Eamon Gilmore
Question:99 Deputy Eamon Gilmore asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the present situation as pertains in Iraq. [3682/08]
Other Questions.
Foreign Conflicts.
Ruairí Quinn
Question:139 Deputy Ruairí Quinn asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the most recent estimate available to him for the loss of civilian lives and military lives in the Iraq war; and his views on whether the war has been illegal and without mandate, and has caused incalculable harm to the prospects for international stability. [3686/08]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 99 and 139 together.
After several years of deepening crisis, there have been clear signs of a significant improvement in the security situation in Iraq in the past six months. There has been a marked reduction in violence in almost all areas, especially Baghdad, and in many towns and cities something approaching normal civilian life has again become possible. However, as the appalling bombings in Baghdad demonstrated last week, the situation facing the Iraqi people remains fraught and dangerous.
The strengthened security drive launched by Iraqi and US forces has been a key element in the reduction in deaths and violent attacks. Other critical factors have been the suppression of groups linked to al-Qaeda in Sunni areas and a ceasefire by the main Shia militia, which had been implicated in widespread sectarian killings. While welcoming the improvement, it is important to note that none of these factors is irreversible.
It has been clear that there is no simple security solution in Iraq. Lasting peace and stability can only be assured through a process of genuine political reconciliation between the communities in Iraq and the co-operation of all its regional neighbours. Unfortunately, the political reconciliation process has moved more slowly than desired. The passage of a new law relaxing the exclusion of former Ba'athists from public life is an important step but other crucial issues remain deadlocked for now, including the review of the constitution, division of oil and gas revenues and the position of Kirkuk. There have been suggestions of a more pragmatic engagement between the parties behind the scenes and the UN has strengthened its efforts to promote progress. It is now essential that Iraqi leaders act urgently in the eased security climate to achieve real progress in these areas.
There have been various attempts to estimate the casualties in Iraq, with a wide range of figures being suggested. The respected NGO, Iraq Body Count, estimates that between 80,000 and 90,000 civilians have been killed since 2003. This may represent an underestimate of the actual figures but I have no means of assessing the accuracy of the different figures. Whatever the figures, there is no room for doubt as to the appalling level of suffering experienced by ordinary Iraqi people. Nor can we lose sight of the resulting refugee crisis. There are more than 2 million refugees outside Iraq, mostly in Syria and Jordan, and perhaps another 2 million internally displaced. It is encouraging to note that a good number have returned to Iraq in recent months but it is also clear that very large numbers will need humanitarian assistance for some time to come. The EU and Ireland nationally will continue to play their part in addressing this crisis.
The Government has outlined its position on the legality of the war on many occasions. Ireland was not ready to participate in the 2003 military campaign in the absence of an explicit Security Council mandate. Since October 2003, the presence of the multinational force in Iraq has been authorised by a series of UN Security Council resolutions. The latest resolution, adopted unanimously in December on the request of the Iraqi Government, extends the mandate to the end of 2008.
I am grateful the Minister is taking the two questions together. Question No. 139 asked him to state unequivocally that the Government's view was that the war was illegal and without mandate. He may wish to return to this question. It is not a case of Ireland being unable to participate in the absence of a resolution; it is a case of Ireland being required out of respect for international law to condemn a war that was illegal and without mandate.
I am grateful to the Minister for giving the tragic estimate of 80,000 to 90,000 for the number of civilians killed, although he agrees it is not possible to be precise. I am concerned that part of his reply seems to suggest that what is called the "surge" is having an effect. There is considerable evidence to suggest its effect is quite limited.
Question No. 139 asked about the consequences for the region. It is very important to pin down the point that the later resolutions of the United Nations cannot retrospectively confer a legal status on an illegal act that took place some years earlier. It is important to respect that distinction.
The legality or otherwise of the Iraq war has been debated many times inside and outside the House. There has been no international consensus as to whether it was legal or illegal.
There has.
We were not prepared to participate but the subsequent resolutions were put in place and, although they were not unanimously accepted originally, they are now unanimously accepted year on year. This has happened in particular at the request of the Iraqi Government, which seeks to have the continued presence of the multinational force to supplement the increasing level of Iraqi ability to secure its own territory.
We know from our situation that despite some of the most horrific and unfortunate recent events in Iraq, the level of violence across the entire country is much lower than it was, which we should welcome. Before Christmas, the Iraqi Foreign Minister briefed EU Foreign Ministers and painted a relatively good picture. To a certain extent, some of us would have been a bit sceptical, but there has been a significant reduction in the level of violence there.
The Minister is quite right that there have not been as many atrocities in Iraq in recent times, with the exception of the two horrific market bombings last weekend. Have the local security forces, including the police force, been more effective and have they received better training to deal with the security situation? For how much longer will international security forces, such as the Americans, British and others, be needed in Iraq?
I cannot put a date on when the multinational force will leave Iraq but local security forces there have increased their capability. Ireland is a substantial distance from Iraq but we have been part of the EU effort to try to assist the Iraqis' capacity to rebuild their judicial and security systems. Last year, a significant number of Iraqi officials who have been involved in rebuilding prisons were here to liaise with our own Prison Service, at the latter's invitation, under the umbrella of EU assistance to Iraq.
Deputy Higgins raised the question of regional stability and there are significant issues in that regard, not least the interaction by the Turks in northern Iraq. While Turkey has a right to defend its own people from cross-border attacks, we must exhort any country to use military action only as a last resort.
I wish to ask three short questions. First, is it correct that in recent days young women with an intellectual disability, Down's syndrome, were used in suicide bomb attacks in Iraq? I do not like using the term "suicide bomb attacks" in this context because they were used to blow up citizens in the middle of a market. Is this information correct?
My second question concerns our foreign policy over the years. Has the Minister told the British and US governments about Ireland's opposition to the war in Iraq, both at regular EU meetings and other international fora?
Third, the vast majority of people now accept that the Iraq war was illegal but, more importantly, events in recent weeks have shown that the vast majority of US citizens have adopted this position also. I ask the Minister to push that line at UN and EU levels.
It is the case that on Friday, 1 February 2008, bombs carried by two women exploded in markets in different areas of Baghdad, killing over 100 people and wounding 200 others. Apparently, these bombs were detonated by remote control, which is probably one of the most dastardly operations that has ever been carried out in my memory. We roundly condemn these bombings.
Did they have an intellectual disability?
Yes, they had a disability. It shows the lengths to which these people will go to try to disrupt what is a very slow peace process. Ireland's view has been made clear for many years. The issue now is to give, as soon as possible, the democratically elected Iraqi Government and the Iraqi people an opportunity to be the authors of their own destiny. Given the fact that they have continued to request the presence of a multinational force at least up to the end of 2008, as per the unanimous UN resolution, we should abide by that.
In the course of his discussions with EU colleagues, has the Minister noted any concern at the manner in which they were conned by the falsification of evidence on weapons of mass destruction? What are the implications for their parliamentary systems, including their accountability committees, given that they were lied to? What is the Minister's view of the general damage done to the international parliamentary process, including within the European Union, by the tissue of deceit that was used to initiate a war that has caused 90,000 civilian casualties? Is it not an appropriate topic for moral reflection by those who went along with it?
I was going to ask the Minister if it is confusing to be in Government when Members of this House who vote for him actually oppose his policies. Unfortunately, however, Deputy Finian McGrath has left the Chamber.
What happened over the years in Iraq is a cause for reflection. However, there is now a possibility that the democratically elected government of the Iraqi people is in a position to move out of what has been a terrible period in that country's history. Of course, we should look back to see how things could perhaps have been done better. While there has been significant turmoil in relationships between the US and other parts of the world, there is now a common threat to developing and developed countries given the incredible depths to which terrorists will go to disrupt peace efforts. That is a far bigger threat to any of us who believe in democracy. That is why it is important for all nations of goodwill to work together, within the restrictions of international humanitarian law, to ensure that these people do not have the ability to carry out such dastardly deeds such as those committed in Baghdad on 1 February.
Overseas Development Aid.
Kathleen Lynch
Question:100 Deputy Kathleen Lynch asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on such requests as he has had for aid and assistance following on from the recent natural disaster in Indonesia. [3694/08]
Seasonal rains caused flooding and landslides in central and east Java in December 2007 and January 2008, with reports of about 118 deaths. Relief activities were principally conducted by the Indonesian authorities, including the national agency for search and rescue, provincial and district co-ordination units for disaster management and the Indonesian Department of Health. The Indonesian authorities, the Indonesian Red Cross Society and NGOs on the ground were equipped with the capacity to respond effectively to the flooding and landslides and no general international appeal for assistance was issued.
The International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent societies, IFRC, is a key partner of Irish Aid in responding to the sudden onset of natural disasters. Under our partnership agreement for 2006-07, we contributed €1 million to the IFRC's disaster relief emergency fund, and we will contribute a further €2 million during the period 2008-09. This fund ensures that immediate financial support is available for Red Cross and Red Crescent societies to respond to emergencies.
Irish Aid also supports the UN's central emergency response fund, CERF, which, since its inception in 2006, has contributed over €52 million to the fund. CERF was established with Ireland's support specifically to facilitate rapid response to emergencies by pre-positioning funds for urgent humanitarian action.
I welcome the Minister of State's reply. Should a request for structural adaptation be submitted to his Department, after the effects of events are known, will it be inclined to respond? I am referring to the capacity of communities to truly recover by restoring lost infrastructure as a result of natural disasters.
Irish Aid provided €52 million as part of the CERF. Of the €20 million contributed to the tsunami relief effort, €6.4 million was allocated directly to Indonesia and a further €5.6 million to the south Asia region, including Indonesia. A special envoy, Chris Flood, was appointed and he visited the country twice in the aftermath of the disaster. The Irish people provided almost €80 million in private contributions to NGOs such as Concern, GOAL, Trócaire and the Irish Red Cross. It placed Ireland as one of the most generous nations. Our funding was provided in those ways and, hopefully, we will also allocate funding of more than €2 million in 2008 and 2009.
Last year Irish Aid published a value for money review entitled, Support to Tsunami Affected Countries. It recommended that Irish Aid allocates more funds to monitor technical support in future large scale emergencies, greater standardisation of reports and contracts, more use of evaluations and increased engagement with joint funding mechanisms where appropriate and, in supporting future emergencies, a smaller number of partner agencies with specific expertise should be selected to ensure Irish Aid support does not become fragmented. Since then, the organisation has provided funding in Mexico following severe flooding and Indonesia. Were the recommendations in this review adopted in the provision of funding to Mexico and Indonesia? Will the Minister of State outline the meetings he has had with his officials about the recommendations? What has been done to implement them, given he has had two opportunities since the review to act on them?
We have responded to other natural disasters such as Hurricane Noel in Mexico, the cyclone in Bangladesh, the Caribbean and central America, severe flooding in Uganda and Mozambique and the earthquake in Peru. The Irish Red Cross and other NGOs in Indonesia had sufficient capacity to respond to the flooding and landslides. No international appeal for assistance issued and, therefore, we knew of no major unfilled gaps during the emergency response phase that required a large scale mobilisation of international resources. I will come back to the Deputy on the review to which he referred, as I must obtain more detail on it.
Middle East Peace Process.
Willie Penrose
Question:101 Deputy Willie Penrose asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the position regarding talks being held between Egypt and Palestinian representatives on foot of the recent breach of the divide between Gaza and Egypt; the indications he has received regarding the participation in talks of Fatah as well as Hamas; if the EU plans to offer assistance in such talks; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3697/08]
Fergus O'Dowd
Question:109 Deputy Fergus O’Dowd asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs his policy on the conflict between Israel and Palestine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3795/08]
Emmet Stagg
Question:111 Deputy Emmet Stagg asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the outcome of the talks involving the EU, US, Egypt, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas regarding the future operation of the crossing point at Rafah between Gaza and Egypt. [3699/08]
Mary Upton
Question:124 Deputy Mary Upton asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will report on assistance the European Union has offered in ongoing talks between the Israeli Prime Minister and Mahmoud Abbas following recent developments in the region, specifically the killing by Israeli forces of more than 20 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the shelling of Israeli towns in the area. [3678/08]
Joe McHugh
Question:155 Deputy Joe McHugh asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the action he will take to help the innocent Palestinian civilians, who are going without supplies, due to measures introduced by the Israeli Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3944/08]
Bernard J. Durkan
Question:224 Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the extent to which he and his EU or UN colleagues can positively prevail upon the ongoing situation in the Middle East; if efforts have been made to bring about a cessation to the hardship caused to the Palestinians; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [4176/08]
Bernard J. Durkan
Question:225 Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he and his EU colleagues are sufficiently effective in bringing about an improvement in the situation between the Israelis and the Palestinians; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [4177/08]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 101, 109, 111, 124, 155, 224 and 225 together.
I share the concern that events on the ground in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories threaten to undermine the important political progress which has been made in recent months. I have strongly condemned the killings of Palestinian civilians in recent weeks and the continued firing of rockets from Gaza on towns in southern Israel. I also condemn the appalling suicide bomb attack in the Israeli town of Dimona on Monday, in which an Israeli woman lost her life. I know that the House joins me in extending our deepest sympathies to the families of all the victims. I have stated many times that there are no military or violent solutions to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The only way forward is through political negotiation, no matter how difficult such a course may be in the current circumstances.
Ireland has been a long-standing and active proponent of the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. The Government has worked closely with other EU partners to ensure that the European Union plays a leading role in promoting a comprehensive settlement in the region. It must be based on a lasting and just two-state solution, which must involve the creation of a viable, independent and democratic Palestinian state based on the political unity of the West Bank and Gaza.
We warmly welcomed the agreement reached in Annapolis last November and the subsequent opening of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, with the target of agreement on final status issues by the end of 2008. The Government has paid tribute to the courage of Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas in giving momentum to this negotiating process. We have also strongly welcomed the renewed engagement of the US Administration. At our meeting in Brussels last week, EU Foreign Ministers again underlined the importance of close involvement by the neighbouring Arab states, building on the historic Arab peace initiative.
In public statements and in my discussions over recent weeks, I have set out the Government's very real concern about the widening gap between the expectations of the negotiating process and the reality of people's daily lives. This reality includes lethal violence in and from the occupied territories, the expansion of settlements in the West Bank and the continued construction of the security barrier on occupied land. We have also consistently warned against the implementation of policies aimed at isolating the people of Gaza. Urgent action is required to support the political process and to create an atmosphere in which political leaders can credibly consider the difficult compromises required for peace. There must be an end to all violence, including suicide bombings, rocket attacks and military actions in Gaza and the West Bank and a genuine freeze on settlement construction. The EU has stated unambiguously that all settlement construction on the West Bank and around Jerusalem is illegal and an obstacle to peace. We have also called for the immediate lifting of restrictions on the movement of Palestinians, which are stifling economic activity.
The Government and our EU partners have been monitoring the situation in Gaza particularly closely. We remain gravely concerned at the humanitarian situation facing its 1.5 million inhabitants. The Israeli moves to cut off fuel supplies were widely condemned internationally and have, thankfully, been suspended but more is required. The EU has pressed for months for the reopening of Gaza's crossing points for people and for goods. The Council last week emphasised the EU's support for a proposal from the Palestinian Authority that it assume control of the crossing points. The clear lesson of the events at Rafah is that the isolation of Gaza's people is unjust, unsustainable and contrary to the interests of Israelis and Palestinians working for a peaceful settlement.
We strongly support the efforts being co-ordinated by Egypt, with Arab League support, for a solution based on the regulated reopening of the crossing points. The EU has made it clear that it is ready to play a role in helping implement such a solution. The EU border assistance mission which was established at the end of 2005 was suspended following the violence between Fatah and Hamas in Gaza last June. The EU is ready to consider resuming the mission in the framework of an agreement involving the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and Israel.
I welcome the Minister's reply and I agree with much of it. I welcome the return to EU statements of language such as "occupation", "illegal settlements", "expansion" and the reference to international law. My question referred to the breach in the wall at Rafah. Between 700,000 and 800,000 people out of a total of 1.5 million moved in 48 hours, which indicates the deprivation that exists in Gaza. The representative of the United Nations relief and works agency in Gaza stated that to make the progress, Hamas needs to be involved in talks. I agree entirely with the part of the Minister's reply that unequivocally condemns violence, be it in the context of rockets aimed at civilian villages in southern Israel or the indiscriminate killing of Palestinian civilians. One must be clear in this regard. However, does the Minister agree it would be valuable if the Union engaged with both Hamas and Fatah in an effort to achieve a solution, even on the practical ground that the crossing point at Rafah is controlled by Hamas in Gaza? Is it not somewhat abstract to suggest that Fatah will run a crossing point where it has no presence?
Is the Union in a position to go back on its decision not to recognise the result of the elections? The Minister mentioned the importance of international monitoring but these elections were monitored by the Carter Institute, among other bodies, and regarded as fair. I do not defend Hamas but simply make a case for the future of a peace process that must include Hamas and Fatah.
The thorny issue of engagement with Hamas resonates with our own difficulties in engaging with people who had the Armalite in one hand and the ballot box in the other. We have had this discussion on numerous occasions since Hamas was successful at the ballot box. During my first visit to Jerusalem and Israel, the then Foreign Minister handed me the charter of Hamas and asked me to read the paragraph which declares that the primary aim of anyone who is a member of Hamas is the destruction of Israel. If we really want a two-state solution, it must be two states both ways. If Hamas is hell bent on the destruction of Israel, I am not altogether sure if we can engage with the party.
The absence of reconciliation among the people of Palestine and the ongoing battle for hearts and minds between Hamas and Fatah represent a huge tragedy for the Palestinian people. Ireland is forthright on the need for a Palestinian state, but from a diplomatic and democratic perspective it is difficult to negotiate with Israel when Palestinians themselves do not have the opportunity to speak with one voice. One of the main efforts we have been making at EU level is to engage with moderate Arab nations in order to assist the coming together of the two factions in Palestine. I hope this issue will be discussed at the upcoming meeting in Malta between the EU and the Arab League with a view to achieving some semblance of unity of purpose among the Palestinian people. The EU has made it clear that it will not engage with Hamas until it fully commits to politics and the peace process and makes clear its readiness to support the two-state solution.
Does the Minister agree that, while peace processes generally comprise small steps, in the case of the Middle East the best way forward is perhaps an acknowledgement of the final solution? With respect to our questions on the Government's policy regarding the conflict between Palestine and Israel, he mentioned a two-state solution. Am I correct in assuming that the Government's policy also includes a return to the pre-1967 borders, or borders as agreed by both parties, and an agreement on the return or otherwise of refugees from 1948 and 1967? He mentioned in his reply that works should be frozen in the settlement areas. Does that include the deconstruction of outposts built since March 2001?
We also have to recognise the right of Israel to protects its citizens within international law and should condemn Palestinians for attacking Israel citizens in a wanton manner and ask them to desist from these attacks. If that is Government policy, Fine Gael would support it.
I ask the Minister to use his influence in the EU to play a greater role because we too often look to the United States to solve the problems in the Middle East. If the problems between Palestine and Israel are solved, many other issues will be resolved as a result. Does the Minister agree that the solution might lie in the EU building stronger trade links between Israel and Palestine because economic progress on the ground will be of great assistance to peace? Perhaps the EU needs to be more proactive rather than handing the leading role to the United States.
I do not agree that we have handed the leading role to the United States. The fact is that the US has the greatest influence on the Israelis, so it has to be involved. Thankfully, it has been more involved in recent times than heretofore. The EU has been very active in this area. As paymasters for the humanitarian situation, we provided in the region of €1 billion to the Palestinian people last year, which is a sizeable increase on the previous year. We have also been heavily involved in all the negotiations and, as I noted earlier, the issue will be on the table at next week's meeting in Malta between the Arab League and the EU.
I concur with the Deputy's long list of governmental policies which are additional to the two-state solution. These policies have been articulated by the Government and the EU over many years. The Middle East peace process has been on the agenda of every General Affairs and External Relations Council meeting I have attended since 2004 and the EU has been very active in terms of discussions with officials and between the EU and Israel and Palestine aimed at bringing the matter to some sort of solution. We would all accept that a solution to the Israel-Palestine issue would be the keystone for better regional stability.
I have no difficulty in agreeing to the agenda set out by Deputy Timmins in regard to the elements of a final solution. When we raised this issue previously, I noted that the Northern Ireland peace process had benefited from a permanent secretariat and drew a contrast with the so-called roadmap, which has no secretariat. My suggestion was that a permanent secretariat might have been established for the Quartet. Does the Minister agree it is difficult to accept the utility of the Quartet's proposals given that they will be advanced by one member, the United States, which has a considerable influence on Israel?
Do I understand correctly that if the Arab League negotiates between Fatah and Hamas, the European Union would have no difficulty in negotiating with the Arab League on Palestinian interests?
We are agreed on our condemnation of all violence but would the Minister agree it is tragic that the destruction of houses in East Jerusalem has not stopped and that settlement expansion has not been frozen at Ma'alih Adoumim and the area near Jerusalem? There has been both an extension of settlements and what is referred to in Israel as a thickening of existing illegal settlements. The Minister's credibility is at stake if he does not also condemn that.
I agree with the Deputy on the issues he raised in regard to the increasing and deepening of the settlements. We were surprised but welcomed President Bush's condemnation of the settlements and his clear indication that the US was of the view that they should not continue. If a two-state solution is ultimately to be found, these creeping increases in settlements will leave the issue of borders that bit more difficult to solve given the fact that people have moved in.
I accept fully that the Israelis have significant issues in regard to what is emanating from Gaza but Israel has engaged in collective punishment of the people of Gaza. There are ways and means of addressing the difficulties that arise in Gaza but to mete out punishment on one of the most populous areas of the world is unjustified. These issues point to the need for a greater focus on this area. I do not say Deputy Higgins's suggestion of a permanent secretariat for the Quartet should not be considered. Perhaps it should be given even greater consideration in light of the significant number of international envoys — Tony Blair not least among them — present in the area.
The simple lesson to be learned from the Irish peace process is that there can never be a military solution to the problem, which is something the Israelis and Hamas must understand. This realisation confirms the view we have always expressed, namely, that the only way to deal with this matter is through engagement involving moderate Arab states, the US, the EU and the Palestinian people and the Israelis.
Overseas Development Aid.
Denis Naughten
Question:102 Deputy Denis Naughten asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs his plans for the distribution of overseas development aid; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3946/08]
The focus of Ireland's overseas development programme is the elimination of poverty. Irish Aid works to improve access to basic health care, education, clean water and adequate housing for some of the poorest communities in the world.
The White Paper on Irish Aid, published in September 2006, identified the principles and priorities for the programme as it expands to meet the target of spending 0.7% of GNP on our ODA by 2012. It also sets out a wide range of initiatives that will be funded under the expanded aid programme. Africa will remain the principal focus of our assistance in the coming years and the number of our partner countries will increase from eight to ten. Malawi has been selected as our ninth partner country and a programme of development co-operation will begin there this year.
The struggle against HIV-AIDS is particularly important and we allocate over €100 million in respect of it and other communicable diseases every year. We also need to maintain our ability to respond quickly and effectively to humanitarian disasters. The rapid response initiative announced in the White Paper has already considerably improved our capacity to respond to these crises. Other priority areas include good governance, conflict prevention, gender and the environment.
Our commitment to working in partnership with NGOs is as strong as ever. Some of Ireland's largest NGOs will receive over €100 million from the Government this year. Irish Aid will also provide €20 million this year in support of the development work of Irish missionaries.
The United Nations has a strong mandate to tackle global poverty and Irish Aid is increasing the level of assistance channelled through specialised agencies such as UNICEF, the UNDP and the UNHCR. The European Union is the largest development assistance donor in the world and Ireland's contribution to this effort through the European Development Fund is expected to reach €206 million between 2008 and 2013. Ireland plays an active role in shaping and monitoring EU aid expenditure.
We are also working with global initiatives, particularly in the areas of health and education, to deliver long-term change. These include the Global Fund for AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and the Global Alliance for Vaccinations and Immunisations.
Our plans for the distribution of Ireland's overseas development assistance are guided by the principles of partnership, transparency and effectiveness. The opening of the Irish Aid volunteering and information centre on O'Connell Street in Dublin last month will allow the public to engage more directly with development issues and with the programme as it expands in the coming years.
Some people have suggested that the model we use to dispense Irish aid generally should be reformed. I refer to the report I mentioned earlier, namely, the value for money review carried out by Irish Aid, which states that the organisation should, in addition to asking for reports on individual projects, also request external evaluations of the overall programmes to which it contributes. The report specifically recommends that Irish Aid should consider making all grants of €300,000 and above conditional on such an overall and external programme being undertaken and submitted. What is the Minister of State's reaction to the concerns expressed in respect of basic reporting requirements?
The peer reviews carried out by the OECD show that Ireland comes top of the class in the context of its aid programme. The Minister has written to the Government Chief Whip, Deputy Tom Kitt, regarding the establishment of a new foreign affairs committee and the renaming of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs.
We have our own audit committee and we work closely with other countries in respect of their auditing systems, particularly in the context of tackling corruption, a major obstacle to development. We work to strengthen judicial systems, assist civil society and support the independent media in some of the developing countries. In Zambia, for example, we are contributing to the work of a special task force on corruption. In Uganda we are supporting the reform of the justice system through the provision of additional resources for the prison system, the introduction of community service as an alternative to prison and the training of legal personnel and police and prison officers. In Ethiopia we are supporting the audit functions within the Government there. We are examining the audit issues that arise in developing countries and giving consideration to the systems employed by the Department.
Between 2007 and 2009, we will provide €1.5 million in funding to another NGO, Transparency International, to assist it in its work to raise awareness and reduce tolerance of corruption worldwide. We also work with the World Bank and United Nations agencies to agree anti-corruption and good governance strategies.
I will take a final question from Deputy Deasy.
I wish to ask a supplementary, particularly as the original question was tabled in my name.
I did not realise that was the case.
I also wish to ask a supplementary.
I will yield the floor to the Deputies.
We are over time but I will take brief supplementaries from Deputies Naughten and Barry Andrews.
I apologise to the Minister of State for not being present to hear his initial reply. Sadly, I am trying to balance committee and Dáil commitments.
The vast majority of migrants who come to Ireland do so for economic reasons. CSO figures indicate that 35,000 people from the continent of Africa are resident here. What steps are being taken to target money from the overseas development aid fund at countries from which people are migrating to Ireland and other EU member states in order that some of the economic issues arising in those countries might be resolved? We should support the development of the economies in these countries rather than, as a result of our economic circumstances, encouraging their citizens to migrate here. Would it not be better to improve the economic circumstances in their home countries rather than encourage them to come to this country to make a proper living?
There have been many problems in Kenya recently and it is easy to anticipate the difficulties that will arise in respect of the elections in Zimbabwe next month. I am disappointed that there is no intention on the part of Irish Aid to send observers to those elections. A motion agreed by the House directed the Government to take particular steps in respect of voter registration in the context of support for NGOs and the protection of human rights. The fact that we are not sending observers or even taking notice of what is due to happen next month means that we are sleepwalking towards a repeat of events in Kenya. We should be less reactive and try to be more proactive in respect of Africa.
I strongly support the comments made by Deputy Barry Andrews.
I also support the Deputy's comments.
I must inform Deputy Naughten that we are dealing with nine programme countries, seven of which are located in Africa. The Deputy's question relates to what the EU is doing in the context of integration. We are spending a major amount of money in seven of the poorest countries in Africa.
On the question put by Deputy Barry Andrews, I stated earlier that we have not received a request with regard to monitoring the elections in Zimbabwe. Such a request would normally be made via the OSCE, the United Nations or the EU. We will wait to see whether such a request is forthcoming. I will consider what the Deputy stated in respect of monitoring.
The Minister of State should investigate the matter with the OAU.
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.