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JOINT COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS debate -
Tuesday, 8 Nov 2005

Overseas Development Aid: Presentation.

I welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Conor Lenihan, and his officials, Mr. George Harnett, Mr. Brendan Rogers, Mr. John Morahan and Mr. Gerard Considine.

In addition to the planned discussion on the committee's report on reaching the 0.7% target for overseas development aid and the Minister's response to the report, the Minister has also agreed to brief the committee on the forthcoming WTO meeting in Hong Kong. I will commence the discussion by inviting the Minister of State to make his presentation, following which I will open up the meeting to questions from the floor.

With your permission, Chairman, I will read into the record a statement we issued from the Department some minutes ago regarding the situation in Ethiopia, which I know will be of some concern to members of the committee and to the members of the public who observe and follow development issues generally. It states:

I condemn in the strongest possible terms the use of lethal force by the Ethiopian security forces. It is important that we see an end to the mass arrests, random searches and indiscriminate searches by the security forces. Equally it is important that those who have been detained are treated correctly and that access is granted to their families, legal counsel and the International Red Cross and/or other appropriate representatives of the international community.

At the request of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and myself, Ireland's Chargé d'Affaires in Addis Ababa is currently looking into the conditions under which those who have been arrested are being held. We will receive further updates from him over coming days.

There is also an onus on the opposition parties [in that country] to respect the rule of law. We urgently call upon all political parties and the Ethiopian people to desist from further violence. They should pursue their political aims by exclusively peaceful, democratic means.

I have asked that the Chargé d'Affaires at the Embassy of Ethiopia in Dublin be called in this week to give me his Government's view of recent disturbing events. [I did this before on the occasion of the general election in Ethiopia].

Ireland has a strong commitment to the poorest and most vulnerable people of Ethiopia and the Government is working to help them through our aid programme, which totalled €30 million this year. This assistance is making a real difference to the lives of poor people in Ethiopia, including in the areas of basic health and education. Our aid programme is kept under constant review and the recent events give rise to real concern about the nature and level of our engagement [in Ethiopia].

My concern is to see an end to the violence and the resumption of dialogue between the Ethiopian Government and the opposition parties. This is the only way to ensure an early return to the stability necessary for that government and for donors to work together to improve the welfare of the Ethiopian people.

In making any assessment and future decisions about Ireland's co-operation with Ethiopia we will be guided by reports from the ground and by contact with Ireland's EU partners.

Is it possible to comment on that important statement by the Minister of State?

If the Minister of State agrees, we can have a brief comment.

Before I came in I issued a statement on behalf of my party expressing concern about events in Ethiopia. Like the Minister of State and other members, we received reports in recent days that prominent members of the opposition have been assaulted and arrested. I met the mayor of Addis Ababa in recent months and he expressed concern about the outcome of the elections there. Are we to link our foreign development aid to the democratic systems in place in recipient countries? Will there be greater control over direct government-to-government aid, considering the erosion of democratic rights in Ethiopia and other countries? What percentage of aid to Ethiopia is government-to-government and is the Minster of State satisfied, in view of recent events, that the government-to-government aid is being used for the purposes for which it is given?

My statement called on the Government to call in the embassy officials and to make it clear that the outcome of the elections there and the events since are unacceptable and that Ireland would consider its aid programme in the light of the erosion of democratic principles in that country.

I welcome the Minister of State's statement and agree with Deputy Allen. Ethiopia is one of the most familiar countries to members of this committee. When we last visited Ethiopia, before the elections, there was a welcome sign of the emergence of a coherent opposition there. It is troubling that while the elections were reasonably free and fair, there was concern in some parts of the country about the outcome. I am slow to recommend restricting aid to Ethiopia. Because the Government, through DCI, has invested so much, particularly in the area of governance, we are in a stronger position than most to exercise a moral authority in this area and encourage all sides to pull back from a situation where violent conflict seems imminent. Is it possible, through the EU Presidency or some other body, to offer some form of mediation service to both parties?

The Ethiopian opposition undoubtedly took a long time to emerge and not everything is perfect. We were quite critical of some of the issues of which we became aware but we also recognised that progress was being made. Rather than losing the momentum of that progress, including some type of sustainable economic development, it would be a shame not to use our position of considerable influence to encourage cool heads to prevail.

I very much agree with the Minister of State's statement of concern. It is appropriate that we should be of one voice in condemning both the loss of life and unaccountable incarceration following the elections in May. Those who rush to say we should never have given the amount of aid we did to the Ethiopian Government and that we should wait until Ethiopian civil society gets a clean bill of health before providing further assistance should bear in mind that such drastic action would affect the weakest and poorest of people.

It is becoming clear that there must be an audit on aid. This argument arises in regard to both Ethiopia and Uganda. One must be in a position to say which projects must stay in place irrespective of one's view of the administration in power. For example, no member of this committee, to my knowledge, would have been in favour of cutting off access for poor children in southern Uganda because of a disagreement with President Museveni and his family. We must be balanced in our response in these complex situations.

In the Ethiopian case, there are two separate issues. One relates to the May elections, including the preparation for them, their conduct and the result. The other is the reaction that has followed the demonstrations in the wake of the elections. In regard to the latter, I very much agree with everyone who has condemned both the loss of life and incarceration.

In regard to the elections, let us grow something positive out of this situation. The international community sometimes observes elections, although in a singularly unsatisfactory fashion. As somebody who has been involved in this exercise, I am aware there is an archive in Canada which lodges the results of different elections. In some countries, long-term as opposed to short-term observers are provided. We have never provided any short-term observers and this issue will be raised at Question Time on Thursday.

Studies indicate that 70% to 80% of electoral fraud takes place between the registration process and polling day. The international community concentrates on the latter, however, sometimes without including the count or the delivery of the result to the electoral college in question. The international community must consider the electoral process in a broader context. Whatever the results of the elections, it is unacceptable that people have been killed and jailed and the opposition suppressed. Nothing justifies this and the international community is great in expressing its reaction.

Recently, I have become concerned at the unbalanced criticism levelled against UN agencies, with people calling for a retrospective global prohibition on aid to governments that do not meet certain standards. It is easily said but I appeal to such people to consider the consequences of such an action. The audit must be done from the ground up. If one is calling for such aid requirements, it must impact on the thinking of the governments in question, not their people. It is time for a mature and balanced response to this situation.

I am glad we have been able to have this useful discussion on this unanticipated item. I welcome the statement of the Minister of State. It was diplomatic and balanced, almost to the point of timidity, because the government in question is in the wrong and there was an exhortation on the part of the victims to behave well. This might strike people as balanced but it strikes me as timid. However, there may be diplomatic and political reasons for this. I would put the emphasis far more on the misbehaviour——

Some of the rioters are actually armed.

The principal source of the difficulty is the government's activity. I agree with Deputies Allen and Michael D. Higgins on the need to know the balance between direct government-to-government aid and aid to NGOs. I know this is a difficult situation and one has to be careful not to damage the interests of the people at the receiving end. However, we need to know about the efficiencies of the system and the delivery of taxpayers' money to the people who most need it.

The sum of €30 million is large and it is important we continue to assess this balance and examine its efficiency. If we remove direct aid, we must ensure we do not damage the recipients.

For the committee to make its mind up, it must invite different voices to express different views. While not every member will agree with the position taken by Mr. John O'Shea from GOAL, it is certainly a vigorous one informed by direct personal experience. I hope the committee will have another opportunity to listen to his views. Due to his directness on these issues, some people consider Mr. O'Shea intemperate. However, his is an important voice. Will the Chairman inform us if he has applied to speak on this issue to the committee? If so, does his application have the Chairman's support?

I understand an application will be made by Mary Kelly, one of the individuals before the courts, on the use of Shannon by a certain aeroplane. Some people take a particular view of this group's activities. Nevertheless, it is important and I strongly support a request by this young person to address the committee on a significant political and moral issue for this country.

The Minister of State can see from what has been said that the committee supports his statement. However, I wish to follow up on what has been said on the observers. A delegation from this committee secured agreement for the inclusion of observers in the first instance. We are conscious of the points made by Deputy Michael D. Higgins to the effect that we needed to start sooner and finish later, whereas the observers were only present for election day. A certain amount can be done in a day and a number of Members of the House were present to observe the election. From what we, our European colleagues and international observers could gather the election itself was well run. Problems arose subsequently with the appeals system and the opposition grew considerably during the course of the election, particularly in Addis Ababa and other major cities.

Settling the democratic situation down is now the priority and the proposal that Deputy Carey made is relevant. We, the DCI and the Minister himself now have experience of the situation. We spoke with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Leader of the Opposition, Berhanu Nega, who was here during the summer. Some of us met him, as did a Fine Gael party delegation. Some days ago I contemplated arranging, in conjunction with the DCI, to bring some of the new MPs on both sides here to discuss the roles of government and opposition and how opposition can be strengthened so that it could grow and participate. That would be useful in the way of mediation and support. Deputy Carey is correct that Ireland has a particular role to play. That is evidenced by the fact that, while our EU colleagues were trying to put observers in place, it was only when we met with the President that he agreed to allow them and asked us to invite our European colleagues to participate. We must immediately exercise what influence we might have to give any assistance we can. I say that while entirely supporting the Minister's statement.

Can the Minister of State tell me whether the African Union will have any role to play? Has it sufficient expertise in the area of conflict resolution to be of any help?

I will reply to the many questions asked. The Chairman's suggestion that we bring MPs over from Ethiopia to resolve their issues is a good one and I would respond positively to such a proactive measure on the part of the committee. It clearly has a role to play. I said on my last visit here we would like to have a formal system in this committee for the oversight of the programme as it develops in the years ahead, specifically as it relates to Ethiopia.

The EU has issued a common statement on the controversy and on the dreadful killings. Our statement is all the stronger because it follows an agreed EU statement and was designed in that way to get across the message that we are a significant bilateral donor to Ethiopia, being among the top ten in terms of financial assistance. That is why we made our statement before the committee today. Government-to-government assistance, which is assistance from our Government's taxpayers' money directly to the state in the countries which are being helped, would be of the order of between 70% and 80%, depending on the country. In the case of Ethiopia, it is 75%. I emphasise that our assistance to Ethiopia is primarily at regional government level and local or district government level. We do not involve ourselves higher up, but this is for no particular reason other than that the programme has not developed in that fashion yet.

We do not extend direct budget-to-budget support. In other words, all assistance that is given by us goes into areas such as education, assistance with HIV problems, agriculture and rural development. There is no question to answer on whether money given by us is spent on the purpose for which it was given. None of the money given by us to date to Ethiopia has been abused in any fashion, and I can stand over this statement as Minister of State. We have been very careful with how the money is allocated at a district and regional level. Money given to the Ethiopian Government is channelled through to the regions and tagged in that way.

Deputy Allen made the point about linking democratic performance and human rights observance to the disbursement of aid. This is quite timely and is the subject of intense discussion in my Department and generally among donors at a global level. A Swedish colleague has built in a system of benchmarks or milestones in the extension of government-to-government support, for example, in response to developments in Uganda earlier this year, which were referred to by some members. These benchmarks would link to certain milestones being achieved in human rights observance and democratic practice. This is increasingly becoming the fashion, especially as the levels of volume aid have increased enormously this year and will do so for the next ten or 15 years.

It is important to remember Deputy Michael D. Higgins's statement that positive stories are evident in Ethiopia also. This was the first multi-party election ever to occur in that country. It may be a case of two steps forward and one step back. The step back, the shooting of people, is serious. I am not attempting to mitigate the responsibility, as may have been suggested by Senator Norris, of the elected government and authorities to take full responsibility for any denial of fundamental human rights because of rioting or otherwise. It is up to the state to decide to use lethal force to protect its citizens. Nevertheless there have been victims on the side of the Ethiopian Government, as police officers have been shot. The rioters were also armed.

Deputy Carey raised the issue of being helpful in fostering the coherence of those in opposition, and this is a problematic issue. The problem extends across all of the African programme countries, and I do not have to tell the joint committee that there is a weakness in respecting those in opposition in Africa generally. This is a challenging matter as the level of development assistance to many countries is increased. A weak opposition often means that people are likely to desert it and go the government side rather than build a proper opposition in particular countries. The building of a viable opposition is a fundamental challenge for all donors and the countries concerned. The problem is evident in Ethiopia, but as the recent multi-party election was the first of its kind, we are thankfully beginning to see this dilemma being ameliorated. One of the contributory factors to the trouble may have been that multi-party elections, let alone an opposition, are so unusual in the area.

We are quite concerned about the current events. We are reviewing and re-evaluating our involvement in Ethiopia, a statement I do not make lightly. We cannot stand over Irish taxpayers' money being spent in future where incidents of this kind and the type which occurred at the election can happen again on a continuing basis. If we are not reassured about the status and accord given to the opposition, it would be difficult for us to continue our assistance. We have faced similar problems regarding behaviour and performance of governments in other countries. We do not say these phrases lightly. In this sense, we are constantly reviewing our level of involvement. I assure the committee's members that this is the message I will give to the Ethiopian chargé d'affaires in Ireland when I meet him, hopefully later this week. I gave this message immediately after the events following Ethiopia's general election and made a forceful case that we could not stand over the strong level of support we give to it were these issues to recur.

I am fortunate to be involved with the development programme at this exciting time. With the recent announcement by the Taoiseach that we will reach the UN target by 2012, significant and predictable funding increases are a prospect for the coming years. We must now map out the direction of the expansion of our overseas aid programme, which is currently recognised as being one of the best in the world. I am determined to maintain that quality as we expand to new record levels of expenditure.

Before addressing in detail these and related issues, it would be timely to say a few words about the upcoming World Trade Organisation talks in Hong Kong. This will be the final big event in what has been a momentous year for development. As the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, I am determined to ensure that the development voice is heard, as this is a development-focused round as distinct from previous rounds.

I hope the Minister of State will be more successful than last time.

I hope that we will not witness the situation that occurred in Cancún, where the entire talks virtually collapsed.

Ireland's experience of EU membership has shown that both consumers and businesses can benefit from liberalisation. Therefore, Ireland supports the maintenance of a strong rules-based multilateral trading system. Without the WTO, the interests of large countries would dominate small ones and regional or bilateral arrangements would replace stable international rules.

We must not forget that 2005 has been an outstanding year for development. We have seen welcome progress on the key issues of debt and of increased aid volumes. It is worth pointing out that the EU is one of the great leaders in the area of development. A total of 70% of the increases that have occurred and will fall into the coffers of developing countries' budgets in the years ahead come from the EU. We should be conscious of this when examining issues concerning trade and agriculture.

The focus now is turning to trade and to the forthcoming WTO ministerial meeting in Hong Kong. It is hoped that this conference will provide a final push leading to a successful conclusion to the current round of trade talks. Agriculture is the focus of considerable attention but is not the only issue under discussion. In our approach to the EU discussions on agriculture, Ireland has sought to achieve a careful balance between preserving the rural economy on one hand and contributing to further agricultural liberalisation on the other.

My priority in the trade talks, as it is in the aid programme, is to assist the world's poorest countries. To put it simply, my priority is to assist those in greatest need of assistance. Not all developing countries are the same. Brazil does not have the same needs as Zambia. Argentina does not have the same needs as Ethiopia. The EU is by far the most open market for the world's poorest countries. Under the Everything But Arms initiative, the EU grants duty free access for all imports except arms from the least developed countries. The three temporary exceptions — bananas, rice and sugar — will be phased out by 2009.

Everything But Arms is a radical step forward by the EU and it challenges others to do likewise. I do not say this lightly as, if the non-EU G8 countries were to make a similar contribution to the development agenda, they would adopt an initiative such as this, which would allow free and unfettered access for the world's least developed countries to its richest markets, namely, those in Europe. In Hong Kong, we should aim to deliver concrete results for developing countries, in particular the least developed, by pursuing four key deliverables.

The first key deliverable should be a concrete commitment by all developed countries to grant access to the products of all least developed countries, LDCs, free of all duties and quotas. As the second key outcome from Hong Kong, LDCs should not be asked to open their markets in the current negotiations. As put by Mr. Pascal Lamy, former EC Trade Commissioner and now Director General of the WTO, the Doha development agenda should be a round for free for the least developed countries. The third deliverable from Hong Kong should be to identify and sign off on a group of proposals relating to special and differential treatmentfor LDCs. In practice, this means the obligations on these countries will be lower and the implementation period for the obligations they enter into can be longer. This is a reflection of their state of development and of their vulnerability.

Each proposal should have a significant beneficial effect on the least developed countries. Of course, market access alone cannot provide the answer to the trading problems of these countries. The least developed countries also need assistance in operating in an increasingly complex international trading environment. I am reminded of a figure quoted by Commissioner Mandelson in his recent address to Ministers with responsibility for overseas development in Leeds. He stated that 70% of all tariffs are levied by developing countries on developing countries. That figure is often ignored in the obsession and concerns about the subsidies attached to European agriculture.

Already, Ireland provides considerable assistance to developing countries to increase their negotiating capacity. This year alone, more than €1 million has been provided by Ireland in such assistance through a range of international funds. In Hong Kong, I hope we will see the definition of "aid for trade"widened beyond this technical assistance to include measures to mitigate and compensate for the negative effects of reforms. This is the fourth key deliverable that can be achieved in Hong Kong. This assistance should complement real progress on the development agenda. It is not an alternative to that progress.

The share of least developed countries in global exports has fallen steadily, from 3% in the 1950s to a current figure of approximately0.5%. Reversing this trend will take more than trade liberalisation and perhaps more than can be delivered in Hong Kong. It requires a sustained approach which addresses the existing difficulties in a systematic and comprehensive way. Addressing the causes of poverty, improving social services, providing education and tackling infrastructure deficits are all essential. There is no simple solution. Ireland is working in these and other areas to make real and sustainable gains possible for the poorest countries and the people of the developing world. The successful integration of the least developed countries into the world economy is essential for their future well-being.

I would now like to turn to some of the key questions and issues raised in the committee's report and in its discussions on 20 September. I emphasise to members of the committee that we cannot afford to fail these people, who are among the poorest in the world. For all of its faults and small compromises and changes achieved over a long period of time, the multilateral system can deliver economic growth and opportunity for people who do not have them.

Ireland will reach by 2012 the UN target of 0.7% of GNP spent on official development assistance. The Government has set a number of benchmarks against which our progress towards achieving that target can be measured. Next year we will reach 0.47% of GNP; in 2007, we will reach 0.5%; in 2010, we will reach 0.6%. We will reach the UN target three years ahead of the EU target date of 2015. That target date set by the 15 traditional members of the EU was not entered into lightly. By the year 2010 it will bring €20 billion into the development coffers. Europe is making an enormous financial commitment, and 70% of all increases that developing countries will receive during the next few years will be delivered by the Europeans. In 2012, our official development assistance spending is expected to be of the order of €1.5 billion, placing Ireland in the front rank of donors worldwide. The increased resources will allow us to both expand and deepen our development co-operation.

Speaking in New York, the Taoiseach outlined four key areas of action for the expanding programme. We will double our funding for efforts to combat HIV-AIDS and other communicable diseases to €100 million. In a separate announcement made recently, the Taoiseach stated that 20% of that funding will be devoted to paediatric services and AIDS orphans across the continent of Africa, in line with an appeal made by UNICEF and a number of world donors, including the UK and the United States. That is a real commitment and we are the first country in the world to make such a commitment to children, who to date have been largely neglected as anti-retroviral treatments have been slowly rolled out across Africa.

Our programme for HIV-AIDS already provides significant support in the areas of prevention, treatment and care. With the new resources, we will provide increased support, including in research. I want to draw upon the medical and scientific expertise available here in Ireland. To this end, I plan to convene an expert group to help advise on the provision of support in these areas. I do not do this lightly but because of Ireland's financial success we know we have a large well of expertise and successful medical experts who are acknowledged as world leaders in their fields. We must use their obvious brain power and abilities to help us as we develop and expand our overseas aid programme. We will also expand our support for the fight against TB and malaria. The remarkable success of the campaign to eradicate polio shows clearly what can be achieved through concerted international action. We must replicate this success in the fight against these other diseases. Extra resources to combat famine and hunger will also be provided.

Events in Niger during the summer period served to remind us of the importance of preventing crises and tackling their causes instead of responding to them. The extra resources will allow humanitarian agencies to respond to emergencies more quickly and comprehensively. We intend to deepen our partnership with some of the domestic NGOs which are at the forefront of fighting famine in emergencies such as in Niger and Pakistan or in the aftermath of the tsunami. In general terms, there is a need to look at the capacity of the international community to respond to sudden emergencies, as the continuing crisis in Pakistan underlines for all of us.

In October I signalled Ireland's willingness to support the proposed enhanced central emergency response fund, CERF. I have pledged a figure of €10 million, which will be made available when Ireland, with other donors, is satisfied with the practical arrangements for the operation of the fund. The objectives of the CERF are simple: earlier response, faster response, more lives saved.

The third area highlighted by the Taoiseach was the role of the private sector. We already have in place the private sector forum which promotes co-operation between the private sector in Ireland and the private sector in our programme countries. Its work is bearing fruit in Uganda. We have achieved real and substantial progress in a short timeframe, but more can be done. It is my intention that the forum should become a formalised structure in which contact between the aid programme and the private sector can be formalised and built on. The forum will continue to be at the centre of our efforts at encouraging private sector companies, firms and individuals to become involved in our programme countries and the developing world generally.

It is stated in the committee's report that almost 100% of Irish aid is untied. I confirm this to the committee and that this will continue to be the case. Notwithstanding our efforts to promote private sector involvement in our programme countries, the Government does not intend to change the relationship that has brought great credit to Ireland and its aid programme by interfering with, changing or diluting the untied nature of Irish overseas aid.

The fourth area identified by the Taoiseach at the summit in New York was governance. This is timely, given the earlier discussion about Ethiopia. It is an issue that has been raised frequently at this committee and many times at the nine or ten public meetings held on the White Paper. Corruption and poor governance in its other forms can undermine efforts to deliver assistance effectively. They can also undermine support for development assistance at home. The public wants to be sure its money is reaching the intended target. I intend to build in-house capacity within Development Co-operation Ireland to address governance issues as part of my efforts to build management capacity. This is not all to do with new projects and initiatives. We must continue with those projects which have earned Ireland its international reputation for following and sometimes leading international best practice. The key challenge is to develop the programme while maintaining the highest standards and continuing to make a real difference to the lives of the world's poorest people.

The expansion of the aid programme has significant staffing implications which Deputy O'Donnell raised at the committee meeting on 20 September. The Deputy is aware of the work done by my officials and that they are often stretched to meet the demands of managing a programme of this scale. To maintain existing high standards as the programme continues to expand rapidly, it is essential that we have sufficient human resources with appropriate skills available to plan, manage, monitor and evaluate the programme. I am confident that progress will be made on this issue in the near future, following my discussions with the Minister for Finance and judging from discussions with the Taoiseach and members of the Government.

Another major challenge is that of ensuring adequate public awareness and ownership of the aid programme. Throughout the recent series of White Paper public meetings, it became increasingly clear that, by and large, people were not aware of the scale and nature of our overseas aid programme. This must be corrected. The programme only makes the news when there is a political disagreement here or a major humanitarian emergency to which we must respond. We must examine how we can get our message across directly to the public and create a strong sense of public ownership of the programme.

The message is a simple one, namely, that the aid programme involves public money that is well spent and makes a real difference to the lives of those in greatest need. Visibility is a real issue for the programme and I hope I can count on the joint committee's support as I work to address this aspect. I do not intend to do so with a view to increasing visibility for its own sake. On the contrary, the OECD peer group review recommended that it would be appropriate for a programme of the size of Ireland's to spend a significantly larger amount on delivering wider public ownership and understanding of development issues.

Related to this matter is the issue of information for and dialogue with Members of the Oireachtas, in particular members of the joint committee. I am aware that a number of members visited several of our programme countries in recent years. I will be more than happy to facilitate further visits in the future. I want the joint committee to have first-hand knowledge of our work in programme countries and elsewhere and to understand the diverse nature of the activities the programme supports. There is no substitute for witnessing development work on the ground and engaging with our Irish and local staff and, most importantly, those we are helping through our work. I hope the joint committee will carve out a role for itself in the context of the developing overseas aid programme because parliamentary oversight will be a key part of our efforts to create better public understanding of development matters.

In the course of the joint committee's meeting on 20 September a substantial discussion took place on support for volunteers and missionary organisations. The overseas aid programme already provides considerable funding for volunteers. In 2004 it funded more than 1,200 volunteers, lay and missionary, working in 84 countries. We must and can do more. Last month I launched a guide for those wishing to volunteer which provides details of more than 100 development organisations offering placements for volunteers. The document is available on-line at www.volunteeringoptions.org. Next year we will open a one-stop-shop to provide a single contact point for all those in Ireland who wish to volunteer for overseas development work. I want these premises to be visible and accessible to the public.

In many ways, the official aid programme can be seen as following in the footsteps of many Irish missionaries who worked in Africa and other parts of the world long before the State had the capacity to do so. Since the establishment of the bilateral aid programme, the Government has supported the work of Irish missionaries. In line with the recommendation of the 2002 Ireland Aid review, we have significantly increased funding to missionaries in recent years. The allocation in 2005 was €12 million, the highest in the history of the programme.

I hope I have addressed in broad terms some of the issues which arise. I will be pleased to answer any questions members may have on the programme and matters arising from the forthcoming world trade talks in Hong Kong. I thank members for their commitment to development issues and their timely questions. In a private capacity, notwithstanding the intensity of the criticism I received from members of the joint committee and others in the early part of my brief in September 2004, this criticism was welcome in the sense that the contributions, commitments and criticisms made during that period have resulted in a much enhanced aid programme in the past year. We now have a commitment and timeframe for reaching our aid target and a significant financial package to provide for the developing world. This is due in no small part to the commitment of members.

: Before proceeding, I welcome the incoming Japanese ambassador to Ireland, his excellency Keiichi Hayashi. Members of the joint committee are looking forward to working with him during his stay.

I thank the Minister of State for his detailed presentation. He stated the Government would reach its UN target of allocating 0.7% of GNP to development aid three years ahead of the European Union target date of 2015. On the contrary, it will reach its target five years after the date to which the Taoiseach committed Ireland at the United Nations in 2000. However, let us not revisit old wars. My questions concern that commitment and the targets now being presented. The Minister of State says we will reach the figure of 0.47% of GNP next year. How much is this in absolute financial terms?

To be honest, it can vary. In the past month or so we have had varying assessments of how much it will be from the Department of Finance. The growth forecast has been changing and I can be absolutely explicit about it only at budget time. For what it is worth, we are expecting the overseas aid programme, or the official development programme, to receive more than we have pencilled in for this year's Estimates, since the growth forecast has recently been revised slightly upwards. It will be approximately €675 million, although I am reluctant to be specific about this. I enter a strong caveat since the figure can go up or down. We have been net winners in this process to date in that we are getting extra money this year.

I wondered if the Minister of State would ever stop.

I do not wish to spoil Question Time on Thursday by raising this, but I cannot let it go without asking. Is the Minister of State confident Development Cooperation Ireland has the capacity to deal with the €675 million figure in the context of decentralisation? What is the up-to-date position in that regard? A risk assessment was carried out in April on the issue and there were concerns about the intellectual memory of DCI. What is the current state of play regarding staff and their capacity to deal with a budget of approximately €675 million?

I welcomed the Minister of State's statement on a long overdue initiative on the part of his Department and DCI to deal with the private sector, especially in the area of disease control and eradication. Does he agree with me that this should be dealt with at EU level since the scale of the problem and the reaction to it warrant it? Should there not be a joint venture between the European Union and the major drug companies regarding research and development? Does he concur that such companies are reluctant to enter the area because research and development are so expensive and can run into culs-de-sac shortly before completion? Their financial return is not guaranteed, since they are dealing with the poorest of the poor. If there were a joint venture to underwrite some of the risk, there might be a far greater response to major problems, especially those of Africa. I would like to hear the Minister of State's opinion.

On the central emergency response fund, what discussions have the Minister of State and his Department had with other EU countries on what I would call the fairly pathetic response to the problems of Pakistani Kashmir? It has been described as disaster fatigue. There are millions of disaster victims, but the global response has been fairly pathetic. What discussions have taken place at that level to step up efforts to help those unfortunate people as winter approaches with all its risks?

The Minister of State mentioned the role of missionaries, some of whom are now approaching pension age. The issue of pension rights has been raised with the Department to allow them to stay among the communities in which they have lived for most of their lives. Has there been any progress in giving them the recognition they deserve? Many of them are former APSO volunteers who have spent their lives abroad. They have helped to develop their communities. This would mean their knowledge could continue to be used where they want to remain. Has any costing of extending pensions to such persons been undertaken?

I appreciate the generous spirit in which the Minister of State has approached the committee. There are many areas where we will be able to co-operate in the time ahead.

On the Minister of State's references to the WTO, while I agree a rules-based international trading order is advantageous, I do not agree a liberal global trading environment is automatically good. The discussion on Latin America and the difference between the five countries with larger economies and others on the continent has more than rehearsed the argument. Liberalisation depends on context — product, area and region.

Ireland has given €1 million towards increasing the capacity of least developed countries to negotiate at the WTO. We hear very little about UNCTAD, which has a crucial role to play in preparing countries for discussions such as those that will take place in Hong Kong. The Norwegian Government concentrated some of its assistance on facilitating and assisting countries through the UNCTAD process.

The Minister of State made a positive point about Europe's attitude towards least developed countries in the Everything but Arms agreement. It is time to audit that agreement because there is a distinction between the benefits that might flow in terms of conditionality, where products must arrive in their raw form but the advantage disappears in their finished form. We must look at this in detail, not just in terms of the three exceptional commodities.

I am not taking from the European Union's achievement or its attitude to trade but the stark point is that after the collapse of the previous round of WTO talks, not least because of the obstinate insistence on retention of the Singapore issues, the European Union, through its EPAs, has reintroduced those issues in its attempted regional agreements with Africa, not only abusing the principle of a basic continental approach but also forcing the negotiations along. When I examine the EPAs, I see an attempt by the European Union to get what it could not get in Doha. Certainly, when one looks at the common competence, as the European Union representatives travel to Hong Kong, there is a contradiction in the European Union's practice. There is also a serious issue regarding the openness and accountability of the EPA negotiating process. It has not been unfair to describe it as the bullying of poor states by a powerful institution. We can discuss the matter again if the committee does not wish to deal with it now.

It is ridiculous to believe the existing staff in DCI would be able to spend the increase in the budget or operate the budget as projected by 2012. I believe an estimate was made in the Cassidy report of how many staff would be required. This is not a matter upon which there needs to be disagreement. The Minister of State probably knows better than me that not only are the numbers insufficient but that, with the ongoing decentralisation fiasco, they will reach a crisis point with regard to delivery of the programme. He will be required to tell me that I am wrong but he can tell me privately that I am right.

I am delighted to see the Taoiseach's four great aims in foreign policy included. The fourth relates to governance. I will not go back over the ground I covered in the last couple of meetings. The European Union will speak with greater credibility on issues of governance when its member states ratify the United Nations convention against corruption, a most interesting topic if we had more time to discuss it. I was told it was a matter of partial competence in relation to common competence and that no country in the European Union should ratify it before the Union did. It did so in September, Hungary and France having beaten the gun, as it were, and gone ahead. The notion that there is competence under Article 300 is just nonsense. That is the competent advice in my office.

Ireland is regarded as likely to ratify the United Nations convention in 2006. I understand the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform will not be able to bring proposals to Cabinet in the first half of the year. Frankly, I welcome the debate on corruption. We should build on the achievement in respect of the €700 million returned from the Swiss banks to the Nigerian Government, the result of looting by President Abacha who, curiously, was President when Ken Saro-Wiwa and his companions were executed ten years ago next Thursday.

I appreciate the Minister of State's attitude and wish to respond in the same vein. I make my comments to be of assistance. There is an old chestnut still roasting in the case of the European Union's development budget. The European Union has a remarkably good record in providing development aid and assistance. It has, however, not made significant progress, through different Commissioners, in achieving efficiency in the distribution of its aid. It has a high ratio of commitment but one could argue that securing commitments but not being able to distribute aid efficiently has damaged the development aid issue.

When the Chairman placed this issue on the agenda, he did so in the context of the eight millennium development goals. While we will not be able to deal with that issue in depth this afternoon, we should note that the situation is depressing with regard to the eight goals, 18 sub-goals and 48 indicators, particularly so in the case of Africa. However, I welcome the fact that Ireland has given a lead in this area. Some donor countries are being asked to change their orientation to ensure more of their aid component addresses the greatest gaps in the achievement of targets.

I worry that there are some countries where the shortfall in the commitment to HIV-AIDS is especially disastrous. Of deaths from AIDS internationally, 90% are on the continent of Africa. In Botswana, life expectancy decreased from 65 years in 1990 to 40 in 2003 and is projected to be 27 by 2015. These are crisis figures. While I appreciate that Ireland's proportionate aid to the least developed countries is in many ways admirable, it is projected that the number of AIDS orphans will increase from the current 14 million to 25 million by 2010. I very much agree that anything we can do will be extremely welcome.

I would welcome a more elaborate version of the guide to volunteering. While the OECD said it would always be available to the committee and, as such, would always be welcome, I do not understand why the United Nations economic commissions in Geneva are always ignored. The OECD is not a research institution; it is a think tank of sorts which recycles what one wants very successfully in the shortest possible time. Its views on education are backward, as evidenced by its claim that education is the next big thing. It views it like it views investment in water, etc. The work of the United Nations in Geneva, on the other hand, is refereed, independent, objective, draws from different paradigms and can be relied upon. The figures it produces are testable. I would like to see the occasional reference to that source rather than to the PR racket which constitutes the OECD.

The Minister of State was correct to state that we would all like to go in the direction of a rights-based approach. While seven of them might be said to have been formulated in the context of the 1966 UN convention on economic, social, cultural and judicial rights, the Minister of State will know as well as me that the eight millennium development goals are not rights based. It would be a development if Ireland were to push in that direction. Deputy Conor Lenihan would have my support in undoing the unhelpful imperial mindset, especially in the European Union, which sees corruption as endemic in the receiving countries but is completely blind to multinational corruption and the corruption of governments in their aid programmes. In recent years, we saw the scandalous abuse of their positions by some member states. While one is tempted to mention Italy, one restrains oneself.

I welcome the Minister of State to the committee and voice my appreciation of his remarks. I was at a seminar on Africa in London two weeks ago at which much was made of the fact that Ireland's aid is 100% untied. In fact, two British Ministers referred to this position in their presentations, which was very welcome. Not every country has the same attitude.

The WTO talks are very relevant and the IFA was meeting even today to discuss them. I met some of the people involved last week for a briefing and we had a meeting in County Galway about this important issue. The IFA and NGOs have told us they are sending delegations to Hong Kong and on the last occasion the committee discussed being represented in Cancún. Perhaps this was mentioned earlier. I would support the call that there should be representation in Cancún.

Deputy Allen referred to pensions and I am sure the Minister of State, Deputy Conor Lenihan, is interested in this issue. I very much support what Fr. Cantwell stated in his letter about the question of missionaries living in developing countries. I understand we will have a meeting with the Department of Social and Family Affairs about those issues. I would be very disappointed if we cannot discuss other issues relating to missionaries who have returned to Ireland, for example, because they are ill and may need medical treatment, where the question of disability arises or where they must care for elderly relatives. Above all, it is most unfair that a missionary returning from a developing country must be resident in Ireland for three years before he or she may be paid a social welfare benefit. The only exception is in the case of returning from the United Kingdom, in which case one may receive such payments almost immediately. That sounds unfair. If the committee is discussing the matter with the Department of Social and Family Affairs, I hope we will be allowed to raise those issues. Perhaps we could notify the Department that we wish to raise those issues as well as the question of missionaries getting pensions in the developing country in which they work. I thank the Minister of State and his officials for all their help.

Decentralisation was the focus of Deputy Allen's first remarks. Of the 123 people that we require to move to Limerick, to date 42 people are prepared to move. The Deputy is correct to highlight the risk factors. When we spoke about this in the Dáil on Question Time, we published our risk assessment and it is available to the public on the website. That equates to 33% of the staff requirement we will need if we are to meet the deadline of moving to Limerick by early 2007.

Are these people from within the Department?

Are they from within DCI?

The 33% represents the figure from the Department of Foreign Affairs as distinct from DCI.

I asked about DCI.

Some 26 of the 42 are from my own division. There was some confusion on Question Time on the last occasion about this question where one was relying on the central applications facility, CAF, only. The figure is 33% of the requirement. Within DCI we would feel strongly that we would need from the OPW, particularly at this stage in the next few months, some certainty on an available building in Limerick if we are to execute this move successfully. I will be writing to my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, about the urgency of getting a building. It is difficult to convince staff to move to a location when it is not clear which office they will occupy there.

Deputy Allen also raised the issue of the need for private sector involvement in the multilateral effort to counter AIDS. He is absolutely correct. In fact, that has already happened. The global fund for AIDS is precisely the kind of partnership which he pointed out and the European Union is a major contributor to the global fund. In other words, the global fund came into being precisely because of the concerns mentioned by Deputy Allen, namely, that there should be a much wider involvement in the financing of the response to the problems created by AIDS and other communicable diseases. The global fund's function was to be a more flexible funding instrument in which governments, multilateral institutions, donor countries such as Ireland and the private sector could make a contribution, and that has occurred. It has been a relatively successful model within the UN system. Having said that, there is an enormous problem as regards underfunding. The Taoiseach and I met Dr. Peter Piot, executive director of UNAIDS, during our recent visit to New York. He spoke of a funding shortfall of €8 billion relating to the whole area of treatment and prevention of HIV-AIDS. Clearly, that is one of the signal reasons we decided to double our assistance to €100 million, which will be spent year on year on HIV-AIDS. To be brutally honest, I cannot see that diminishing.

When we announced the doubling of the figure in New York, it drew a good deal of attention around the UN building. As we expand the programme in coming years, I can foresee this being doubled again. Obviously we will not enter into a process of doubling it again unless we are absolutely sure it will be spent effectively with partner organisations and countries that can absorb the increases and deliver on the ground in a meaningful way. There is no way that the moneys for enhanced levels of assistance can be delivered effectively unless the whole charity project posed by HIV-AIDS is challenged head on. Clearly, the human capacity of Africa is being robbed by the disease and unless prevention is at the forefront of our initiatives, nothing will be achieved in terms of our wider development assistance.

The figures are stark. In one of our partner countries more teachers are dying from HIV-AIDS than are being produced by the training colleges. In Zambia alone there are 700,000 AIDS orphans. Right across the continent of Africa the figure is of the order of 7 million AIDS orphans. That is storing up enormous cultural, social and political problems for those countries in terms of their wider development issues.

As regards the central emergency response fund, the situation outlined is correct in terms of Pakistan. I met the Pakistani ambassador recently and he pleaded with me and I agreed to write to European and other donors, like-minded to Ireland, who have not pledged to date. However, I note that President Musharraf, in his comments about the underfunding of this particular appeal, has pointedly appealed to the Islamic or Muslim countries to contribute more. Obviously that is something he can do, and I cannot. However, I can say on behalf of Ireland that we have been timely and appropriate in our response. The €5 million we have given to date, on a per capita basis, is way above what has been given by other countries. We are anxious to help and assist more. We see ourselves as being proactive and contributing much more in terms of the recovery phase. If and when matters move on, the recovery phase will have an impact for us on two levels.

On the pensions issue raised by the Deputy, there is mixed news. We are still in discussions with the Department of Social and Family Affairs. However, I am informed that missionaries who are eligible for pensions can now receive them in the countries of their mission. That particular problem is at an end and agreement has been reached between the Department of Social and Family Affairs and the Irish Missionary Resource Service over how it may alert its people to the situation as it develops. We are trying to decide how we may resolve the final issue as regards how they may receive their pensions.

How are they eligible if they have spent 50 years in Africa?

I can communicate with the Deputy on this by way of a letter, but I understand they are eligible for pensions in the countries in which they serve. Some degree of consensus has been achieved on that issue. I am not clear of the detail and will be delighted to come back to the Deputy with this information, and to Senator Kitt as well, who also raised that issue.

As regards the other issue raised by Deputy Michael D. Higgins, it is not a question of Development Co-operation Ireland versus the OECD. We appreciate the role played by both organisations. Over the years, by tradition and on an ongoing basis, UNCTAD has been a major recipient of funding from the Irish development programme. Part of the €1 million I referred to in terms of improving the capacity of people to negotiate and trade on their own behalf will be going to UNCTAD.

We have no particular difficulty with UNCTAD. We find——

I have suggested the United Nations Economic Commission in Geneva as the other organisation which is preferable to the OECD.

I will examine that suggestion but, obviously, we also value the relationship with the OECD.

The proposed audit of the Everything But Arms agreement is a timely suggestion and I will raise it with my European colleagues. I disagree with Deputy Michael D. Higgins in respect of the EPAs. I do not believe they are an attempt to reimpose matters that may not have been ceded at earlier trade talks. I accept that they are misunderstood to such an extent that I brought them to the attention of my ministerial colleagues and to that of the Commissioner last May. There has been considerable concern regarding the lack of consultation with partner countries in the development of these instruments. I raised the matter at European level and we are now getting much more positive responses from the Commission. The development ministers are conducting a kind of monitoring brief on how those negotiations progress. However, Deputy Michael D. Higgins is correct in that there were concerns among both partner countries and NGOs about the development of those instruments.

Nevertheless, the instruments are designed primarily to improve south to south trade, that is, trade between developing countries, which is the key issue. If one considers the continent of Africa, I would argue that greater regional integration within markets in Africa would be of far more benefit than a massive or seismic breakthrough at the Hong Kong talks. In the course of Ireland's development experience, a big European market was an enormous contributor to our net national wealth and worth. Equally, if market access was improved in a similar fashion in Africa, there would be much change and improvement there.

I have dealt with the issue regarding staffing. I believe we have the financial capacity and will receive the human resources capacity. I do not sense any major resistance to our plans to expand our human resources capability in order to match the expansion of the programme from the Minister for Finance, Deputy Cowen. At present, extra staff are required urgently, given the relocation to Limerick and the obvious increases in funding we have received to date over the last two years. Hence, I do not sense any strong resistance from the Department of Finance.

Is a capacity report a minimum requirement for the Minister of State?

While I am currently engaged in strenuous negotiations with the Department of Finance regarding this matter, I hope there will be relatively good news in this regard. As a Minister, I am not in favour of supervising a Department which faced such acute shortages that it could not deliver the value for money that is demanded of this programme. Hence, I wish to reassure the Deputy as much as possible in this respect.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins mentioned the rights-based approach as well as decommissioning what he called the "imperial mindset". He is absolutely correct and there is real danger, when dealing with, talking about and addressing our partner countries in Africa, of people relapsing into a quasi-imperial or neo-imperial mindset. Many improvements have already occurred in Africa since the end of the Cold War, which is why the international community has chosen and decided to improve the quality and level of assistance from the year 2005 onwards. I believe there has been an increase of approximately 50% in the number of elected governments on the continent of Africa, which is a real improvement. It is not often historically recognised, here or elsewhere, in the development debate that Africa was a unique victim of the Cold War, in that it was used as a political plaything by both sides in the conflict. During the period of independence in the late 1950s and 1960s, countries in Africa became victims of the Cold War and while they should have made much more progress, they were prevented from so doing because they became tools in a much wider global game.

I believe I have addressed most of the issues in respect of UNCTAD. Senator Kitt's question in respect of the missionaries has also been addressed and I will send him a specific note with the detail of that proposition. I thank the committee for its questions and I am willing to answer further questions if they arise.

I thank the Minister of State for his comprehensive replies and for his contribution. On 22 November, the joint committee will discuss the WTO. Perhaps he will arrange for some of his officials to attend. We hope to have the Ministers for Agriculture and Food and Enterprise, Trade and Employment or their officials here on that occasion. Perhaps the Minister of State might arrange for some of his officials to come because I expect that the three Departments will be represented at the talks.

I would be delighted to attend personally if the other Ministers are there.

I thank the Minister of State. I also thank his officials — including Mr. Noel Purcell-O'Byrne, who was here on behalf of the Minister but who arrived two minutes after we started and so was not mentioned earlier — for their attendance.

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