I beg to move:—
"That Seanad Eireann desires to record its conviction that the best interests of Ireland will be served by co-operation with the League of Nations, and requests the Executive Council to apply on behalf of Saorstát Eireann for membership of the League at the earliest convenient opportunity."
The reason why I bring forward this motion is mainly in order if possible to create a certain amount of public interest in the League of Nations and in the question as to whether Ireland should become a member, or should not. The motion is in no way critical of the Government. I know nothing of their exact intention in the matter, but it has been more or less understood that if the public generally supported them they intended at the proper time to apply for membership in the League. I have carefully worded the resolution so as not to state the exact time, because I recognise while it is for the people of Ireland to say whether they wish to be members of the League or not, it is for the Executive to decide the exact time at which application could be made, and the exact manner and the proper way of making it. Some years ago our leaders made many efforts to obtain membership of, or recognition by, the League of Nations. For reasons which we may not discuss now, they were not successful. The whole position has been changed by the Treaty. We are now in a position from which we can consider whether or not we desire to be members of the League, knowing with confidence that we have an absolute, unquestioned right to apply, and if we do apply there is every reasonable expectation that we will be admitted. The reasons urged against application, I should like to deal with first. They are mainly two. The first one is that if we do become a member of the League our position will be a somewhat inferior one, and not of much value.
The second argument is that the League itself is of very little value as an instrument for world peace, and until there is what may be called a real League of Nations we should stand aside. I should like to deal briefly with those two main arguments against our seeking admission. First of all I will take the argument that our position would be an inferior one. At the present time, by virtue of our having agreed to the Treaty, we are members of the British Commonwealth of Nations. All the other independent members of the Commonwealth are members of the League, and they are members of the League on exactly the same basis and with the same conditions, terms, and powers, as nations such as Switzerland, Holland, Spain, and many other nations in a similar position. They have a right to vote with or against, in the assembly of the League, other members of the Commonwealth. They can vote against or with England as they so desire. They have the right to three representatives on the Assembly of the League, and the right to one vote. That is exactly the same representation on the Assembly as any Power has. They have no actual right to representation on the Council, but they have the right to stand for election on the Council, by the Assembly.
While I think it is extremely unlikely, in the near future, that one of the Dominions would be elected on the Council, it is by no means impossible, when this Nation takes her right place in Europe, in the course of a few years, that we may find we have a place on that Council. In any case we would have the same right to election, if we applied, as any of the other nations which are regarded as absolutely independent. The position, then, if we did seek for admission, would be by no means a subordinate one, but one of dignity. I think that is the complete answer to that argument which I have on many occasions heard used. The second one is one which I confess I have a good deal of sympathy with, and which at one time I was inclined to agree with. I think we must admit the League of Nations is by no means what it might be. We must admit that a League which does not include the United States amongst its members, and which does not include Germany or Russia, is not a complete world League of Nations, and must of necessity be limited in its powers and operations. We must admit largely because of that reason it has been unable to achieve anything in such difficulties as have arisen, for instance, in the Ruhr.
We must also admit there has been a recent tendency of the Council to ignore the Assembly, or to attempt, at any rate, to usurp some of the powers which the Assembly might have. I grant these things. I would, however, suggest this: where you have got a League, which includes 44 nations, that League is obviously the means by which improvements will come. Even if we desired it, it is not at all likely that the present League of Nations will be abolished, and some new and better League set up. By gradual pressure and by gradual enlightenment of opinion the League will improve its own position by the inclusion of these nations and by the assertion of the right of the Assembly of the League to discuss and influence the decisions of the League.
Already we have seen signs that the United States shows an inclination to co-operate with the League. It is very clear from a debate which I listened to in the English House of Commons that there is a strong feeling there that Germany should be invited to membership in the League, and Russia is also likely to be called in. Already means are being taken to improve the effectiveness of the League itself, but I should also like to point out that it is in the more spectacular work of the League in which it has, up to the present, to some extent proved a failure. I am informed that to a considerable extent on labour matters the League is by no means a failure. On certain social questions and problems, particularly the White Slave Traffic, the League has done a great deal of work, and in a quiet way its commissions have achieved a great deal.
As to main reasons why we as a nation should apply for membership, my first reason is that the very act of application, and admission into the League, would be a public admission and recognition by the world of our independent national status, and for that reason, if for no other, we would be wise to make application. My second reason is that membership of the League can be recognised as safeguarding the position which we have achieved and hope to hold. Let us read one or two Clauses of the League:—
"The Members of the League agree that if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to inquiry by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the report by the Council.
"In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute.
"The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration.
"Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration.
"For the consideration of any such dispute the court of arbitration to which the case is referred shall be the court agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any convention existing between them.
"The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award that may be rendered and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award, the Council shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.
"Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary-General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council.
"It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threaten to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends."
It has been suggested with a certain amount of reason that, owing to the nature of the Council in which at present four of the greatest nations have the right of membership, together with four other nations, the submission of matters to that Council is not much of a safeguard to small nations, but there is one very important fact in connection with the constitution of the League which I have found in discussions here has been overlooked. That is, that any party to the dispute has first of all the right to attend the Council, and, secondly, the right to demand, without any power to refuse on the part of the Council, that the dispute shall be taken before the whole Assembly. That is of considerable importance. I suggest, therefore, that it would be in our interest, from the national point of view, that we should be members of the League.
The third reason, which I regard as of very great importance, is that it would of necessity bring us into friendly relations with European Powers, a matter of great importance to this small country. We would take part in various commissions on various questions, and the taking part in those would of necessity bring us into relationship with foreign Powers. It would strengthen our position in Europe, and altogether would improve the position of Ireland in the world as a whole. It is important, too, to notice the point that President Wilson referred to on the introduction of the League, and that is that arrangements by which the representation should be three would make it possible that other interests than those of the Government concerned should be represented if that were thought fit by the nation concerned. We are, unlike the Dominions of the Commonwealth, a European nation, and we are far more vitally interested in the affairs of Europe than they are. We would be far more adversely affected by a European war than they would be, and conversely we are far more interested in the development of Europe than they are. Although we do not always recognise it here, our economic relations are affected by the unsatisfactory position in Europe, and it is a matter of great importance that we should take an interest in affairs outside our own nation. Owing to the conditions of the times we have to take great interest in matters at home which are not small from our point of view, but small taking the world as a whole.
My fourth reason appeals to me most. If we take this action and apply for membership of the League we shall be coming down definitely on the side of internationalism and international co-operation. I do not believe in what is called cosmopolitanism. I do not believe in trying to make all nations similar. The meaning of internationalism suggests itself in the name. It suggests co-operation amongst various nations with various ideas, different culture, and different conceptions of the ideal of life. Above these differences is the common good in which they are prepared to cooperate. I should like to see our nation, small though it may be, represented on the League. I believe it would be good if we came out now and showed that the nationalism which we advocated is not a narrow one, but a nationalism which can be a part of internationalism. I think it would add to a sense of responsibility amongst our own people. We cannot expect to be treated as men if we act as foolish children. We cannot expect to have a large part in trying to prevent international war if we cannot find a way in which the will of our own people can be settled without fighting. We cannot expect that our nation will be admitted, respected and recognised by the community of nations if we cannot see further than our own cabbage patch, and I suggest that the very act of applying for admission into the League of Nations will have the tendency of creating an interest outside our own country, and that of itself would strengthen and add to the sense of responsibility of the Irish people.
On this interesting and important subject there is one other point I wish to mention, and that is that it has been definitely established without any question that in any Treaty which may be made by the King on behalf of the British Commonwealth the assent of all the Parliaments in that Commonwealth will have to be given. The Treaty of Versailles was only signed by the various statesmen after the assent of the different Parliaments in the Commonwealth. It is, perhaps, not too much to think or hope that before long some such amendment or alteration of the Treaty may take place, and we may find ourselves asked to express our assent or disagreement to some such proposal for the signature of Ireland to a Treaty. If we are to do that we shall have to take an intelligent interest in foreign affairs, and I suggest that admission to the League of Nations would help to create that interest and make us better fitted to deal with subjects which must of necessity come before us, but in the main I ask you to pass this resolution, because I think that admission would make clear our own independent national status. It would throw our lot in with the nations of the world, and lead to co-operation with European countries which would definitely place Ireland on the side of an international policy.
