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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Mar 2014

Vol. 835 No. 2

Matters relating to An Garda Síochána: Statements

I will again start by paying tribute to Mr. Martin Callinan on his retirement as Commissioner of An Garda Síochána, in which he had a long and distinguished service. He dedicated his career to the fight against crime and has a record of which he can justly be proud. I express my sincere thanks to him for his commitment and service to the State.

In its statement yesterday the Government indicated that information had come to light indicating that a system for the recording of telephone calls to and from many Garda stations had been in place for many years before it was discontinued last November. The fact that such a system was in place, and for so long, is clearly a matter of serious concern which the Government believes warrants the establishment of a commission of investigation. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of this system of recording, exactly when it started, the number of Garda stations involved, the extent to which recordings were retained and their relevance to any Garda investigation are still unclear. One of the main functions of the commission of investigation will be to establish the facts relating to these and all other relevant issues. I recognise, of course, that Deputies will have many reasonable questions on these and other aspects of the matter, but I am greatly constrained in what I can say. We need to establish the facts before we can draw firm conclusions and it would be wrong to engage in speculation in advance of this. However, I will outline what I know from a letter by the outgoing Garda Commissioner, Mr. Martin Callinan. The letter was sent to my Department on 10 March and made under section 41 of the Garda Síochána Act 2005 which provides a mechanism for the submission of information by the Garda Commissioner.

Unfortunately, this letter was not furnished to me by my officials until approximately 12.40 p.m. yesterday and I did not have an opportunity to read and consider it until some time later.

The letter started off by referring, by way of background, to a case in which civil proceedings are being taken by two persons against the Garda Síochána and the State for wrongful arrest and related matters. I am aware of speculation on the identity of these proceedings, but the House will understand that I cannot comment on proceedings currently before the courts. The letter from the Garda Commissioner referred to recordings of telephone conversations into and out of a particular Garda station, which had come to light as part of the process of discovering documents of relevance to the plaintiffs. That process is still under way. Again, I must emphasise the constraints on commenting on a case which is currently being litigated in the courts.

I am advised that my departmental officials were made aware of recordings of relevance to the specific civil proceedings previously mentioned on 28 February by the Garda Síochána and the Office of the Chief State Solicitor arising from its involvement in the response to the civil proceedings. I am informed that what was at issue was the discovery of recordings in a specific Garda station, not a more general system of recording calls in Garda stations and that no reference to such general recording of calls was made at that time.

In this letter of 10 March, the Garda Commissioner went on to say that it had subsequently transpired that systems would appear to have been installed during the 1980s in Garda stations to allow for the recording of incoming and outgoing calls from designated extensions. The Commissioner explained that the rationale behind this was the recording of Garda radio traffic to and from control rooms, 999 calls and the gathering of evidence around calls made to Garda stations regarding bomb threats and other code messages. This practice had continued in some stations over the years, with the recordings being retained within each station and with the original recorders being replaced in the 1990s and again in 2008. The letter states that the original recorders were replaced with Dictaphone recorders during the 1990s - I do not know what specific year - and further replaced by what are referred to as NICE recorders, which I understand is a brand name, which were installed in 2008.

The Commissioner explained that he had consulted the Attorney General's office on the matter and expected that consultation with the office of the Data Protection Commissioner would be necessary, as well as further advice from the Office of the Attorney General. However, he made clear in the letter that he had directed that the routine recording of non-999 calls to Garda stations should cease and he confirmed that all recordings, except those made on dedicated 999 lines, were fully stopped nationally on 27 November 2013. In regard to the continued recording of 999 calls, which I think everyone would instinctively understand, the Commissioner, in his letter, explained that there was a legislative underpinning of such recording contained in an Act of 2007. The Commissioner went on to say that he was awaiting written confirmation from each divisional officer that all audio recordings that had been stored at each divisional headquarters outside Dublin had been collected and were now stored securely at Garda headquarters. The Commissioner noted that the total number of tapes collected at that stage was 2,485.

The issue the Commissioner identified in the letter was the action he should now take in regard to these recordings and he particularly referenced his role as data controller in respect of the recordings. He stated that he had consulted the Attorney General's office on 11 November 2013 and established a working group to report to him on the issue. He stated that he expected that consultation with the office of the Data Protection Commissioner would be necessary as well as further advice from the Attorney General. While the Attorney General, in the context of the civil proceedings previously mentioned, was made aware of the existence of tapes and the possible existence of other tapes, I am advised that she had no knowledge at that time of the circumstances surrounding the making of tapes, the legal background to their being made, the content of such tapes or the number of such tapes.

I understand that on the day the letter from the Commissioner was received, there was a consultation held with the senior counsel representing the State in this case to discuss the issues arising. I also understand that on the day after the receipt of the letter of 10 March in my Department, 11 March 2014, there was a follow-up meeting between the Garda Commissioner, officials of the Department of Justice and Equality and the Office of the Attorney General. I am advised that the discussion covered the ongoing legal consultation in regard to the civil proceedings. I also understand that the matters covered in the letter of 10 March were being considered by my departmental officials, in the context of the ongoing legal consultation in regard to the specific case in question. I am informed that, subsequently, on 19 and 20 March 2014, Garda headquarters copied my Department with correspondence between the Garda Síochána and both the Office of the Attorney General and the Office of the Data Protection Commissioner.

As Members of the House may be aware, I flew to Mexico to undertake my duties in respect of Government Ministers' St. Patrick's Day arrangements on 15 March and did not return until 21 March. I was not briefed on this matter until approximately 6 p.m. on Monday, 24 March 2014 in the Department of Justice and Equality, and as previously stated, was first furnished with the letter of 10 March from the Garda Commissioner yesterday at approximately 12.40 p.m. Following the initial briefing by my departmental officials, I met with both the Taoiseach and the Attorney General on Monday evening to discuss these matters.

I know there are reports that I knew of the system of recording in Garda stations last year, but this is not the case. Reference has been made, for example, to a case investigated by GSOC of a member of the public who was assaulted by members of the Garda Síochána in Waterford. GSOC, I have since learnt, reported on this on 16 June last year and made reference in its report to the recording of phone calls in Waterford Garda Station. However, this was not a report to me or my Department, but a press release by GSOC and there was no indication or suggestion of any nationwide system of recording in Garda stations. I am aware of various commentators referencing this short GSOC report in broadcast and print media since the Government's statement was published yesterday afternoon on this issue and they have questioned the truthfulness of the account given to date of these matters.

Unfortunately, we live in a world where, regardless of the issue, some commentators and Opposition Deputies, on first learning of an issue detailed by Government of which they were unaware, feel compelled to accuse those who make the issue known and seek to address it, of telling untruths or of some incompetence. This is something of an industry, and with Members opposite it is a wearisome repetitive refrain-----

Give him a mirror.

-----followed by the usual dosage of contrived outrage, something we see again this morning.

The simple truth is GSOC did not furnish the report mentioned to me and I am advised that it did not furnish it to my departmental officials nor bring it to the Department's attention. GSOC, no doubt, can confirm this. Because of the background to the GSOC report, GSOC had no obligation under the 2005 Act to furnish it to me, but did have a discretion to furnish it to any "person that the Commission considers has a sufficient interest in the matter". GSOC obviously did not regard this report as of sufficient importance to furnish it specifically to me or my Department, but issued it as a press release. It also seems, from the checking my officials have been able to undertake to date, that no Deputy in this House regarded the publication of sufficient importance to table a Dáil question on it, but I am open to correction on that because of the limited time available to check on that matter.

It may be the case that no Member of the House read this report until yesterday or, if they did, they placed no importance on it. In so far as it received any media coverage, it does not appear as if any member of the media regarded the report as of any major importance. Again, I am open to correction. This is understandable, as the report gives no insight into the extent of recordings made by An Garda Síochána, nor did GSOC determine it an issue worthy of further investigation. GSOC could, if it wished, have initiated a public interest investigation into the matter under section 102(4) of the Garda Síochána Act 2002. Had it done so, it would also have had to notify me of such investigation under section 103(1)(b) of the Act, unless GSOC invoked section 103(2), but I cannot see how that subsection could be of relevance. In case I am misunderstood, I am making no criticism of any nature of GSOC. I am merely setting out the position.

They have no protector.

These are the facts as I have been informed of them, but of course there are many questions which need to be answered. That is why the Government has decided that it is necessary to establish the facts and has announced that there will be a statutory inquiry. It is absolutely right that all these matters should be independently examined and I will not hesitate to seek further inquiries into any other matters should this prove necessary. It is unfortunate that Members of this House could not, until they learned more of these matters, resist the temptation to engage in their usual political attacks.

They learned that from a master.

It would be refreshing if, for once, Members opposite could restrain themselves from engaging in the usual party political point scoring and deal with the substance of issues.

Dead man walking.

We are dealing here with a system of recording phone calls into and out of some Garda stations over a period of up to 30 years. As with other matters under investigation, these are issues which far predate my tenure as Minister for Justice and Equality. This issue, like others, is one that existed throughout the lifetime of the previous Government and, indeed, we now know the recording system was upgraded during that Government's term of office in 2008. We also know that a legislative basis was given in 2007 to ensure the legality of emergency 999 calls.

I do not know whether my predecessor in this office or any Member of the previous Government was any more aware of these recordings than I was until Monday evening of this week and I will not make any accusations in that regard.

This is contrived outrage.

As well as announcing yesterday a statutory inquiry into these matters the Government also announced that it will establish an independent Garda authority, while maintaining appropriate democratic accountability to the Oireachtas. This will be a hugely significant development in the governance and oversight of the Garda Síochána, a development previously rejected by the main party opposite. The Government has also announced that the next permanent appointment to the post of Garda Commissioner will be by way of an open competition, another historic development, and another reform rejected by the main party opposite, even though it was recommended by an expert group appointed to make recommendations on Garda reform.

A comprehensive review of the Garda Síochána has very recently commenced under the Haddington Road agreement. This will independently examine all aspects of the force including remuneration, terms and conditions, industrial relations and the structure, organisation and management of the force. We also await the outcomes of the Cooke and Guerin inquiries. We must not forget, either, the strong legislation being taken through this House by the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Howlin to protect whistleblowers. The Public Disclosures Bill, which will apply to the Garda Síochána and the entire public and private sectors, will provide best international standard protection for whistleblowers.

No reasonable person could claim with any credibility that there has been any inaction on my part or the part of the Government on what has undoubtedly been a series of disturbing issues. Rather, we have been unflinching in our determination to face up to past difficulties. Let us await the outcome of these inquiries, and in this case the outcome of the commission of investigation into the recording of phone calls. I am seeking a full report from the acting Garda Commissioner, Noirín O'Sullivan, on the latest available information on these recordings so that the Government can take an informed decision on the terms of reference of the commission of investigation. This House will have the opportunity to consider that matter, and I look forward to hearing the views of Members.

Will the Minister listen?

I look forward to addressing a variety of issues that arise out of the publication of the report of the Garda Inspectorate later today.

There is no clapping.

No round of applause.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to these statements. The administration of justice under the Minister's watch is in crisis and has been for a long time through a series of the Minister's actions, inaction and incompetence. That makes the Minister unfit to continue to hold office. We need to recap on the catalogue of events the Minister has overseen. We had the completely bungled handling of the penalty points issue. Were it not for the clear, independent report of the Comptroller and Auditor General, the Minister would have proceeded along the line that there was no issue there. He would have continued in that vein but for the fact that the independent constitutional office of the Comptroller and Auditor General did its work and reported coherently.

We then had the issue on the alleged bugging of GSOC. The Minister immediately moved to turn the potential victim of a scandal into a villain. He put GSOC chairman Simon O'Brien into the dock. He brought in an outside company to second-guess some of the work GSOC did. That undermined GSOC's role, and people are aggrieved by that. There was the ongoing treatment by the Minister and the Government of the whistleblowers. Is it not the job of any government in a modern democracy to seek to protect the citizens and their good names, reputations, characters and integrity? The Minister failed, and continues to fail, to do that. He is not owning up to his responsibility. Some of the other Cabinet Ministers, the Labour Party Ministers in particular and the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Leo Varadkar, are living up to their responsibilities but the Minister, Deputy Shatter and the Taoiseach cannot bring themselves, as two of the most powerful people in the Cabinet, to do right by two decent citizens of this country.

They are infallible.

That is a sad day when it is the Government's job to protect its citizens in the first instance.

We then had the situation regarding the Garda confidential recipient and the scandal of his departure. It has never been explained by the Minister or anybody else what exactly the former Garda confidential recipient, Mr. Oliver Connolly, was referring to in those taped transcripts. That is very serious. Mr. Connolly refuses to elaborate on it and the Minister has been offered many opportunities to elaborate on it but refuses to do so. It is another chapter in the catalogue.

Later today we will discuss the report of the Garda Inspectorate. Before it was laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas it was leaked. This shows blatant disregard for the Houses of the Oireachtas. The Minister had a row with the Judiciary. Whom has he not fought with? The Minister had to set up a special quango to mediate between himself and the Judiciary. The Garda Commissioner resigned under the Minister's watch. We thought we could come in here yesterday and have an opportunity to discuss the Garda Commissioner's resignation. It does not happen any old day. Yet there was no opportunity to discover it. Now we have the mishandling of the fact that telephone recordings have been undertaken in Garda stations for many years. Nobody is blaming the Minister for doing it, but people are blaming him for the mishandling of the fallout from it.

Every issue turns into a calamity and a crisis. Other people take the blame and responsibility, not the Minister. Yesterday it was reasonable to expect that we would have come in here to discuss the issues regarding the Garda Commissioner and his premature departure. Instead, the leaders of my party and Sinn Féin were summoned to meet the Taoiseach to be briefed on:

A new and very serious issue relating to An Garda Síochána. The implications of this matter are potentially of such gravity that the Government has decided to set up a statutory commission of investigation into this matter of significant public concern.

As yesterday unfolded, and as a series of events unravelled, it became clear that the Government knew about this for a long time. Why was this just conveniently dropped in there yesterday? The Minister and the Taoiseach must account for the departure of the Garda Commissioner and their treatment of the whistleblowers, yet this issue was dropped into the political mix yesterday when we know it was there for a long time. The Minister and Taoiseach are getting caught up in their own web of spin and beginning to meet themselves on the way back.

Are we to believe that the Minister did not know about the Garda station recordings until earlier this week? Are we to believe the Attorney General did not inform the Minister at the Government about this until recently? Are we to believe that the Department of Justice and Equality did not inform them? If the answer to all those questions is "yes", and we are to believe all that, it confirms clearly to us, the Opposition and the public that the Minister is presiding over an Administration that is driven completely by incompetence.

The Minister is a great legal mind and is lauded and applauded for that. He will know that ignorance of the law is no defence in any regard. Ignorance of the facts and events in this instance is not a defence either. While the party leaders were receiving the briefing yesterday, the facts of the Waterford case were in the public domain for weeks, months and years. The Waterford case was one of the first high-profile prosecutions taken by GSOC following an investigation of a complaint in which serving members of the Garda Síochána were convicted and imprisoned. It is not credible that the Minister did not know about it, that the Attorney General and the Minister's Department failed to inform him.

We can argue the rights and wrongs of whether the Minister should have been informed by the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, as the report was available on its website, but for the Minister to credibly state neither he nor his Department was aware of it just does not hold.

Where were the advisers?

GSOC reported in 2013 and the Attorney General set up a working group in November of that year. The Garda Commissioner advised the Department of this by way of letter sent by courier over 16 days ago. Are we to believe the Minister knew about none of these events when, at the same time, a garda can pull alongside Deputy Mick Wallace at the Five Lamps, wag his finger at him for allegedly using a mobile phone while driving, and the Minister has possession of this information for it to be used inappropriately - as it was - on "Prime Time" on RTE? Is the Minister asking us to accept that, on the one hand, he acted in the way he has said and, on the other, that he did not know about the recording of telephone conversations at Garda stations?

Telephone or send a telegram to the Minister.

It is laughable and the public will ask what the Minister was doing. We have heard that he is a great reforming Minister, but it is clear that there is incompetence at the root. Who is taking responsibility? Will the Minister ever take responsibility for the oversight of the justice system within the Department?

On the penalty points issue, the whistleblowers were at fault, while in the bugging of GSOC, the chairman, Mr. Simon O'Brien, was at fault.

Or a Garda checkpoint.

The Attorney General is a member of the Government. Is it not the case that she should have informed the Minister or the Government of these matters? Did she do so? A working group was set up, but who was on it? How many times has it met, if it has met at all? Since the Attorney General became aware of this issue in November 2013, how many Cabinet meetings has she attended? The Minister is not giving us an opportunity to have a series of questions and answers today, despite these questions.

What is the Labour Party's position on this issue? The Attorney General was that party's nominee. Is the party happy to have the Minister drop the Attorney General in it and will she become the next fall guy?

It does not matter who it is.

The Garda Commissioner is gone and the whistleblowers and GSOC have been blamed. It always seems to be somebody else rather than the Minister.

It could be the Taoiseach.

With regard to the commission of investigation-----

The Deputy is misrepresenting the Attorney General's position. She attended every meeting of the Cabinet until the one this week, which she missed because of an illness in the family.

Deputy Niall Collins was only asking the question.

The Minister, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, is completely irrelevant to this discussion.

Get comfortable.

The Minister should restrain himself.

Will Deputy Mattie McGrath not shut up?

Why are we not having a commission of investigation to investigate the bugging of GSOC or the dossier produced by the whistleblowers? People died because of related issues, but we will not have a commission of investigation to examine that dossier. The public finds it difficult to reconcile all of this. The Minister did not indicate why he was circumventing GSOC with regard to the policy on and practice of recording telephone calls in and out of Garda stations. Under its enabling legislation GSOC has a remit under to allow it to review Garda Síochána policies and practices, but the Minister conveniently seems to be bypassing that body. It is quite clear that the public has settled on one issue, that the Minister is not the man to oversee the administration of justice in this country. A catalogue of issues have been allowed to escalate into crises, one after another, and it is never the Minister who owns up; there is always somebody else to blame, but that does not wash on this occasion. It is clear that the Government and the Minister should have been or were in possession of the information, but there was a choice made yesterday to drop it into what we now have.

My party never called for the resignation of the Garda Commissioner whom we thank for his service to the State over 41 years. I also take the opportunity, on behalf of my party, to acknowledge the rank and file members of An Garda Síochána who hold the thin blue line for society against the forces of criminality. The Minister is presiding over the erosion of confidence and morale within An Garda Síochána. By virtue of his inaction and incompetence, An Garda Síochána is at the centre of political debate every day, which is down to the Minister's mishandling of a series of events. I pay tribute to gardaí and thank them on behalf of the people for their forbearance and professionalism in doing their job. It is no thanks to the Minister that they are doing it successfully, as there is no real or meaningful support from him.

I will finish as I started. The Minister's statements are not credible and it is time for him to leave the ministry of justice.

The succession of bad decisions taken by the Minister, supported by the Government and intended to obstruct proper scrutiny of policing, have done untold damage to public confidence in the administration of justice and to An Garda Síochána. The latest twist in the succession of scandals and crises that have emerged on the Minister's watch occurred yesterday. We were told that the Government had only become aware that a system had been in place in a large number of Garda stations whereby incoming and outgoing telephone calls were illegally recorded. The Government stated it was "extremely concerned about this information." Consequently, it decided to do what thus far it has refused to do through all of the other crises - to set up a commission of investigation. Within hours the presented narrative had begun to unravel. We discovered that a Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC, report published last June had clearly identified the Garda practice of recording outgoing and incoming calls. In other words, this news was not new. At the time the ombudsman stated the "Garda Commissioner may wish to re-evaluate his practise regarding the recording of such calls." The Minister has today alleged that the report was not sent to either his desk or the Department. It is remarkable that, with the array of staff available in the Department of Justice and Equality, not one person was dedicated to monitor reports of the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission. Is the Minister seriously suggesting nobody in the army of staff available to him has monitored the concerns of GSOC and acted on them, even when there is such a serious recommendation made to the Garda Commissioner? That would be remarkable. Is it credible that the Minister was not told about GSOC's concerns?

We know that the Garda Commissioner discussed this issue with the Attorney General in November, the same month in which the practice was stopped. The Attorney General - a Cabinet colleague and member of the Government - knew for almost six months about the illegal recording of conversations. Nevertheless, the Taoiseach has said he was only told on Sunday, while the Minister claims he only heard on Monday evening and received a letter on Tuesday morning.

In a further twist it was revealed that the former Garda Commissioner, Mr. Martin Callinan, had written to the Department of Justice and Equality two weeks ago about the recordings. It is reported that he sent a letter to the Secretary General of the Department and asked that the issue be brought to the Minister's attention. Are we also to believe the Minister was only told about this issue afterwards?

The Minister was in Mexico and only learnt about it when he returned.

I am sure the Minister will understand why many citizens will be very sceptical about all of this. Many more will be outraged that under a succession of Ministers for Justice from Fianna Fáil, the Progressive Democrats and Fine Gael, thousands of telephone calls in and out of Garda stations were recorded, inappropriately and illegally in some instances. Did these include detained persons speaking to their solicitors? This is the latest in a series of debacles around An Garda Síochána, the administration of justice and the Minister. Each of these scandals has demonstrated an unhealthily close relationship between the Minister for Justice and Equality and the former Garda Commissioner, Martin Callinan, in which the Minister lost his objectivity and sense of responsibility to the Irish people and his office. Each scandal has highlighted the Minister's inability to address properly the serious issues which have emerged for the justice system and for An Garda Síochána. Instead of new politics and a new way of doing things, as promised by this Government three years ago, we have seen the same old approach.

On each occasion, the Minister's first instinct has been to protect the Garda Commissioner rather than get to the bottom of the various allegations without fear or favour. It began with two Garda whistleblowers, John Wilson and Sergeant Maurice McCabe, who raised their concerns regarding the quashing of penalty points by senior gardaí. The Minister responded by attacking the complainants. He attacked Deputy Mick Wallace.

Shoot the messenger.

He sought to minimise concern about the implementation of the penalty points system by the Garda. He even went onto the plinth to attack the two whistleblowers in a scurrilous effort to undermine their credibility when the O'Mahoney report was published. I remember the exchanges in this Chamber at that time. Later, he wrongly and disgracefully, accused the Garda whistleblowers of not cooperating with the investigation. The Minister has yet to correct the public record in that regard. We will listen with interest to his statement later today to see if he will at last step up to the plate and apologise for those remarks.

That will be in the afternoon show.

The Minister does not do sorry.

Subsequently, the former Garda Commissioner, Martin Callinan, who has enjoyed the Minister's unswerving support, gave evidence to the Committee on Public Accounts and went so far as to say the actions of the two Garda whistleblowers were "disgusting". The Minister and the Garda Commissioner tried to prevent Sergeant McCabe giving evidence to the PAC. Then there was the scandal of allegations of bugging at the office of the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC. The Minister's response was to seek to put GSOC in the dock, aided by the Taoiseach, who misrepresented the Garda Síochána Act 2005 by implying that GSOC was the law-breaker. The Minister then summoned the GSOC chairman to his office to ask why he and senior members of the Garda Síochána were not informed about GSOC's suspicions. This action undermined the independence and integrity of that agency.

The Minister told the Dáil there was nothing there, nothing to see and to move on. We then, however, discovered that there were sizeable omissions of terminology in his statement to the Dáil about the report of Verimus, the security firm, given to him by GSOC. A written report was sent to the Minister the night before he made his speech to the Dáil on Tuesday, 11 February. On the following Tuesday, 18 February, the Minister presented a peer review from an Irish security company, Rits, in which he said not only was there no definitive evidence of surveillance or bugging but no evidence whatsoever, and that there would be a rebuttal. We await evidence of that. An Oireachtas committee will seek it in due course.

Instead of establishing a commission of investigation, the Government appointed retired judge, John Cooke, to carry out a review with terms of reference set by the Minister. It falls far short of what is required to get to the bottom of that issue. The Government presented the latest revelation as if it knew nothing until this weekend about it. This ignores the fact that the Government, through the Department of Justice and Equality, knew of these illegal recordings as early as last June, and that the Attorney General, the Minister's Cabinet colleague, knew of them also, at the very latest, by November.

The Government did know but the Taoiseach was not told until Sunday. The Minister claims he knew nothing of this until Monday and Tuesday. By his actions, through his dysfunctional relationship with the Garda Commissioner, and by his failure to deal properly and effectively with a series of highly charged and important issues, the Minister has undermined public confidence in the position of Minister for Justice and Equality, in the Department of Justice and Equality, in An Garda Síochána and in the administration of justice. The appointment of a commission of investigation on this issue will not assuage public concern, given the level of public distrust that now exists. I and my party welcome the fact that the Government has now indicated a belated conversion to the need for a fully accountable, independent Garda authority-----

It has been our policy for years.

The Minister, however, who will be responsible for overseeing this process, is the very Minister who has been at the heart of all of the recent scandals. I note that the independent policing authority was not included in the programme for Government. Hence the importance some parties attribute to that decision. There is an opportunity for a step change, a new beginning, in policing, policing structures and the administration of justice in this State, an opportunity to get politicians out of policing matters. It will be a lost opportunity if this process is not taken on.

To be successful, a new beginning for policing in this State needs a new Minister for Justice and Equality. The Taoiseach has said he will not ask you to resign. That is a mistake. Perhaps the Minister could on this occasion take the right decision and, like his friend Martin Callinan, resign.

There is widespread public support for An Garda Síochána. The service has a unique, deep-rooted connection to communities, which the Government is actively dismantling through its policy of closing 140 Garda stations, cutting the number of Garda vehicles and reducing the number of gardaí by 10%. There is, however, a culture of bad administration, a lack of accountable and oversight mechanisms and transparency. This culture, which smacks of cronyism, elitism and the corrosive, corruptive relationship with the elites, which the Government pledged to root out, is now evident in other institutions of the State. It is a culture among senior management that betrays the sacrifice and integrity of rank and file gardaí. There are over 13,000 members of An Garda Síochána across the State, men and women, the overwhelming majority of whom have done no wrong. They have been profoundly failed by a cabal of senior management and the Minister. The message should go out clearly today that the vast majority of members of the Garda Síochána continue to have the unwavering support of the Irish people but the Minister does not, and neither did the outgoing Commissioner.

This culture was evident in the failure to investigate properly the Fr. Molloy case or the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. It stems, to a large degree, from the fact that for many years political leaders allowed the legal, judicial and policing system in this State become an adjunct of British counter-insurgency in the North of Ireland. This resulted in special non-jury courts-----

That was when Sinn Féin was murdering people.

-----a "heavy gang" within the Garda who brutalised people in custody; serious miscarriages of justice; wrongful convictions and the abandonment of the principle that all citizens, including suspects, held in Garda custody, must have rights in our justice system. It was also evident in the Kerry babies case; in the behaviour of some gardaí in Donegal that was exposed by the Morris tribunal; in the oppressive regime imposed on communities in Rossport, in the Taoiseach's own constituency; and in the Kieran Boylan affair where senior gardaí protected a drug smuggler. It was evident in the failure to investigate properly murders such as that of my colleague in Donegal, Councillor Eddie Fullerton, in 1991. There is now an opportunity to change all of this. That means creating an independent, accountable and transparent Garda Authority. Sinn Féin welcomes the Government's belated conversion to the necessary reform but it is worth noting that neither Fine Gael nor Labour put it in the programme for Government. If the Government has come to that position now and if we see fundamental change the Irish people will at least have some sense of reassurance out of the mess of recent years.

No police service, no senior police officer and no Garda Commissioner should be solely accountable to a politician, no matter who that is. The Garda Commissioner should be fully accountable to an independent policing board, to the Oireachtas and to local joint policing committees, which should be much stronger than they are now. Policing in this State has been too long locked into structures that obstruct the building of a modern, 21st century, accountable policing service. I ask the Minister to play his part in building it by stepping aside. The Garda confidential recipient and the Garda Commissioner have walked the plank, now it is time for the Minister to walk the plank to restore public confidence in the administration of justice so that we can collectively rebuild a modern police service for the 21st century.

He cannot even see the plank.

At this stage we are used to the Minister's approach to dealing with the Garda controversies over which he has presided. His approach consists of blanket denial for as long as possible in order to save face, followed by partial admission on a drip-drip basis through his favourite media, which hide the real extent and seriousness of the issues arising, misrepresentation of the facts and the law in this Chamber and, finally, frantic finger-pointing at anyone who might act as a fall guy and save his political career. He appears to give only incidental consideration to his ministerial duties, the reputation of and public confidence in An Garda Síochána or the administration of justice and fair application of the rule of law in this State. See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil is the order of the day.

The Minister wants us to believe several claims. First, that nobody told him about the content of the June 2013 GSOC report, even though it has been in the public domain for almost a year. Even if he did know about it, the Minister and his Department did not consider it their responsibility to investigate whether the practice was widespread. He described it as an operational matter for the Garda, which is an expression he favours when off-loading culpability. Second, that in November 2013 the Minister's friend the Garda Commissioner issued a directive to senior gardaí to discontinue the widespread practice, but the Minister and his Department remained unaware of this until the Taoiseach told him about it a few days ago. Third, that a judge struck down the practice in open court but neither the Minister nor his Department ever heard about it. Fourth, that a working group was established in November, with the Commissioner and the Attorney General attending meetings, but nobody told the Minister about it and he never attended meetings. Fifth, that the advice of a senior counsel was sought but nobody told the Minister. Sixth, that a letter from the Commissioner which was marked "Urgent" and sent by courier was not brought to the Minister's attention until Monday or Tuesday despite being delivered two weeks ago. Seventh, that it is everybody's fault but the Minister's. Having dispensed with the confidential recipient and the Commissioner, and done his best to do the same with GSOC, he now appears to blame the civil servants in his Department and the Attorney General. This Government, and particularly the Labour Party Members who appointed the Attorney General, will have to make a choice about who is to be sacrificed to survive the latest mess - the Secretary General, the Attorney General or the Minister. There has been too much for too long. The Minister has overstayed and he is no longer fit for office.

To mishandle one case might be regarded as unfortunate, and to mishandle two may look like carelessness, but after mishandling six or seven serious scenarios it is time for the Minister to go. His attempt to normalise the latest crisis as no big deal has a shamefully familiar ring. When is the Government going to realise that we have a crisis of policing in this State? His reactionary response was to say that he would establish an independent Garda authority, even though he laughed Deputy Wallace out of court when he introduced legislation to that effect last year. That is not a genuine attempt at reform.

The Minister stated that the reason this information is now being acted on is that serious information was likely to come into the public domain regarding a horrendous miscarriage of justice and the fitting-up of two citizens. That is clearly a serious and, sadly, all-too-familiar allegation. We have heard of many cases involving people who were wrongly treated by some members of An Garda Síochána. It is also appalling that the recordings were made. It is not possible to address that issue in detail in the context of breaches of privacy, but the central issues arising are the Minister's brazenness and barefaced denials, and the Government's serious mistake in continuing to back him. It is not credible that he did not know. On 21 May 2013 he told this House that the Commissioner had a duty to tell him about Deputy Wallace's non-event, but now he is saying the Commissioner did not have a duty to tell him about the most recent issue and he does not have a problem with that. He berated GSOC for not telling him about the bugging. He listed every piece of legislation he could think of. Today he devoted several minutes of his speech to explaining why GSOC did not have to inform him and why he does not have a problem with that. Either he does not realise how serious this issue is or he is covering up. Either way, his position is not credible. We are presiding over a dysfunctional police force. It is undermining the confidence of decent gardaí and the citizens. This is why the Garda Commissioner had no alternative to resignation. When is the penny going to drop with the Minister that he must do the same?

These are not isolated incidents; they are indicative of a systemic problem. None of the mechanisms put in place after the Morris tribunal has worked. We need a root-and-branch review but, unfortunately, we cannot do that while those at the top are contaminating the process. At this stage, the Minister has contaminated the process beyond his sell-by date.

We are being treated to an incredible Government charade this morning. The captain of L.E. Justice paraded into the House to pretend there is no problem and that the ship is sailing smoothly in the calmest of waters. Everyone else sees that his ship is holed above the waterline, the rudder is smashed and smoke is pouring from the engine. Meanwhile, a huge storm is raging, but he has assassinated his second-in-command and thrown the rest of the crew to the sharks.

Can the Government get anything right with this Minister? For St. Patrick's Day he was sent to Mexico, home of the legendary stand-off, when obviously he should have been sent barefoot to Croagh Patrick to see if his arrogance could be treated there. In the last several hours, there have been many references to the acronym GUBU, which was used to describe previous scandals and the arrogance, incompetence and mendacity of the Government. What the Government is saying beggars belief. I would leave out the second "U" from the acronym, however, because this situation is not unprecedented. I would describe it as GUB, or the Government's unbelievable bull. This Minister will shortly be gone. Members can take it for granted that he is history. However, the opportunism and incompetence of the Taoiseach also comes into play, as does the cowardice of Labour Party Ministers in regard to what they are prepared to tolerate. They are experts on the matter of heads on plates but in respect of this matter they have swallowed all of the principles they claim to possess.

Thousands of people have been recorded illegally in Garda stations all over the country. I want to know from the Minister, while he is still here, whether all of these individuals will be told about the data maintained on them. That is their democratic right. Will the Data Commissioner insist on this being done?

Garda management and practice has been outside democratic control in many instances. That has been encouraged by a Government and an establishment which tolerated, for example, the brutalisation of many people in the community of Rossport. Bigwigs are being shipped in from the law courts to do the investigation. I demand a people's inquiry into this saga and the scandal of the behaviour of senior Garda management. It would include ordinary people, victims of malpractice and representative organisations dealing with civil rights. We might then get the truth of the matter, minus the Minister for Justice and Equality, of course.

Deputy Higgins is correct. I do not think there is a sinner outside this House who believes a word of the scenario being painted by the Government today.

It defies credibility. Two days ago, there was a Cabinet crisis of a fairly hefty dimension and, suddenly, to the rescue comes this bombshell of news about the system containing tapes which nobody knew about before. That was no coincidence. It is quite obvious that several persons were sitting on this ready to release it at an opportune time.

It came to the rescue and it also served the Minister's, and, indeed, the Government's, purpose well in that it accelerated the resignation of the former Commissioner, Mr. Callinan. There is no doubt about that.

However, the former Commissioner was not playing ball. Somebody leaked a letter last night which did not fit in with the Government's scenario. A letter came out into the public arena stating that the Minister for Justice and Equality or the Department knew about this on 10 March. Why this whole explanation is incredible is that nobody on God's earth can believe that a letter of this importance arrived from an officer of the State of significant importance on a matter of apparently considerable urgency and the Minister was not told. Does the Minister expect us to believe that top officials had a look at this and stated that they would not bother him with it for a while and give him a few weeks-----

He was on holiday.

-----that they would give him a good holiday in Mexico and tell him about it when he comes back?

A Deputy

With the compañeros.

I believe the Minister when he states he did not see the letter until yesterday, but was anybody informed of the contents before yesterday?

If the officials knew, the political masters must have known on a matter of that concern. If they were not told, there is something fairly rotten in the state of the Department of Justice and Equality, and that is where the problem lies. We do not know who the officials were; we were not told.

I reiterate what Deputy Niall Collins stated: the Attorney General has been hung out to dry today. In the Minister's speech, he stated quite plainly the Attorney General knew of the contents of what is now being inquired about, that is, the tapes, but then threw a little bone to her by stating that, maybe, she did not know the contents. Let us wait and see. She is next in the firing line. This firing line has a long list of persons on it. Other Members have listed them already. I will not do so.

On matters that are of the most serious importance about allegations of widespread malpractice and possible criminal activity in the Garda on a range of fronts, the Minister's arrogance is breathtaking. His contempt for the public's intelligence is disgraceful. His line is that he did nothing wrong and it is everybody else's fault but his.

The bold schoolboy.

At every turn, including today, the Minister has tried to undermine the seriousness of these issues by impugning the character of anybody who raises those issues or questions his role in them. He tried to take pot shots at the Opposition rather than deal with the substance. He rubbished the whistleblowers who had the courage to speak out about widespread malpractice in the Garda. The Minister sacrificed the confidential recipient because he raised the most alarming suggestions about the Minister's demeanour when it came to the whistleblowers. He rubbished the competence of GSOC, the body supposed to oversee the Garda, when it came to the serious question of the bugging of GSOC. He now tries to claim that he is the great reforming Minister who wants an independent policing authority when less than a year ago he rubbished an attempt to bring forward a Bill by Deputy Wallace on the issue of an independent policing authority. Let us not forget that the character of two of the TDs who raised this issue at the outset were impugned in the most sinister circumstances with information, and, it would appear, connivance, at the most senior levels of the Garda.

The Minister now has this situation where he expects us to believe, with all of this happening, with all the controversy surrounding his relationship with the former Commissioner, Mr. Callinan, that he receives a letter marked "urgent" from that same Commissioner and he does not open it. For five days, the Minister goes off on holidays to Mexico and he does not open it until Monday. The Minister is the last to know. That is incredible. Either the Minister is not telling the truth or it indicates a level of incompetence that is staggering. How could the former Garda Commissioner send the Minister a letter marked "urgent" for his attention and the Minister not open it? That is beyond belief.

I will finish with this. To add to the long list of scandals which I have not time to go into, there is the shocking case, with which the Minister is familiar, of Cynthia Owen, a ten-year-old child raped, made pregnant and her baby murdered. Her representatives have asked the Minister to look into the sham of an investigation carried out by the Garda, with the most serious allegations that gardaí were involved in a cover-up-----

I thank Deputy Boyd Barrett.

-----possibly involved in the substantive event itself, and the Minister fails even to meet her legal representatives to discuss the possibility of opening a serious investigation into that most heinous of crimes.

I thank the Deputy.

The Minister has no credibility, none.

I call on the Minister to reply.

The Minister still has not met them.

Some 83% of the people want the Minister to go.

Did the Leas-Ceann Comhairle say "to resign" or "to reply"?

I will be brief. It is interesting to hear what Deputies have to say. They have ranged wide and far across a broad range of issues. What we have tried to do is address the series of issues and difficulties that have arisen in relation to An Garda Síochána. It is unfortunate that some of the events, some of the difficulties that have arisen, have occurred.

I am conscious that the men and women of An Garda Síochána do their duty by the State every day. They place their lives at risk every day. They are focused on the prevention of crime and the investigation of crime, bringing before the courts those who have committed crimes, and do their best to ensure that appropriate prosecutions are taken and are successful. That is the main job of An Garda Síochána day in, day out.

During the period I have been Minister for Justice and Equality, we have seen a dramatic reduction in the level of crime. We have seen, under the leadership of the now retired Garda Commissioner, Mr. Martin Callinan, a series of targeted Garda operations that have resulted in a substantial reduction in crime across every category in the State bar two, but an overall reduction in crime.

The figures are being manicured. Everybody knows that.

We have seen many thousands of individuals brought before the courts for a range of offences, including burglary. There has been a dramatic reduction in burglaries. There are the self-styled new IRA and other subversives or individuals the Garda has to deal with day in, day out, and the criminal gangs.

Members of this House today protest about the impact on the Garda of some of these events. Of course, there is an impact on the Garda of some of these events, but those who protest the loudest are those who never have anything good to say about the Garda in this House.

That is an insult. That is not true.

There is never something positive. One never hears-----

(Interruptions).

One never hears praise for the substantial work that they do.

That is a total lie.

The Garda is used, as it suits certain Members of this House, as a political weapon.

The Minister himself is good at it.

On this issue, I have set out what I know about these events. I have set out what I know and what the Government knows. The fact that there were tape recordings being made going back over many years is a matter of seriousness. I cannot give any more information than I have given to the House about these matters. I accept there are serious matters that arise in relation to them.

Deputy Niall Collins studiously avoided referencing anything to do with the period prior to 2011. I am not interested in making any party politics out of this.

Why is the Minister making reference to it so?

The reality is every issue in the justice area that comes before the House is addressed by Members opposite as a matter of personality. No Deputy opposite has raised the substance of the issues, the real concerns that could arise out of recordings made, the issues surrounding privacy of citizens and relating to the administration of our criminal justice system and our civil justice system and possible concerns that arise in civil and criminal actions, both pending and heard in the past.

The reason we need a commission of inquiry to examine this is to get a full insight into the background circumstances relating to the recordings being made, the purpose - if any - for which they were used, the manner in which they were stored, the data protection issues that arise and whether they could have any impact on matters relating to the administration of justice. As soon as the full details of the issue came to my notice and came to the notice of the Taoiseach, we believed it was important the Government be informed, that the House be informed and that action be taken. We are condemned by Deputies opposite for so dealing with the matter.

Apparently, you are dammed for what you do and dammed for what you do not do.

The Minister knows what to do.

I listened with some interest to Deputy Niall Collins. On one occasion, when matters were referred to GSOC, Deputy Niall Collins wanted to know why we did not have a commission of inquiry. When this matter is referred to a commission of inquiry, Deputy Niall Collins wants to know why it is not referred to GSOC. It does not matter what steps we take to deal with serious issues, a narrative of criticism can always be developed. I understand that is the business of the Members opposite. It is the business of Members opposite to hold Government to account and to question issues but the narrative I am continuously confronted by is that when discovery is made of issues of difficulty that need investigation, a pretence is made that the issues all arose sometime after 9 March 2011.

Unfortunately, what is emerging is a range of problems that have developed within our justice system. They have been there for many years and are coming into the light of day and becoming known through a variety of means. They need to be addressed.

Mention was made of the matter in Waterford. Reading the GSOC report about Waterford, reference is made to recordings that the court did not admit. There is no indication in the report of the extensive nature of the difficulties that have now seen the light of day. If there was, Members opposite would have been to the forefront in raising the matter. I am not asking Members opposite to take responsibility for the work I must do but I note Members opposite are very assiduous in looking into and checking matters. Any fair and objective observer would acknowledge that the content of the GSOC report could not lead to a conclusion on the existence of the number of recordings we now believe have occurred and its extensive nature going back many years. If the report had led to that conclusion, GSOC may have wished to investigate it. Before I am accused of it, I am not raising any criticism of GSOC. These are serious issues.

The Minister should go back to the Four Courts.

As detailed to myself and the Taoiseach, the serious issues made it incumbent on the Government taking action to ensure we get the full story of what happened, not a fictitious narrative. This should be examined in the interest of the citizens of the State, the administration of justice and in ensuring our data protection and telecommunications legislation is fully and properly complied with. It is no more complex than that. I cannot add further to it. There is always a means of poking fun at individuals and one of the presentations this morning suggested a letter was delivered from the former Commissioner on 10 March to my Department and that it sat in an unopened envelope. I am sure it did not sit in an unopened envelope but the truth is it was not furnished to me until yesterday.

Did nobody tell the Minister?

Are there no pigeons in the Department?

If it had been furnished me earlier, why would I not have read it? Why would I not have shared it with colleagues? What possible advantage is there in my so dealing with matters? It was only partially brought up in this House but it existed in the ether yesterday that this was some issue that had been strategically organised to be announced yesterday. Who in their right mind would want another issue of difficulty or controversy relating to the Garda Síochána?

That is the question.

That is the answer to why the Minister was not notified on 10 March.

What benefit could there be to anybody? It defies belief. It is as if Deputies believe that I or another member of the Government welcomed the fact that the issue emerged in the manner in which it emerged. The extensiveness of the issue was only made known to the Taoiseach at the weekend and to me on Monday. It is no more complicated than that and I cannot add to it.

I look forward to the commission of inquiry fully and properly investigating the issue. In the context of making reference to a new interim Commissioner, Noirín O’Sullivan, she has been asked to provide the fullest information and, with the assistance of the Attorney General, the Government will frame the appropriate terms of reference for the commission of inquiry. It is important there is the maximum information available to ensure the terms of reference are comprehensive and broad to ensure any questions that need to be answered are answered. That is all I can say in respect of that matter. Deputies have raised other matters, one of which we will deal with later.

Everyone is wrong except the Minister.

Sitting suspended at 11.58 a.m. and resumed at 12 noon.
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