What can I say? I offer my apologies to the Chair.
I thank the committee for the opportunity to address the citizens' assembly’s recommendations with it. I will start by making some comments about the gendered dimensions of family caring. About half a million people in Ireland provide care in the home and they save the State some €20 billion a year. According to the census of population, which frankly we do not consider a terribly reliable source of information with regard to caring in Ireland, 61% of carers are women. The social protection statistics do not correlate with that because across the three care-related social protection schemes, the vast majority of recipients are women.
Some 77% of claimants of carer's allowance are women and it is 83% for carer's benefit.
According to the EU Gender Equality Index, not only do female carers outnumber men - somebody made the valid point that a significant number of men provide care - care is also provided in gendered ways. Women tend to provide more intimate and intensive forms of care than men, such as bathing and dressing, incontinence care and support with complex tasks. While this is not universal, men’s contribution is more likely to be concentrated in care management, household maintenance, shopping and transportation.
A 2019 study, Caring and Unpaid Work in Ireland, undertaken by the ESRI and the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission, IHREC, found that 55% of those providing unpaid care juggle their caring responsibilities with paid employment and that on average women spend twice as much time on care work as men. This substantial gender gap persists even among men and women doing the same amount of paid work. The gender imbalance in care provision has obvious policy implications for how we reconcile care and employment, how we encourage greater male participation in care, and address the clear connection between caring responsibilities in the home and gender inequality in the labour market. A redistribution of care responsibilities between men and women, as well as between the family and the State, is therefore critical to achieving gender equality.
My colleague, Clare Duffy, and I will be happy to discuss any of the nine recommendations later in this session. For the moment, I want to highlight our position on three of them: the amendment of Article 41.2; replacing carer's allowance with a new social contract for care; and terms and conditions of those in paid employment as home care workers. Care in the home is dependent on services provided by a very underappreciated cohort of the labour force.
Regarding amendment of Article 41.2, I am not sure if Ms Hughes misspoke on this because I do not believe we disagree on it. The wording of Article 41.2 is clearly unacceptable. We favour amending the article rather than deleting it. I know Ms Hughes said delete and amend. There was a big debate about whether it should be deleted. We see real value in it. If the problematic language is taken away, there is acknowledgment of the value of care in the home and we believe it is important to retain that. We welcome the recommendation that the article be amended so that is not gender-specific in its language and obliges the State to take reasonable measures to support care in the home. That is important.
There are basically three systems relating to a legal definition around Europe. There is the Scandinavian system where the state takes the lead responsibility and looks to the family to provide secondary support. In countries like Estonia the family has a legal responsibility and the state maintains that because the family must do it, the state wants nothing to do with it. Portugal is probably a good exemplar where it is the family's responsibility but it is written into its constitution that the state recognises and acknowledges its responsibility to support families. We believe we should be moving towards that kind of model. To be fair, that is what the assembly recommended.
The rewording of Article 41.2 also offers a unique opportunity to define where ultimate responsibility for care should lie. We are unusual in Europe in that we do not have any legal definition of this. In the sense that we do not have any definition it could be argued that it could go any way. Our strong feeling is that the likeliest consensus is a model where the family has lead responsibility and the State has a responsibility to support. The assembly endorsed that and we agree.
I will not propose a specific wording for the new article now because it is better to take a principles-led approach. We would like to see the article reflect the following principles: explicit recognition of the value of unpaid care provided by both men and women; acknowledgment of a comprehensive range of caring relationships and family types, which is clearly an issue as our society changes and evolves; an obligation on the State to provide adequate support to those providing unpaid care across all areas of Government policy because we sometimes tend to see care as something to do with the health system and perhaps the social welfare system, but housing and transport are also critical in this; and respect for a person’s right to respite from caring, to cease caring and to balance care with paid work.
Generally speaking, many family carers start caring somewhat unconsciously and they do not identify as carers. As their caring responsibilities progress and increase, they suddenly realise they are in a dependency relationship. They are creating dependency for the person they are caring for. I have been on that journey, and it is a terrifying point to reach. In a sense, the carer is signing up for a lifetime gig after that. The terrifying bit is that the carer is signing up in the sure and certain knowledge that there is no support to allow the carer to take a break or being able to say at some stage, "I can't cope anymore. I am 77 now. I've got a bad back. I can't look after my 94-year-old mother." By the way, I am not 77. I am just giving an example. It is really important for that to be reflected in some way in this development.
The second concept relates to the social contract for care as we call it. We need to be more ambitious in our support for family carers. Our pre-budget submission for 2023 calls for a fundamental reform in how the State categorises, compensates and values family carers. Our proposals are ambitious but not unreasonable given the Government’s legislative and policy agenda which is contributing to the formalisation of informal care and increasing society’s reliance on family carers, and exploring new forms of long-term income support.
Our analysis of the history of the carer's allowance and the limitations that derive from its classification as an income support rather than a basic or participation income are set out in an appendix to these opening remarks. I do not have time to do justice to them now. They may be summed up as follows. The current carer's allowance is not financially adequate to address the costs of caring. The carer's allowance is gender-biased and overly restrictive. A basic income for artists scheme is being piloted and the National Economic and Social Council, NESC, is recommending a participation income scheme. We believe the carer's allowance should be replaced by a scheme modelled on these.
At a minimum, the payment should be pitched at the equivalent of the terms of the foster care scheme. Adults looking after children who are not their own and where those children have additional needs are given almost €600 per week, tax free and exempt from means testing. However, a family looking after their own child with serious needs get a maximum of €302, if they are lucky, subject to a means test. Members of the committee will be looking at the budget in due course. As an interim measure, we suggest that the carer's benefit and allowance should be increased to €325 per week, bringing it in line with the basic income for artists. The weekly means test disregard should be increased to €1,000 for a couple and €500 for an individual.
The final issue relates to the pay and conditions for home care workers. This is important because the family care system depends on home care workers and care assistants. We note the assembly’s recommendations on improvements in the terms and conditions, training and progression opportunities for those in paid employment as carer workers. The quality of home care is more dependent on the quality of front-line care workers than any other factor. For this reason, Family Carers Ireland as an employer of home care workers and an advocate acting on behalf of family carers is doubly concerned with the quality of employment of home care workers as fundamental to developing and sustaining a quality care system.
There is currently a critical shortage of home care workers. While this is often attributed to poor terms and conditions in the sector, the role of State commissioning in setting prices and promoting an unsustainable race to the bottom is routinely overlooked. The delivery of the statutory home support scheme is dependent on having access to a skilled pool of home care workers available across the country.
It is important that future legislative changes provide for a system that will enable this to happen. At a minimum, this requires parity of terms and conditions, including pay rates and travel time and expenses for all home care workers, including those employed by the HSE and contracted providers. We need graduated pay rates to reflect different levels of qualification and experience required for different levels of complexity in client need. This would allow a potential career pathway for those choosing to make a career of care work.
We need to address issues on the interface between care work and social protection schemes, notably anomalies relating to the four out of seven-day rule whereby somebody who is working and getting paid for 24 hours over three days may claim a partial jobseeker's allowance for the other days. If they work one hour a day for four days, however, they cannot claim anything, which is a rather strange anomaly. We need to move away from the casual employment model implicit in agency contracts in the home care sector which represent a significant factor in the interface with social protection schemes. Why would carers give up a social protection benefit which is at least constant on the basis that they will get paid €200 this week but have no guarantee of being paid anything next week.
The final requirement entails policies to promote gender balance and attract more male care workers to the sector.
I thank the members for their time and attention this morning. Ms Duffy and I will be happy to answer any questions in due course.