essential interests. Failure to do so could also mean a repetition within Europe of an atrocity of the scale of last week's.

As a sign of our united commitment to making real and rapid progress on this issue, we will hold a special informal meeting of the European Council in Brussels on Friday evening next. That meeting which the Minister for Foreign Affairs and I will attend will review the full implications of last week's tragic events. We will review progress in the Justice and Home Affairs and Transport Councils, which will have met in the period since the attack to consider appropriate responses. We will also consider what new initiatives can be made to address the current impasse in the Middle East.

There is already a body of international instruments which set standards for our responses to international terrorism. The European Union also continues to co-ordinate efforts to collaborate with other states and groups of states in the fight against terrorism. It is clear that these efforts must now be redoubled to respond to this global evil.

We would all dearly like to believe that last week was just a bad dream, but sadly it was not. We now have to face the new and unsettling realities that are in front of us and many other new realities that at this time we cannot even begin to contemplate. In all of this grief and mayhem it is difficult to imagine what the future will hold. Never in recent history have we been faced with such uncertainty. The decisions and actions that will be taken will have a profound and immediate effect on our world for generations to come. Nobody can anticipate what these events will mean for the world economy.

Irish people clearly recognise, without any whys or wherefores, the magnitude and unmitigated evil of the crime that has been committed against the United States, its people, our people and the citizens of many other countries as well. There are injustices and unresolved problems all over the world, but there are no excuses for last week's outrage. There can be no justification of cold-blooded murder. Crashing airliners full of innocent men, women and children into crowded office buildings is wrong and evil on an appalling scale. It cannot be justified on any grounds and we must not entertain any efforts to offer justification.

Ireland has suffered more than most at the hands of terrorism and we will play our part in the fight against this insidious evil. Events of this nature affect and threaten us all. This is not just America's problem. The entire international community must work together on this. The perpetrators, organisers and sponsors of these awful deeds must be brought to justice.

I have no knowledge what specific actions the United States is now planning. The United States is a grieving and deeply wounded country. It considers that war has been declared on it. President Bush clearly has the backing of the Congress and his people for whatever actions he feels he must take. The US is a country governed by laws, respect for human rights and a passionate belief in all the values that we and the rest of the civilised world also hold dear. I am confident that, as President Bush and his advisers try to decide what to do, they will strive on all occasions to uphold these important principles which we all share with them.

The response to the events of last week must be a multi-layered one. I very much welcome the discussions that the President has had with other world leaders since last Tuesday. I believe this is indeed a time when the entire international community must stand shoulder to shoulder. The resolution passed by the UN Security Council last Wednesday was unequivocal in its condemnation of the attacks and stressed that those responsible for aiding, supporting or harbouring the perpetrators, organisers and sponsors of these acts will be held accountable. The expression of readiness to take all necessary steps to respond to the attacks and to combat all forms of terrorism was particularly welcome. The resolution clearly states that international terrorism is a threat to international peace and security. No country can stand to one side in the face of international terrorism. Let me make clear that as the international community seeks to address the daunting challenges that we all face, Ireland will play its part to the fullest.

At the beginning of next month, Ireland will take over, for one month, the chair of the Security Council. Not for the first time, we will assume this new position at a difficult and challenging time. I can assure the House that we will discharge our responsibilities to the maximum of our energies and capabilities.

Every country has the right to self-defence under the UN charter. The United States has wisely taken time to gather available evidence on the sources of last Tuesday's attacks and to consider the most effective and appropriate form of action in response. The temptation to lash out immediately, with all available military might, has been resisted. I am certain that the United States will wish to avoid civilian casualties that might indeed compound an already difficult problem. The US understands the importance of ensuring that the response to these horrendous events should be proportionate, measured and focused on the pursuit of justice.

In addressing the immediate crisis, the international community must also ensure that we are not sowing the seeds for even greater catas trophes in the future. It is imperative that whatever actions are taken are clearly seen as measured, as targeting terrorism at its source and based on clear evidence. This must not be allowed to be portrayed as a war of religions. It will take considerable and concerted skill and effort to ensure that this does not happen.

It would be foolish in the extreme to presume that this State – uniquely in Western Europe – does not have residing within it persons who have sympathy for, or connections with, the type of extremist fundamentalist organisations suspected of being responsible for last week's appalling carnage. By the same token, we should not exaggerate this issue either. I should make it clear – despite some speculation here that has been wide of the mark – that there is no evidence available to us of any link between the atrocities in America and any person in this jurisdiction. The House will appreciate that it would be counterproductive for me to go into precise details about this matter, but I can tell Deputies that the security forces here are aware of the presence of a small number of non-nationals in this country who are of potential interest to security agencies abroad and will take all appropriate measures to monitor them. The House and the wider public can be assured that such surveillance will continue and where necessary will be intensified. The security forces will devote whatever resources are necessary to this task. Equally, I can make it clear that any evidence of criminal wrongdoing will result in immediate action being taken.

In this regard, a special meeting of the European Union Justice and Home Affairs Ministers will be held in Brussels next Thursday. On the agenda will be specific measures to strengthen the capacity of the European Union to combat terrorism, both in terms of the domestic law of member states and co-operation between them. I can assure the House that we will be to the fore in advancing the proposals which will emerge from that forum.

Here some reactions to the attack have regrettably lacked humanity. In particular, the attacks on a mosque in Belfast and the abusive calls received by the Islamic community in Dublin are to be condemned in the strongest terms. The Islamic community in Ireland and throughout the world has condemned last week's attacks. We have a significant Muslim community in Ireland and it is very important that we acknowledge their positive contribution to our society. This community is a respected part of our national life. We must not allow their good name to be damaged by those who carry out evil deeds in the name of Islam. Indeed, many innocent members of the Islamic faith died in the tragedy of last Tuesday.

The Government will continue to keep all aspects of this situation under the closest review. We will continue to keep in the closest contact with our friends in the United States, with our partners in Europe and with the other members of the Security Council of the United Nations. We want to see the international community taking action to overcome what Cardinal Connell rightly termed the cowardly, cynical and base evil of terrorism. We want that response to be firm and resolute while being measured and within the internationally agreed framework for such action.

We believe that the response must not be merciless. It must be measured and must not be indiscriminate. It must enhance the stature of those who carry it out, not diminish them, in the eyes of the world. It must form part of a sustained struggle to overcome global terrorism. It must be effective to neutralise the organs of terrorism which supported and carried out last Tuesday's atrocities. It must be an effective deterrent to future global terrorism. Above all, it must ensure that events like those of last Tuesday never happen again.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Ba mhaith liom, a Cheann Comhairle, comhbhrón mhuintir Fhine Gael a thairiscint do ghaolta na ndaoine a fuair bás sna Stáit Aontaithe Dé Máirt seo caite. Ba mhaith liom comhbhrón a dhéanamh le muintir Mheiriceá agus a rá leo go bhfuil ár smaointe is ár bpaidreacha leo i rith na laethanta dorcha seo. Tá feall déanta ar chosmhuintir na Stáit Aontaithe ach mar a deireann an seanfhocal, "filleann an feall ar an bhfeallaire". Tá súil agam nuair a fhilleann an feall áirithe seo, gur ar an bhfeallaire, ar a lucht leanúna agus orthu siúd a thugann tacaíocht dó a fhillfidh sé agus ní ar na boicht i dtíortha iargúlta an domhain.

I join the Taoiseach in conveying the sympathy of the Irish people to the President and people of the United States. The atrocities at New York, Washington DC and Pennsylvania have left a mark, the full extent of which cannot yet be appreciated. It is appropriate that I begin by expressing sympathy with the families, the relatives and the friends of the Irish citizens who have been killed. The names of a small number are known and the pain of loss has already hit their loved ones. Others, at this stage, are listed as missing and, while we join in the hope that their families cling to, our sense of optimism diminishes as the days go on. We can only pray that all of them will be given the strength to cope with the difficult situations which they all face.

I know the House will understand if I move next to sympathise with the families, relatives and friends of those killed while working in the rescue efforts. I refer in particular to the fire fighters, the chaplain Father Mychal Judge, the members of the New York Police Department and the doctors, nurses and paramedics. For many generations the New York fire fighters and the members of the New York Police Department have included overwhelming numbers from the Irish American community and Members of this House who have worked to maintain contact with that community know of the pride these Amer icans take in their Irish ancestry. St. Patrick's Day parades in Ireland and the United States are nothing without them and in recent years they have been the backbone of the Irish American tourist industry to this country. They were fiercely loyal to the city of New York and the United States of America, but their affection for this country was never in doubt and their pride in meeting Members of this House was also obvious.

I express my sympathy to the families, relatives and friends of those who have been killed, American and non-American alike. A substantial number of British people and a number of citizens from our European Union partner countries have been killed or are missing. We include them also in our grief.

The atrocities in the United States of America last week represented an attack, not just on the United States itself, but on democracy as a whole. The symbols attacked may have been symbols of world trade and superpower, but the attacks were on ordinary people. People from 62 countries are listed as missing or dead.

Over the last week, as I have reflected on what has happened, I am constantly brought back to that great address delivered by Abraham Lincoln at the dedication of the cemetery at Gettysburg on 19 November 1863. President Lincoln's address came at a time when civil war threatened the United States from within. Speaking at

Gettysburg, President Lincoln said:

that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain – that this nation under God, shall have a new breath of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

That form of government, that democracy, not only survived, but has flourished since Gettysburg. I have no doubt that last week's atrocities, this time a threat from without, will not weaken democracy in the United States of America. It has survived and frequently been strengthened by political crisis, economic depression and major international political differences, but it has remained a government of the people, by the people and for the people and its strength is such that it will remain so after the events of this week.

There is a particular irony in the fact that the twin towers, the buildings involving most of the casualties, were within sight of the great symbol of freedom, the Statue of Liberty. Part of the inscription on the statue reads:

"From her beacon-hand glows world-wide welcome;

her mild eyes command the air-bridged harbor

that twin cities frame.

‘Keep ancient lands your storied pomp!'

cries she with silent lips.

Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!"

These dastardly attacks within the shadow of the Statue of Liberty were on ordinary people, American and non-American, men and women, black and white, rich and poor. They will not achieve anything because the ordinary people will successfully resist and from this House the message will go out loud and clear to the people of the United States:

Emotionally, our solidarity is with you. Politically our solidarity is with you. You have supported us in our dark days. In earlier generations, you gave refuge and hope to our emigrants. In recent years, you made a huge contribution to the peace process. Without your involvement, the Irish economy would not be in the positive state it is in today.

It is much too early to speculate in detail on how last week's atrocities in the United States will change the course of history. We can, however, say beyond doubt that international relations will from now on be conducted on a different basis. The conflict, which the United States and its allies seem set to embark on, will not be a conflict of one superpower against another. It will not be, Cold War style, a conflict between East and West, and I sincerely hope that it will not be one between the West and Islam.

Whatever this conflict's nature, we must never lose sight of the fact that in the United Nations we have an organisation and the structures to cope with whatever emerges. I am glad the Government has joined with the other members United Nations Security Council in unanimously adopting last week Resolution 1368, calling on all states to bring to justice the perpetrators of the atrocities committed in the United States. I am glad that the Taoiseach, in a radio interview at the weekend, referred to Resolution 1269, adopted by the Security Council in October 1999.

The only basis for the conduct of international affairs is the rule of law. Ireland has, since Liam Cosgrave led us into the United Nations in 1955, enthusiastically backed that organisation's work in providing the framework and the structures for relationships between states and for peace and stability in the world. The United Nations has been, and must remain, a corner stone of all our foreign policy. The Government can be assured of Fine Gael's support as it seeks to bring into play to the maximum extent possible the instruments of the United Nations as the world faces into an uncharted, unpredictable and uncertain future.

The battle against international terrorism must, of course, be fought internationally. We must never forget the lesson which we on these islands learned over the last 30 years. Security and counter-security measures alone are in most situations not sufficient. It is important to look also at the underlying causes of terrorism and to acknowledge that there will be political, economic and other social issues that require to be dealt with. There are 80 to 90 local conflicts which are currently as great a threat to world peace as the Cold War ever was. Many of these involve states and groups who feel alienated and excluded, particularly when they find themselves in conflict with the world superpower. States and groups who feel alienated are particularly dangerous and prone to resort to extreme measures, including terrorism and even the development of nuclear capacity. We should never forget that five states, currently the scenes of localised conflict, either have, or are close to developing, nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction.

As a country with a good track record at the United Nations and a good track record generally in international affairs, we must make ourselves available to others who are not well placed. During our current membership of the United Nations Security Council and in particular in our term next month as President of that Council – and I wish the Minister for Foreign Affairs every success in that capacity – we will have a particular opportunity to hold out the hand of friendship and co-operation.

I wish to refer briefly to the situation which we face this very week close to home. By the end of the week, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland will have to take a decision relating to the institutions created under the Good Friday Agreement. A range of issues divides the parties but, in an overall context, the differences have been significantly narrowed.

The putting of weapons beyond use and accepting of new policing arrangements are the major issues facing Sinn Féin and the IRA. I believe this is an appropriate time and that this House is an appropriate place from which to send a clear message to Sinn Féin and the IRA. You cannot continue to threaten the Good Friday Agreement, all elements of which have been endorsed by the overwhelming majority of the Irish people voting in a freely conducted and fair referendum. It is not your agreement. It belongs to the people of this island. Nor can you threaten and risk damaging the goodwill which this country and its people enjoy in the United States, including with the US administration. Your continuing refusal to put arms and explosives beyond use in Ireland is an appalling signal to send at any time but particularly so following last week's atrocities.

The questions raised about the relationship between Sinn Féin and the IRA with a major terrorist group in Colombia also need to be addressed, and not flippantly. I am with Ambassador Haas, President Bush's special envoy, when he says that he does not believe that members of Sinn Féin were in Colombia on holidays.

It is time for Sinn Féin and the IRA to get off the fence. End the use of violence. End the threat of the use of violence. Break your links with other groups who are associated with terrorism. As long as you hold guns and explosives, you cannot become full members of democracy. As long as you continue to withhold support from policing, you cannot be full members of democracy. As long as you fraternise with terrorists, you cannot be full members of democracy. In the context of what has happened in the United States last week, Sinn Féin and the IRA must now take the necessary steps in the next few days to join with the rest of us in the only system of government that matters, government of the people, by the people and for the people.

To draw on the Gettysburg address once more, it is for us the living doubly to dedicate ourselves to the unfinished work of achieving peace and stability on the island of Ireland. Over 5,000 people perished in the United States last week. Over 3,000 people have perished on this island over the last 30 years. There is only one lesson to be drawn from these events. Violence brings nothing but pain, misery and desolation. As we talk here today, let us all be conscious of the victims of violence, be they in Ireland or the United States, be they Irish, American, European or other. And let us pledge to do everything we can to ensure that there will be no more victims of terrorism.

Language is the essence of politics. We use words every day to make our political points and get our message across. Words are not normally a problem for politicians, but political leaders all over the world have struggled for the past week to find words to match the enormity of what happened in the United States last Tuesday.

The words we have resorted to in the past to describe or condemn terrorists' acts – shocking, horrific, murderous, unbelievable – all seem like devalued currency against the background of what happened in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania last week. Yet as democratically elected political representatives we must struggle to find the words to articulate the grief, the pain, the anguish of the Irish people and to provide some degree of comfort and solidarity for the American people.

We must also use our collective voices as representatives of the Irish people to ensure the difficult decisions that must now be taken by the international community, and by the United States in particular, are grounded in good judgment and compassion. They should not lead to the loss of yet more innocent lives.

There has been some debate in recent times about the nature of our political relationship both with the United States and with Europe. But nobody can question the unique nature of the economic, social, cultural and familial links that exist between Ireland and the United States of America. For generations America has been the haven for those fleeing economic want and political oppression here. Is there a family in this country, let alone in this House, who does not have a relative in the United States?

In previous generations the "letter from America" was a significant source of income for many families. Today, economic investment by US based firms is the source of employment for tens of thousands of young Irish men and women. It has contributed enormously to our economic growth of recent years. Young Irish people who once emigrated to America out of necessity, now go there out of choice, to expand their education, to further their careers or simply to sample the wonderful diversity of life that is the United States. And while in the past emigration to the United States often meant the virtual severing of links with family members remaining at home, the miracle of modern travel and communications means that this is no longer the case. Our knowledge of life in the United States has never been greater, our links never stronger.

It is for all of those reasons that the atrocities in the United States have been so deeply felt in Ireland. There were those who thought that the decision to declare a national day of mourning was excessive, but, in the circumstances I believe it was quite appropriate and the uniquely respectful way in which the day was observed was a vindication of that decision. We all benefited from a day of reflection to remember the victims through religious services or simply to reflect on the awful events of last Tuesday.

Foremost in our thoughts must be the victims and their families – more than five thousand people died within an hour – many more than were killed at Pearl Harbour – more than all those killed through the 30 years of politically motivated violence here on this island. Five thousand families bereaved, thousands robbed of a loved one, thousands of children robbed of a parent, flight crews knifed to death, firms wiped out and the vibrant financial heart of a great city laid waste; whole sections of the New York Police Department and the New York Fire Service wiped out as they fought to save others. The painful list of casualties reflects the close links I spoke about earlier. McGuinness, Sweeney, Cassidy, Hennessy, Keating, Cahill, Judge – names we encounter every time we pick up an Irish telephone book. And we think, too, of the families here who have been bereaved. We still do not know the full extent of the Irish casualties but it is clear that the Irish death toll will be as great as or close to the numbers who died in Omagh or in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.

The suffering of the families here in Ireland and in the United States has clearly been greatly exacerbated by the slow and so far relatively unsuccessful search for bodies. The awful truth that many bodies may never be discovered will add to the trauma. I urge the Government to ensure that all available support and assistance will be offered to Irish families – based here or in the United States – to help them through their ordeal.

Part of the reason that people – not just in Ireland, but throughout the world – have been so shaken by the events of Tuesday last is that we were, in effect, witnesses to this unprecedented mass murder. We saw, live, on our televisions, the plane plough into the second tower. We saw, live on our televisions, people plunging to their deaths and the more fortunate fleeing for their lives. We saw, live on our televisions, those two great buildings turn into a heap of dust and rubble.

We were, in a way, all targets of these attacks. In effect, they were attacks on humanity itself. They were attacks on the international community. Citizens of 62 countries, almost one third of the membership of the United Nations, are said to be still missing. It is entirely appropriate that the international community should be a part of the response to this outrage. It is perfectly understandable that, in the United States and elsewhere, there should be a wish to lash out in response to these terrible acts. Indeed, it would be unreasonable not to expect the United States to respond to this unprecedented assault on its people. The United States clearly has the right and responsibility to do all in its power to prevent similar attacks into the future. However, I urge very strongly that whatever is done should be done in accordance with international law and on the basis of the greatest degree of international consensus.

Restraint in the face of provocation and assault is a sign, not of weakness, but one of strength. I am conscious that there are concerns, not just in the international community, but within the United States itself, at what might now happen. I was taken by the words of the Dean of Washington Cathedral who in the course of that very moving ceremony attended by President Bush and other US political leaders last Friday said, "Save us from blind vengeance and let us not become the evil we deplore." The objective should be to bring to justice those responsible and see the destruction of the organisation and apparatus used to organise and carry out these evil deeds. Most of all we must try to ensure innocent people do not suffer or die for something over which they had no influence and control.

We can take hope from the fact that the tyrants who caused immense suffering in the Balkans and who considered themselves immune from sanction are now paying a high price before the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. Who would have believed, even a few years ago, that Slobodan Milosevic would now be standing trial for his many crimes? International co-operation has made that possible. We should pursue those responsible for the attack in the same spirit of international co-operation.

I am encouraged by the fact that the United States, so far, seems to be anxious to proceed on the basis of international consensus. I welcome the rapid response by the Security Council of the United Nations last week and hope the United Nations will continue to be centrally involved. Indeed, the degree of international support received by the United States to date and the worldwide extent of the condemnation of those responsible provides one of the few grounds for hope or optimism from the past week. The fight against this type of terrorism will prove to be a long hard struggle. Let there be no mistake about it, however, that those responsible for these atrocities did not act in the name of Allah, nor did they do so out of any human concern for the plight of the Palestinian people – the horror on the face of Yasser Arafat as he condemned the attack proves that. Neither are they are interested in any solution – still less a peaceful solution – to the conflict in the Middle East and because they are not, we should be. They want to see that problem get worse in order to fan their flames of hate.

The express desire of those responsible for these actions is to put in place a new cold war and place the Muslim and Christian worlds at each others throats. If their act, their barbarity is to define the 21st century, it would represent for them the greatest victory possible. Accordingly, there is an onus on the international community to make sure that does not happen. Greater effort is needed on our part to resolve the Palestinian crisis and issues like global poverty and marginalisation, not because of the actions of murderers, but because such initiatives should be taken anyway.

I was struck by a piece in The Observer on Sunday, in which a Muslim writer, Ziauddin Sardar, expressed the hurt of crimes done purportedly in the name of his faith. He asked if those who call themselves Muslims are capable of such atrocities. He wondered if they read the same Koran and if they are followers of the same prophet Muhammad. Those of us who have seen appalling crimes committed in our names should have a particular empathy with such emotions. We must ensure our wish to see those responsible brought to justice does not deteriorate into a latter-day anti-Islamic crusade. The overwhelming majority of Islamic people throughout the world have been as horrified by these attacks as Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists or humanists. Let us not forget that American Muslims died in the attacks.

The United States, in common with all other legitimate states, has an inherent right of self-defence, both national and collective. This right is not conferred by the UN Charter, nor is it conferred by the recent Security Council resolution. The UN Charter recognises that the right of states to self-defence is inherent and is not affected by the charter unless and until the Security Council decides on a particular course of action in the interests of international peace and security. The Security Council and the Government did not authorise American military action when they passed the recent resolution. Neither the Security Council nor Ireland gave the United States a blank cheque.

It is clear that no state should seek to conceal those responsible for unlawful attacks on others. There is a clear obligation, however, on all countries not to harbour or support mass murderers. States who sponsor terrorism are terrorists, although their citizens are not. The handing over of Osama bin Laden, who should already be in the custody of the United Nations, should not be an issue for the Afghan authorities. The right to self-defence is not absolute and the exercise of the right must conform with the requirements of international law. The laws and customs of war and armed conflict have continually evolved and progressed over time, to the stage where the use of mass destruction and the targeting of civilians are unlawful and criminal.

There has been much talk of vengeance and of the wrath of the United States. Vengeance and wrath, even in response to last week's outrages, are not a basis for military action. The international community seeks peace, security and justice, not revenge. While we do not know the scope of future American action, I hope and expect that, in consultation with other members of the Atlantic Alliance and other states, the American response will be directed only towards the goals of peace, security and justice and will be prosecuted in strict accordance with international legal principles.

Next month, as President of the Security Council, the Government will have to play a leading role in securing the primacy of international co-operation. I doubt whether we will be called upon to provide any material assistance or facilities to the efforts of the United States and its allies, but if we are, I trust the Government will bring the matter before the House for approval under Article 28.3.1 of the Constitution.

As a member of the Security Council, and as a country which advocates peaceful solutions to international problems, I am afraid that our credibility suffers more than a little from our failure to sign up fully to international legal co-operation, a failure which is not entirely the fault of the present Administration. It is a charge that could be levelled at the United States also. Now would be a good time to reassess our degree of adherence to principles of international peaceful co-operation, if only because the commitment of the international community to those principles will be tested in the weeks and months ahead.

The most glaring gap is our failure to recognise the International Court of Justice. As a member of the UN, we, like all other members, are party to the statute of the court, but we have never made the necessary declaration recognising the court's jurisdiction. As a member or as President of the Security Council, our calls for peaceful resolution of disputes will ring a little hollow when we ourselves have failed to sign up to the principal judicial means for bringing about that peaceful resolution. Nor have we ratified the European convention on the peaceful resolution of disputes, even though we helped to draft it. Far from being a moribund or dormant convention, it is used as a basis for jurisdiction at the world court and is the basis of jurisdiction in a case now pending before the court. Following the "Yes" vote in the referendum on the Statute of the International Criminal Court, it is now time to ratify that statute without delay, so as to underpin the system of international judicial co-operation against all crimes under international law.

I make these points not unduly to broaden the debate, but rather to seek to underline and emphasise the distinctive role which Ireland can and should play as a member of the international community, a role which Ireland retains and should exercise in its own right as well as in its EU capacity. In all of these efforts Ireland must seek to be a voice in the world for restraint, for human rights and for international justice, security and peace.

We also need to look at international and domestic law to see if it needs to be up-dated to cope with the new type of terrorism we now face. The United Nations Charter which was approved at the end of the Second World War envisaged situations where one state or group of states might be in conflict with another state or group of states. It clearly did not envisage a situation where a group within one country or many countries might wage war against another state, even from within that state itself. It certainly did not envisage having to deal with the sort of group that is suspected of being behind these outrages.

It may well be that the organisation headed by Osama bin Laden was responsible for the attacks, as many people suspect. We will have to see what evidence can be produced to that effect. His charge sheet is already very long. However, what we can be sure of is that whatever organisation was responsible had members and resources spread across a number of countries. What we are dealing with now is a totally new form of terrorism. Terrorists have formed their own multi-national networks and present an unprecedented challenge to us all.

We must also review our perceptions of what terrorist organisations are now capable of. If a terrorist organisation based across a number of poor, less developed countries is capable of displaying the level of organisation, sophistication and diabolical cleverness necessary to destroy the twin towers of the Word Trade Centre in New York, penetrate the Pentagon and take more than 5,000 lives, can we lightly dismiss the possibility of biological attacks or even a nuclear attack in the future?

We must be strong and united in our efforts to defeat multi-national terrorism but we also must seek to address the sort of conditions in which terrorism thrives. If I can borrow and adapt a phrase used by the British Labour Party in regard to crime, we must be tough on terrorism but tough on the causes of terrorism as well.

Terrorism has taken a heavy toll in this country over the past three decades and our fragile peace remains under threat from heavily armed paramilitary organisations. Given what we have seen in the past week, it is surely now time for all these organisations to make a complete break with the past and put the murderous practices of terrorism behind them for good.The difference between flying a plane into the World Trade Centre or leaving a lorry bomb outside Canary Wharf is essentially the scale of the deaths caused. The pain and suffering and sense of loss of the family of a victim is the same whether their loved one died in New York at the hands of Islamic terrorists or in London, Belfast or Dublin at the hands of Irish terrorists. In the aftermath of last week's events the paramilitary organisations and their political associates may find the world a less sympathetic environment in which to exist.

Last month Gerry Adams spoke of Northern Ireland being at the crossroads. The republican movement is also at the crossroads and must decide which direction it will now take. It can follow up the first tentative steps it has taken along the democratic road and move to full membership of the democratic family with all the opportunities and responsibilities that entails or it can choose to continue to exist in the twilight zone between democracy and terrorism in which it will use democracy one day and paramilitary thuggery the next. I urge the republican movement to cross its Rubicon, to state fully, unequivocally and unconditionally that its war is over, it is fully wedded to the democratic system and will ensure the early decommissioning of all its paramilitary weapons.

Franklin Roose-

velt famously described 7 December 1941 as a day which would live in infamy. He was referring, of course, to Pearl Harbour and the attack which brought the United States into the Second World War. There can be no doubt that 11 September 2001 will be etched on all our memories as a day which will live in infamy. What happened in New York and Washington one week ago was not just an assault on the United States, but an assault on the entire free world. It was an assault on all those who value liberty, respect democracy, love life and value human beings.

It is important that we, in Ireland, understand the anger of the American people at this terrible time. They have every reason to be angry. We can recall how we felt after Omagh, Greysteel, Loughlinisland, the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and, in particular, the Enniskillen massacre on Remembrance Day. Most of us can still recall very vividly the words of the late Gordon Wilson as he described holding the hand of his daughter Marie as she died in the rubble on that famous day. We, in Ireland, remember the horror and revulsion we all felt and how, in some cases, hundreds of people marched on the homes of those they felt were responsible.

Anger has a place in a civilised society, but we must respect and applaud the restraint which has been shown by the United States Government in the immediate aftermath of the atrocity. In the wake of the attacks there was an overwhelming call from the public in the United States for an instant military response. President Bush and the American Government have sought to lead their people, not to follow them and for that they deserve our understanding, support and respect at this difficult time.

What happened in the United States last Tuesday was a crime against humanity. It was an attack not just on America but on the democratic way of life which unites all western democracies. It was, in the truest sense, an attack on civil liberties by elements who believe that the citizen has no right to liberty. The hijackers who carried out last week's atrocity have now been identified but we have yet to identify those who funded, directed and inspired them. We can be certain, however, that we are dealing with the forces of violent Islamic fundamentalism and we have strong grounds for believing we are dealing with Osama bin Laden and his network.

It is clear that what we are witnessing is a struggle between two different views of the world. On the one hand we have the western democratic model. It embraces tolerance and freedom, espouses openness and opportunity, seeks to accommodate difference and diversity and respects the rights of the individual within civil society. It is an imperfect system run by imperfect people who make imperfect decisions, but democracy is the best system around and has brought unprecedented peace and prosperity to millions throughout the world over the past 50 years.

On the other hand, we have the opposing model, the opposing view of the world – a violent political and ideological fundamentalism which tolerates no opposition and accommodates no diversity. All terrorist ideologies are based on an arrogant sense of self-righteousness. That arrogance translates easily into a contempt for the individual and a callous indifference to the rights of ordinary people, so it was that plane loads of passengers were crashed into American buildings to make some perverted political statement.

I reject out of hand any suggestion that there is some kind of moral equivalence between the actions of the hijackers and the attitude of the American Government. Unfortunately, there is a latent anti-Americanism in some quarters which cannot help but see the United States as a source of evil, even when it is the victim of evil. It was heartening to see that this view is not shared by the Irish people whose dignified reaction to last week's atrocities reflects the strong and close links which bind this country to America. Those of us who have passed the American Embassy in recent days have been overwhelmed by the thousands of people coming to sign the books of condolence and leave flowers and other emblems to signify their opposition to what happened last week.

We, in Ireland, must now ask ourselves where we stand in the contest currently unfolding between democracy and violent fundamentalism. We must consider what happened to United Airlines flight 93 out of Newark last Tuesday. We know that after the aircraft was taken over by the hijack team, a group of passengers tackled the hijackers. The ensuing struggle may have caused the aeroplane to crash in Pennsylvania, miles short of its yet unknown target. Is it possible in a civilised society to be neutral in the struggle which took place on that flight? Is it possible for a civilised nation to be indifferent in a contest between innocent airline passengers and the murderous gang intent on killing them and hundreds more besides? The answer, of course, is that it is not. Neither is it possible for us to be neutral in the struggle between international democracy and international terror.

Last Wednesday, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 136 which states:

The Security Council unequivocally condemns in the strongest terms the horrifying terrorist attack which took place on 11 September 2001 in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania and regards such acts, like any act of international terrorism, as a threat to international peace and security.

This resolution is clear and forceful and Ireland endorsed it unequivocally. The resolution went on to call on the international community to redouble its effort to prevent and suppress terrorism, to include increased co-operation and the full implementation of the relevant anti-terrorist conventions and Security Council resolutions.

It is important that we, in Ireland, make our contribution to the international effort through the United Nations and directly through our relationship with the United States. We are bound to the United States by the closest ties of blood and history. Many of our relatives live and work in the United States, among them many children of Members of this House. Many of us worked in the United States during our college holidays and witnessed at first hand a country of opportunity, a country which embraced difference, a country in which thousands of Irish people gave total allegiance to a home which delivered huge prospects and opportunities while never losing sight of their Irishness. When the number of dead people is finally known and everyone is accounted for, this may well turn out to be the worst ever terrorist attack perpetrated on Irish people. Some reports suggest that the number of Irish casualties may approach Omagh proportions.

Right thinking people everywhere instinctively know that what happened in Manhattan, Washington and Pennsylvania last week was wrong. No cause, religious or political, justifies deliberately flying aeroplanes full of innocent men, women and children into buildings full of innocent people. It is important that we state clearly who exactly is to blame for what occurred last week. Make no mistake about it, the blame lies fairly and squarely with those who hijacked the four aircraft and those who funded and directed them. The blame does not lie with the United States and it is wrong to suggest that it does. We may not always agree with US foreign policy, but no aspect of that policy during the years provides any justification for the events of last Tuesday. This is important because it is now being suggested that a change in US policy might somehow placate the fundamentalists and stave off future attacks. This fails to understand what happened last week and the mindset of the opponents with whom we are now dealing.

It is doubtful that anything less than the outright destruction of Israel and the United States and possibly the entire Western way of life would satisfy the bin Ladens of this world and their fanatical followers. We cannot be reasonable in those circumstances with people who are so unreasonable. The United States has made great efforts to promote a peace settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians under several different Presidents in recent years. Let us not forget that Islamic fundamentalists are among the most vociferous opponents of any such peace settlement.

Ireland is not neutral in the fight against terrorism. The question of Irish military involvement is very unlikely to arise, but we can play our part in other important ways. We can be vigilant in terms of our security and ensure this country is not used as a safe haven or staging post by terrorist elements. We can co-operate, if required, in international sanctions against countries that harbour terrorist leaders and their networks. We can be understanding of the fact that the American Government has a legitimate right to deliver an appropriate military response in the wake of what happened last Tuesday. We must have confidence in the ability of the American Government to take the right decision and ensure innocent civilian casualties are avoided in the military actions, which are now inevitable.

Global terrorism requires a global response. The United States will need to build a broad-based international coalition in order to prosecute this campaign successfully. That will be a variable geometry, a coalition with some countries playing a larger role than others, perhaps some countries being involved in different aspects of the campaign, but it is vital that the coalition holds together if the campaign and the validity of its objectives are to have real international credibility. The coalition will not hold together if military action by the United States and its major allies is seen to result in large-scale civilian casualties.

This is a struggle that the United States cannot afford to lose. It is a struggle which all of us cannot afford to lose. It is a struggle that democracy must win. I have no doubt that the organisers of last Tuesday's atrocities have the resources and the evil enterprise to repeat them again in the United States, Europe or somewhere else. That is a threat that civilised people cannot tolerate. It would be a tragedy if the hatred that inspired the hijackers were to infect Western society and, in particular, Irish society.

There is a huge difference between Islam and its abuse by violent fundamentalists and recent events should not be used as a pretext for racist attacks on innocent people. Ireland now has a substantial Muslim community. It is large enough to be visible, but small enough to be vulnerable. Can we not remember the indignities visited upon many innocent and law abiding Irish people in Britain over the last 30 years because of the bombing activities of a handful of their countrymen?

The 11th day of September 2001 is one of those rare days that will have a profound and lasting impact on human history. It was the day when the forces of international terrorism finally reached their full potential, but history will show that it was also the day when the civilised world resolved that those forces should be permanently extinguished.

Terrorism has disfigured the politics of this country for much of the last 30 years. Proportionate to its population, the island of Ireland has had its Manhattans, its Pentagons and many, many more. We will remember Enniskillen, Greysteel, Loughlin Island, the Monaghan and Dublin

bombings and 100 other places, the names of which are written in the blood of our history.

As the whole world now turns against terrorism, is it not time for us to escape from our terrorist history, too? Is it not time to put the past behind us? Unfortunately, there are several organisations on this island which seek to engage in political activity while still keeping the terrorist option open. Some are actively engaged in violence. Others are on ceasefire. I say to all of them:

It takes courage to move away from violence, more courage than it takes to kill people. The doorway to democracy is now open. Go through it. Take your courage in your hands. Say now in clear and simple terms that you are renouncing the use of violence for political ends and that your are prepared to take your chances with the rest of us in the democratic process, and don't just say it, do it. That means no more guns, no more bombs and no more punishment beatings.

We in Ireland lost a lot on Tuesday last and our hearts go out to the families of the victims, but we in Ireland could salvage something of great value from the wreckage of Manhattan if the terrible events of 11 September were to bring us to the full and final acceptance of democracy as the sole and only means of resolving our political problems on this island.

Almost 40 years ago President John F. Kennedy stood near the Berlin Wall and addressed the people of that great and then divided city. He said, "If anyone wants to know the difference between the free world and the communist world, let them come to Berlin." Today we can say, "If anyone wants to know the difference between the free world, the democratic world and the dark world which threatens it, we just have to look at Manhattan, Washington and Pennsylvania."

I wish to share my time with Deputy Higgins (Dublin West), and Deputies Ó Caoláin and Healy.

My colleague, Deputy Sargent, and I, on behalf of the Green Party, extend our deepest and heartfelt sympathies to the American people, especially to those who have lost loved ones in Tuesday's terrorist attacks.

It appears this was a premeditated and barbaric act carried out by individuals whose value systems have been perverted by religious extremism. Too often in our own country we have witnessed the horrific consequences of terrorism, too often we have sought adequate words to describe our revulsion for what has taken place and too often we have failed to find adequate words.

The American attacks reminded us of our own recent history and touched us in a unique way because of our close ties with the United States and particularly our close ties with New York. Like so many other people in this country, I have relatives in New York who witnessed these attacks first hand and who have been deeply affected by what they have experienced. Modern communications ensured that millions of people throughout the world could watch the full horror unfold on live television and it confirmed, if ever we needed confirmation, that truth is stranger and far more frightening than fiction.

In the aftermath of such an atrocity emotions run high and the clamour for retribution is far louder than voices that call for restraint and a measured response. I was very moved and extremely impressed by the Clifford family who lost a sister and a niece in the attack and yet made it clear that they did not want any revenge attacks that would result in the deaths of other innocent children. Their forbearance reminded us of

Gordon Wilson.

In the light of these attacks it is instructive to remind ourselves of how we dealt with terrorism in our own country. The greatest atrocity occurred in Omagh during the lifetime of this Government. The mastermind behind that attack is apparently well known to the police and still at large. Would it have helped the situation if Britain had attacked the Republic because suspected terrorists lived here? I do not think so. It would have made the situation far worse.

Surely we know that an attack on Afghanistan, which would result, to use that terrible phrase, in collateral damage, would only play into the hands of Mr. bin Laden. It would be the greatest recruiting advertisement for Islamic fundamentalists ever. It would destabilise the entire region and result probably in many more people joining their cause. It would perhaps polarise the whole Islamic world and we would be in a situation of the Islamic world versus the western world.

I pay tribute to the Taoiseach for condemning the racist attacks that have occurred here because of this attack and I endorse his tribute to those brave men and women who lost their lives in the rescue services in New York. I repeat that our thoughts are with the American people during this terrible time.

Déanaim comhbhrón le pobal na Stát Aontaithe ar an tubáiste milltineach i Nua Eabhrac agus Washington. Déanaim comhbhrón chomh maith leis na clanna sa tír seo a chaill daoine dhíl agus le daoine a gortaíodh.

I extend deepest sympathy to all those bereaved in the United States and in Ireland and those who have had loved ones injured as a result of the appalling and catastrophic atrocity visited on the cities of New York and Washington. Families in Ireland have lost loved ones in these same attacks. Like fellow Deputies, I have been contacted by distraught constituents who have yet to make contact with missing relatives. Such is the massive scale of the casualties that many more Irish families are likely to be bereaved in the days ahead. Many of the New York Irish have also been central to the peace process, as I am well aware from my own visits to the United States on behalf of Sinn Féin. Gerry Adams told the Assembly in Belfast last week one of the missing was an organiser at the launch for the Friends of Sinn Féin at the top of the north tower of the World Trade Centre two years ago.

These devastating attacks were utterly reprehensible and I condemn them without reservation. The deliberate killing of civilians is always wrong, whether armed political groups, governments or individuals are responsible. The tragedy of 11 September 2001 will be compounded if the desire for vengeance prevails and if more civilians die, be they the impoverished people of Kabul, Afghan refugees on the Pakistani border, Iraqi children or displaced

Palestinians.

In this international crisis, the Irish Government should maintain an independent and principled position based on human rights. The Irish Government will be in a crucial position when it takes over the chair of the United Nations Security Council in October. I urge the Government to resist any attempt by any member of the Security Council to use the United Nations as cover for aggression. A war of retaliation by the USA can only multiply the complex problems which gave rise to this disaster and bring death and destitution to thousands more people.

In the light of reported hostility to them in recent days, we must express, in a united way, our solidarity with the Muslim community and the Arab community here in Ireland and set our faces against any attempts by the ignorant and the bigoted to scapegoat them.

I believe our most important response is to redouble our efforts to make the Irish peace process work. I roundly reject the shameful remarks of the Fine Gael Leader who has endeavoured to turn this atrocity into a stick to beat Sinn Féin. The bullying of Deputy Noonan will not force Sinn Féin—

(Interruptions.)

—and the greater number of Northern Nationalists into acceptance of a flawed policing package. Rather, my colleagues in Sinn Féin and I have rededicated ourselves to resolving the very difficult outstanding problems. That is what all who genuinely wish to see a real and lasting peace in Ireland should now also address. God bless all those who grieve at this time. Go raibh maith agat.

(Dublin West): Last week's attack in the United States attack was indiscriminate terror on a mass scale. It is right and necessary that the Irish people should show their solidarity and support for the tens of thousands of innocent people who have been the victims by death, injury or bereavement, of an unspeakable atrocity.

In our unconditional condemnation, the Socialist Party distinguishes itself, however, from the quality of the denunciation of others, which we find to be unconvincing. The governments, as opposed to the peoples of Britain and the United States, even as we speak here, are responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent children in Iraq, whom they have starved of medicines and nutrition for ten years. That also is terrorism, as is the death, virtually on a monthly basis, of innocent civilians in Iraq also, blasted by bombs dropped from planes sent by Britain and the United States, with no cameras there to record that carnage and the dictator, against whom it is supposed to be, resides in comfort. The crushing and daily humiliation of Palestinian people is also terror.

The atrocity in the United States was not supported by the vast bulk on Muslim people but the groups responsible could not exploit religious fanaticism to such devastating effect without having a deep reservoir of national oppression and human misery from which to draw and which is related to western governments' foreign policy.

What a bitter and sad irony for the suffering American people that those very groups who visited this atrocity had, only ten or 15 years ago, been encouraged, financed, trained and armed by the American CIA in pursuit of US policy at that time. A retaliatory military attack by the United States and/or NATO, that would now kill and maim thousands more innocent people, in whatever country, whether it has the imprimatur of the United Nations, would not only be immoral in itself but would spawn another generation of suicide bombers and terror. Let us remember that a chilling new threshold has been crossed as to what is possible.

The Government should use its position on the United Nations Security Council to stop any military action that would rain death and destruction on innocent people. The creation of a world where economic exploitation, national and ethnic oppression, and poverty and its causes are ended is what will create the real conditions where peace prosperity, freedom and democracy will end the nightmare of all kinds of terror.

Ba mhaith liom i dtosach mo chómhbhrón a chur in iúl do gach éinne a bhfuil baint acu leis na daoine a fuair bás sna Stáit Aontaithe an tseachtain seo caite agus le muintir Mheiriceá.

First I wish to extend my sincere sympathy to all the bereaved families suffering the consequences of this atrocity. People of all nationalities, including many Irish and Irish-Americans, have been victims. Those members of the emergency services, and their chaplain Father Mychal Judge, who died attempting to rescue victims deserve to be especially remembered and mentioned. In this incident thousands of innocent people were killed for political purposes and this action must be condemned unreservedly.

If outrages such as this are to be prevented in the future, justice is the key. The perpetrators of the New York, Washington and Pennsylvania outrages must end up before an international court. However, an international system of justice must be seen to be fair if it is to be effective in defeating terrorism. Selective justice will breed new terrorists. Those, for example, who were responsible for the terrible bombing of Beirut and the organised massacre of hundreds of Palestinian families in refugee camps must also face international courts. It is vital that innocent civilians should not be endangered in any action taken to defer further attacks. This has been mentioned by many bereaved families including the Clifford family and indeed by Mr. John Hume, in recent days. Any international response must be measured and authorised in advance by the United Nations. The institution of an international system of justice to which individuals and states must be accountable is the key to eradicating terrorism. Ar dheis Dé go raibh anam na marabh.

It is safe to say that no event in recent history has had such an instant and widespread impact on people worldwide as the dreadful tragedy which struck the United States on Tuesday last. A series of calculated and deadly assaults on the proudest symbols of the most powerful nation on earth was broadcast on live television across the globe. Thousands of innocent civilians going about their daily business were slain in a merciless assault driven by vicious hatred. The debate that has just taken place shows clearly that this House is united in its condemnation of the murderous attacks that took place in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania. These attacks will go down in history as the most appalling act of international terrorism ever committed.

Sadly, the scale of the devastation wrought last Tuesday may never be fully known. Estimates of the number of people killed in the World Trade Center are still imprecise. The recovery operation is proceeding slowly and painstakingly. It will be some time before it is completed but even then it is doubtful if we will ever know for sure how many lost their lives.

President McAleese, on behalf of the people of Ireland, and the Taoiseach, on behalf of the Government, have already expressed their deepest condolences to the families of the victims of this tragedy. The debate in this House today has echoed these sentiments and has shown the very real sorrow that Members feel at the loss of so many lives. The number of Irish casualties is still not known precisely. Based on the information available to us we expect the number of Irish-born victims to be in the region of 20. However, there may be others who have not been notified to us and who are not yet thought to have been caught up in the tragedy.

Tuesday's tragedy has, directly or indirectly, touched all of us in Ireland. That extends to this House where our colleague, Deputy Gerard Reynolds – who was holidaying in New York – has two cousins on the missing list. Our deepest sympathy goes to Deputy Reynolds and to the Lynch and Reynolds families. We extend in particular a very special word of sympathy to the families of those who lost their lives bravely trying to bring assistance and relief to those caught in the World Trade Center. Their heroism and valour will not be forgotten.

Immediately the news of the attacks broke last Tuesday, my Department established a special emergency centre to assist Irish people seeking information about friends or relatives who might have been involved. A telephone helpline service was set up and a team of over 50 volunteers worked around the clock answering calls and building up a database of over 2,500 Irish people who were possibly affected.

In the United States our embassy in Washington and our consulates in New York and Boston also established a special emergency service to assist Irish citizens caught up in the terrible events. They, too, have been working around the clock for the last week dealing with queries from relatives in Ireland and the United States.

Working closely together, the emergency centre in Dublin and our missions in the United States have helped to narrow down the list of potential Irish victims of the attacks. The overwhelming majority of the 2,500 persons reported to the emergency centre in the first days after the attacks have proved to be safe and well. There have been some heartening stories of people who were thought lost turning up alive. Tragically, there has been a small number of cases where the news has not been good and where it looks as if our worst fears will be realised.

I pay my own tribute to the many officials of my Department at home and abroad, the staff from other Departments, the health board representatives and the locally employed staff at our missions in the United States who participated in the emergency services during this crisis. Their commitment and dedication have demonstrated the very highest standard of the Irish public service. The public can be proud that it has people of such ability and generosity working in its service.

Terrorism strikes not only at human and physical targets but also at the very fabric of society and the ties of tolerance and trust which bind us together. There can and will be no equivocation in our response to these terrible acts. The Taoiseach has already made clear that we stand squarely with the United States in the face of this onslaught.

In its Resolution 1267 of October 1999, the United Nations Security Council repeated its demand that the Taliban cease the provision of training and sanctuary for international terrorists. It further demanded that the Taliban turn over Osama bin Laden without delay to appropriate authorities in a country where he had been indicted, to appropriate authorities in a country where he would be returned to such a country or to appropriate authorities in a country where he would be arrested and effectively brought to justice. UN sanctions were imposed against the Taliban by the same resolution and these sanctions were strengthened in December 2000 as the Taliban had shown no sign of complying with the Security Council demands. Last Tuesday, in the attacks on the city where the United Nations has its headquarters, in Washington and Pennsylvania, the international community received the response to these demands.

We will support action in confomity with the UN Charter or in pursuit of Security Council resolutions against those who planned, supported and carried out these acts. The US Government has made clear that it is embarking on a long and difficult campaign which will be pursued on a wide front, using diplomatic, military, economic and police assets. The United States has recognised the need to build the support of a broad international coalition to act in a targeted manner and offer clear justification for any action, should it prove necessary.

We will work with the international community at the United Nations and with our partners in the European Union in a concerted effort to stamp out international terrorism wherever it is found. In the past our efforts have been negated by the duplicity of a few. This can no longer be tolerated. We must bring every pressure to bear on regimes which encourage, support or play host to those who practise terror. At the same time the international community must redouble its efforts to address the festering conflicts on which terrorists prey.

I was in Israel on my way to Gaza when I heard the news of the attacks in the United States. I came away from the region deeply concerned at the manifest lack of trust between the parties. I am convinced that the sustained support of the entire international community is required to help them bridge that gulf. The United States, the European Union, Russia and Arab and other Islamic states all have a contribution to make.

We must, individually and collectively, encourage the earliest possible resumption of dialogue. We must restore the primacy of the concept of compromise. In the Middle East, as in Ireland, compromise is all too often misrepresented as surrender or appeasement. This is terribly wrong. Compromise is the oil which cools and lubricates the frictions of human co-existence.

Where compromise is absent, conflict occurs. We must, as part of any solution, collectively guarantee to both Israel and Palestine their right to live in peace and security within their own borders and with their own territorial integrity assured.

There is much to be done. The Government will be active in ensuring that Ireland plays a part commensurate with our commitment to an international order based on liberty, justice, respect for human rights and the rule of law. We will carry a particularly heavy responsibility next month when we assume the presidency of the UN Security Council. I will travel to New York and Washington in advance of our presidency for detailed discussions with members of the council and others on how we can address the urgent challenges which confront us.

We find ourselves in a period of fear and uncertainty. The certainties of our world have been severely shaken. We cannot undo the damage done last week, but we can strive to ensure that such atrocities never again take place. If the international community can find the collective resolve, we can use this opportunity to re-invigorate the system of international co-operation. We can eradicate the scourge of international terrorism once and for all. We can bring about a just solution to the conflicts which scour our world and bring justice to those who struggle to maintain their very existence. If we can achieve this, then those who lost their lives in the United States last week, and all victims of terrorism, will not have died in vain. They deserve nothing less.

I ask the House to conclude this session with a moment's silence as a mark of respect to all those who died, or are affected by, the events of exactly a week ago.

Members rose.

The Dáil adjourned at 1.45 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 3 October 2001.

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