I heard the Minister for Health and Children tell the people this morning on radio that there is no health crisis. That will be a relief to the thousands of people on waiting lists who, by the same logic, must only imagine they are ill. The other thing which came vividly to mind was the story of the emperor with the new clothes. The Minister must feel unlucky when he reflects on the events of recent weeks. He must feel that the gods who shone on him in the past have turned their backs on him as he faces disaster in every direction he turns. I am sure he felt unlucky that a new and dangerous disease emerged on his watch, that public health doctors were on strike when it emerged, that it happened just as the Special Olympics was about to be hosted in Ireland, that the system appeared hopelessly unable to cope with the SARS threat and that the public reaction to this apparent ineptitude was only short of outright panic. He must have felt unlucky that communication within the health service and between the health service and the public was so confused and contradictory it would have been laughable if it had not been so frightening. To outside observers, the handling of this crisis reached the realms of high farce.
If this was a new Government and the Minister was newly appointed, we could put it down to sheer bad luck. If this was a fledgling Government struggling to find its feet, we would give it the benefit of the doubt and say it was a victim of circumstances. However, the Minister is not newly appointed and it is not a new Government. I will not go back over the past 16 years of almost unbroken Fianna Fáil Government because the last six are enough. We have had six years of unprecedented wealth and spending. We have had six long years of opportunities foregone. The Minister had all the money in the world with which to make his own luck, but he did not use it. He and his Cabinet colleagues must be held accountable for that. That is why the motion is before the House. The flaws in the health service, which we saw glaringly in the past few weeks and which we will see again next week, are flaws of the Minister's making. The responsibility for every decision not taken in the health service, every investment not made and every reform postponed, rests with the Minister. Those failures cannot be put down to bad luck. They are the inevitable result of a failure of decisive political leadership and all the spin doctors in the world cannot disguise that fact.
There is a crisis of confidence in the health service. This is caused not just by the grossly inadequate, confused and confusing handling of the SARS threat, but by the daily, unremitting onslaught of media stories about more frightening and heartbreaking failures of the health service. The failure to manage the SARS crisis is seen as symptomatic of the more general failure of the Minister, the Government and its predecessor to provide us with a reliable functioning health system, despite all the money spent. There have been structural, management, administrative and communications failures in recent weeks. These failures are common in the health service and are unequivocally the result of the failure of political leadership.
It is not that we do not have good doctors and nurses or that health personnel, including the much maligned administrative personnel, are deficient and unmoved by the crisis over which they are forced to preside. It is a failure at the top to undertake the fundamental reforms required of the complex mesh of health services and of how they are provided and procured. This is not news to the Minister. He lectures us regularly about the need for reform. He knows the deficiencies in the health service and the financial, legal and public health problems associated with those deficiencies. While the Minister continuously makes worthy speeches about the need for reform, he seems to want to ride out his time in health without making a hard decision.
We have heard about the reports which have been published. Almost every area of policy was reviewed by consultants. Some, who made the mistake of reporting too soon, were asked to review the review, while other reports gather dust on shelves. Others which require difficult decisions are not allowed to report, but seem to be condemned to be endlessly rewritten until they are so diluted they will not upset anyone and a passing approximation to reform has long since disappeared.
One of the earliest reports commissioned by the Minister, the value for money report, spelled out clearly that his Department does not have the skills or the structures to implement the health strategy. Month after month we are told in reply to parliamentary questions about the number of action plans to implement the health strategy. However, the relationship between what we are told and what is happening is tenuous.
Reform must start at the top. It must start with openness, transparency and the taking of responsibility. It must start by telling people unpalatable truths rather than hiding behind spin and shifting the blame. Leadership is about taking responsibility, not about playing blame games. How can reform begin when the Minister cultivates a health service which sets region against region, specialty against specialty, nurses against doctors and hospitals against health boards? The system forces medical specialists into public relations campaigns against each other to compete for funding. Everyone in the system is to blame, except the Minister. The Minister tried again this morning to set one region against another. He tried to set the good little boys in the hospitals outside Dublin against the bad little boys in the hospitals in Dublin. However, the health cutbacks will affect the entire country, not just the Dublin teaching hospitals.
Every week during Question Time the Minister is unable to accept responsibility. We are always told the responsibility lies somewhere else, such as with the health boards, the GMS or the Health Service Employers' Agency. If we are not told that, we are told about the health strategy as if that bore some relation to reality. The Department is more interested in public relations policies than in health policies.
On 20 November last, during the Estimates debate, the Minister said that the increase of €694 million represents a 9% increase in year-on-year current spending. He further stated, "This demonstrates more than anything else the Government's commitment to the health services and our determination to protect them and resource them adequately, even in an economically tougher year than we have become used to." We should examine that. The Eastern Regional Health Authority received a determination for 2003 of €2.92 billion. That was sold as a 7.1% increase on the spending for 2002. However, it was a 2.7% increase on the outturn for 2002. The ERHA needed €285 million to stand still, without developing new services. However, it received €81 million.
I heard the Minister's interview in Brussels last night. He said he had heard such announcements about cutbacks before and that they were not serious. He said cutbacks had not occurred and that is was scaremongering. It is not scaremongering. In the debate last November when the Minister announced the Estimates for this year, I predicted savage cutbacks in the acute hospitals because I knew that the 9% increase was not an honest reflection of what was happening. Basing budgets on what was supposed to happen in the health service last year rather than on what actually happened, is a farce. I heard the Minister trying to defend it today. The teaching hospitals in Dublin required €87 million to stand still, but they received only €200,000. It should not come as a surprise to the Minister that there are cutbacks. It is hard to believe that the Minister continues to deny it. Are things so bad that the Minister does not know what is happening?
I asked six weeks ago for details of the hospital budgets for 2003 compared with 2002. The Minister's response in a parliamentary question was that he did not have that information. How can that be possible? How can the House accept that the Minister for Health and Children does not know the hospital budgets? Again, the Minister tried to blame the Dublin hospitals as if they were deficient in some way. The reality is that these cutbacks will affect the entire country. The South Eastern Health Board region needed an extra €23 million just to stand still in terms of the services it was providing; it got €6 million. If you live in the West there is also bad news despite what the Minister said; that health board received €5 million less this year than last year.
What these hospitals planned to spend last year is irrelevant. We can only judge by what they actually spent. Unfortunately, people cannot regulate their health to suit the Minister for Finance. During the Estimates debate the Minister said: "It is the first time in 20 years that we have had any kind of concerted increase in hospital beds in the public sector." The Minister continued to indulge in that flight of fancy this afternoon. When I disagreed and predicted bed closures he said he could not accept those predictions. As for the Minister's increase in beds, last year the ERHA region opened 265 beds, as the Minister proclaimed proudly some months ago, but forecasts suggest yesterday's budget cuts will close 250 beds. That means that in reality 15 beds were opened. Of course the Minister ringfenced new beds, but he ringfenced them from the budget for the old beds. Where is the sense in this budgeting, which makes neither sense nor savings?
We did not quite appreciate the Minister's irony during the Estimates debate in November 2003 when he said: "The year 2003 will be a significant year in terms of structural change." The structure is falling apart.
The public saw the handling of SARS as symptomatic of the deeper malaise in the health service. If so, the handling of the public health doctors dispute was a manifestation of a very deep malaise in the health sector. On the one hand, the Minister professes to place great importance on disease prevention and health promotion. He knows that unless that shift in emphasis takes place that the demands on the health service will rapidly become unsustainable, if they have not become so already. He knows too that public health doctors are crucial to prevention and that not only is prevention far preferable to cure from the public's point of view, but these doctors are the only group of doctors in the entire health system who can save him money. The reason for the existence of public health doctors is to prevent disease and, consequently, reduce the need for treatment, saving the Minister money.
The Minister is spending €9 billion annually and is desperate for savings, but he allows a problem to fester for nine years with the one group which could help him. When the issue came to a head against a background of a new emerging disease and the Special Olympics, he came to the Dáil to insult the members of that group and, in case they did not hear him, he went to their conference and insulted them again.
I hope we have learned that disease knows no timetable and that disease control can no longer knock off at 5 p.m. on a Friday evening. I ask the Minister to take the public health doctors' dispute seriously and to show them the courtesy of expressing concern about the issue. He should inform the Labour Relations Commission that he is serious, that he is willing to go there to solve the dispute and that proposals will be put forward for discussion. What has been going on so far is a disgrace, with officials turning up who do not know what the issues are. This involves people, largely women, who do not deserve the disdain with which they are being treated. We need them.
Members of the public depend on the Government to protect them; that is why they elect it. Specifically, they depend on the Minister for Health to protect their health, but they have lost confidence in the Minister's ability to do so. As a result the Special Olympics, instead of the joyous event it should be, has become a focus of great concern for participants and host towns. Thousands of people around the world and in Ireland have put enormous energy, time and hope into the games. It would be a travesty and a tragedy if anything were to happen to jeopardise an event into which so many have invested so much. The Minister must demonstrate beyond all doubt that he can and will protect our health and the health of 40,000 visitors coming for the games, the vast majority of whom come from countries not affected by SARS.
In this, as in all aspects of the health service, perception is very important. Restoring public confidence is essential and to do so, the public must believe that someone is in charge, someone who knows what he is doing, someone who is competent, someone who will look out for their best interests and someone who is capable of protecting them. The current perception is that the Minister cannot do so.