I thank the Chairman and the committee for giving the representatives of Trócaire the opportunity to speak this afternoon. I hope members have accessed the document I have circulated to them. I do not intend to repeat its content. After I have made one or two brief opening comments, I propose to focus on the issues which Trócaire considers to be in need of the attention of the committee and the Government.
A devastating humanitarian situation has emerged in Sudan in the past 12 months. As we all know, it is not the first crisis of this type in the country. The problems have emerged as the 20 year civil war between the south of Sudan and the Government in Khartoum seemed to be reaching some form of resolution. There are many links between current events in Darfur and the overall peace process in Sudan. Everybody is aware of the emergence of the conflict. Local rebel groups in Darfur are seeking greater representation, more autonomy and additional resources for the region. According to UN figures, some 50,000 people have died and 1.5 million have been displaced as a result of the response of the Sudanese Government to these demands, as well as the re-emergence with renewed intensity of the well armed Janjaweed organisation. Some 200,000 have been displaced into neighbouring Chad.
It is worth noting, in the wider Sudanese context, that what is happening in Darfur is also happening, albeit not to the same extent, in smaller regional conflicts in other parts of Sudan such as the eastern Kordofan area. The Sudanese state faces major regional governance challenges, as it has over the past 20 years. The conflict in Darfur is the biggest example at present, but we need to be aware that others can be found in other parts of Sudan. I will speak about the links between the Darfur crisis and the peace process between northern and southern Sudan.
Conflict about access to and ownership of resources is a national issue in Sudan. It is not just an issue in the Darfur region. The committee will be aware that the problems in Darfur are causing wider political tensions within Sudan. The conflict is causing some stress to the Government and its authority. It is well known that at least one of the rebel groups in Darfur is linked to opposition groups in Khartoum.
Much has been made of the conflict as an ethnic struggle between Arab militia and people of African origin. While the problem has such an ethnic aspect, it would be wrong to focus on it as the critical issue. There is much inter-marriage and inter-mixing in the Darfur region, as there is in many other places where there are conflicts of this nature. It is difficult to say with any certainty who belongs, ethnically, to one group or the other.
I noted the comments by representatives of Development Co-operation Ireland about the current humanitarian situation. Trócaire considers that the humanitarian situation in Darfur continues to be grave. Some 1.5 million have been displaced and the vast majority of the people of the region will not have a harvest this year. Officials from the World Food Programme have indicated that up to 2 million people will require food aid for the next 12 months and possibly longer. One of the tragedies of the conflict is that there is no possibility that those who have been displaced will be able to produce their own food. It is highly unlikely that the vast majority will return to their own homes within the next 12 months. Therefore, it is probable that there will be no harvest next year also.
There continues to be a high monthly death toll in Darfur. The United Nations estimates that 10,000 are dying each month as a result of disease, a lack of food and the ongoing violence in the region. Those who leave the camps in search of food or firewood often become victims of violent attack. Many thousands who are not in camps have been displaced to isolated hilly and mountainous regions and cannot access humanitarian assistance.
I should have said my colleague, Ms Muireann Kirrane, spent a number of months in Nyala, working on the relief effort in Darfur where I spent one week in September looking at what was happening there and visiting camps for displaced people. The situation in many of the camps is stable in terms of access to food, water and sanitation. However, that is not the case throughout Darfur. The further one goes from centres of population and the capital towns of the different parts of Darfur, the more difficult it is for NGOs and UN agencies to access populations and ensure people are looked after properly.
Humanitarian problems continue in the Darfur region. I met numerous UN officials when I was in the area about four weeks ago. UN officials in Darfur were quite concerned at the time about their logistical capacity to meet the needs of displaced people in parts of the region. I accept that the logistical capacity of the United Nations is improving and has probably been improving in the weeks since I was there but with the NGOs it still faces problems in meeting people's needs.
Security is another problem faced by those trying to alleviate the humanitarian difficulties. Relations between the local Sudanese authorities and the humanitarian agencies, including the United Nations and NGOs, are, by and large, good. However, the Government is preventing travel in certain parts of Darfur, legitimately in certain cases. It is not possible for NGOs or the United Nations to enter the parts of Darfur nominated by the Sudanese Government as areas of conflict. There are doubts about the ability of the international community to ensure adequate protection for some in the Darfur area.
I wish to discuss some of the issues which Trócaire considers to be critical if the crisis in Darfur is to be stabilised, if not resolved. Such issues need to be addressed if we are to facilitate the development of circumstances in which a resolution could emerge. The presence of African Union troops on the ground is absolutely critical. People in the camps say they are most concerned about their own protection and safety. The vast majority continue to have a serious level of fear. It is the first thing they talk about, even before basic needs such as food, shelter or water.
It is clear that tens of thousands of African Union troops are required in the Darfur region. While Development Co-operation Ireland was right to refer to humanitarian workers as the eyes and ears of the international community, their role is not formalised. A formalised structure is needed to protect the population in the region. The Sudanese Government needs to be placed under continuous pressure to deliver in this regard. While it has accepted that additional troops are required, it considers that between 3,000 and 5,000 troops would be adequate. I am of the view that multiples of these figures are required. Countries like Ireland, other EU member states and the United States are required to provide the necessary logistical and financial training and backup expertise to enable this to happen.
The most recent report by Jan Pronk, the Secretary General's special representative to Sudan, stated the mandate of the African Union forces needs to be expanded beyond working as ceasefire monitors to operate as a protection force for the civilian population, protect the internally displaced people and those who, in many cases, are still living at home and ensure they monitor the activities of the Sudanese security forces. From our experience on the ground, this is critical because the displaced population has little trust in the Sudanese security forces. We also have credible stories of members of the militia being integrated into the Sudanese police force.
It is important that the Government of Sudan continues to be made aware of its responsibilities in regard to the protection of its people. Not only has it been negligent in this respect but it has also brought about circumstances in which many people have died and a humanitarian catastrophe has occurred. It must control and disarm the Janjaweed militia and bring to justice those responsible for the current situation. Our Government must take every available opportunity to press home this message and can do so by discussing the matter with the Government of Sudan. While I am aware it has already done so, it must happen on an ongoing basis.
Four members of the Security Council, including two permanent members, abstained from the Security Council vote on Resolution 1564. Discussion and dialogue with the governments in question would be useful.
As I stated, tensions remain high in the Darfur region. While relations are reasonably good between the NGO community and officials of the Government of Sudan, this is not the case as regards the population in the camps. We have noted a new development about which Sudanese colleagues have also informed us, namely, an increasing supply of small arms in the camps for displaced people. In other words, displaced people are arming themselves. This is creating further tension and the Sudanese security forces want to take action against those in the camps who are armed. Obviously, it also creates greater potential for further outbreaks of violence.
I mentioned the links between events in Darfur and developments in the peace talks between the Government of Sudan and the SPLM. While the international community has a responsibility to be clear and forthright with the Government of Sudan as regards its responsibilities in Darfur, we must also ensure that momentum is not lost in the peace process and the talks in Naivasha in Kenya between the Government of Sudan and the SPLM. If this process was to unravel, not only would it set back any hope of a peaceful settlement in Darfur, it would also be highly destabilising for Sudan as a whole at a time when local conflicts are emerging in other parts of the country.
As regards peace talks, we have many contacts with local Sudanese non-governmental organisations and civil society, including in Darfur. They tell us that peace processes need to be initiated through which the traditional local leadership in the communities from which the Janjaweed come, and in other communities which have been victims of the Janjaweed, have an opportunity to engage in dialogue. This could be effective in restoring some stability.
Attempts have been made by the Government of Sudan to encourage IDPs to return to their home areas. Some of those who left camps to return home have been forced to return to the camps due to a lack of security. It is critical that any repatriation of people to their home areas must be voluntary and informed. They need to know what is the position locally and they must not be coerced.
Another worrying proposal is that people in the camps be moved to other safe areas, rather than their home areas. This is unacceptable to displaced people who want to return to the villages and communities from which they have been displaced. They do not want — nor would it be acceptable — the current position to become a fait accompli, with communities prevented from re-establishing and people unable to have access to their traditional lands. That would be an unfortunate outcome.
The issue of sanctions has been raised on a number of occasions. At their meeting in September, EU Foreign Ministers stated that the option of imposing sanctions should remain a consideration. This is useful. The next few months will be critical in terms of the Government of Sudan meeting its international obligations. Time is passing and while the current position is not as bad as four to six months ago, it does not mean it could not be better. The Government of Sudan has made some progress — it has opened up to international NGOs and humanitarian workers — but violence, mistrust of the security forces and the activities of the Janjaweed are still problems and a serious humanitarian crisis persists. As I stated, the key aspect of the crisis is that the World Food Programme estimates it will need to feed at least 2 million people for at least another six months.
In terms of the critical issues the Irish Government should pursue on an ongoing basis, they include strengthening the African Union force in the region and elaborating on its mandate. While the inflow of funds to the UN has been good in recent weeks, UN appeals, including the World Food Programme and other programmes, continue to show shortfalls. Only voluntary returns to home areas should be allowed and any attempt to coerce people to return home or establish them in new areas should be resisted.
Sustained political pressure on the Government of Sudan is necessary to ensure it meets the commitments it has formally made to the United Nations and various political leaders who have travelled to Khartoum in recent months. In particular, the Sudanese Government must control and disarm the militias and work to bring to justice those who are responsible for the acts which have taken place. The Irish Government should continue to ensure it provides moral and, if possible, other support to the Sudanese peace process, in particular regarding the talks between the north and the south. I ask the joint committee to monitor the developments in Darfur in the coming months. It would also be useful if the committee monitored the reports of Mr. Jan Pronk, who has been critical of the Sudanese Government, to the Security Council and take whatever action it considers appropriate in response.
As regards Trócaire's humanitarian programme, we have raised significant funds from the public, amounting to approximately €5 million. We also received an additional €500,000 from DCI for our humanitarian programme. We are doing a number of things. We are providing resources to local Sudanese NGOs in Darfur. While they are quite small, their capacity is increasing. We believe it is important to continue to support these people because they have local knowledge, an instinctive understanding of the issues and a capacity to deliver, immediately and quickly, often in ways that larger and more unwieldy international operations do not possess.
In addition, we are providing personnel and finance to a major international relief effort put together by Caritas, the international network of Catholic relief agencies, and ACT, Action by Churches Together, which is the Protestant equivalent of Caritas. This is the first occasion on which the two international networks have established a joint programme. The latter is quite extensive, employs approximately 30 international staff and over 100 local Sudanese staff and has a budget of approximately €17 million. It provides support and relief across a variety of sectors to populations of IDPs and also to host communities. I should have mentioned that earlier because it is also critically important. In many instances, IDP camps are side by side with pre-existing Sudanese communities which suffer by virtue of the sudden influx of often tens of thousands of displaced people. Part of the programme is, therefore, to work with this host communities.
