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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Mar 1926

Vol. 6 No. 13

UPKEEP AND MAINTENANCE OF MAIN ROADS AND TRUNK ROADS OF SAORSTÁT.

I move:—

"That in the opinion of the Seanad the upkeep and maintenance of the main roads and trunk roads of Saorstát Eireann should be made a national charge."

The motion standing in my name for discussion here to-day is no stranger to any of us. Such a proposal in one form or another has appeared repeatedly in the public Press during the last four or five years, but up to the present I have not seen anywhere an intelligent discussion on so important a proposition. The handing over of the trunk and main roads of the Saorstát for maintenance by the State will ultimately be shown to be either a right policy or a wrong one. More likely, perhaps, some middle course will be decided on as the most desirable. At this stage I do not desire to press my views very definitely. My intention is to arouse discussion on a matter of great public concern, and acting in the spirit of the Cathaoir-leach's suggestion I am convinced that a debate in this House on a matter of so much importance to the economic life of the Saorstát cannot fail to be helpful to those who must ultimately find a solution. As I have already indicated, the subject is controversial but without committing myself to any definite proposals I cannot fail to be impressed with the information in my possession, that most European countries and most of the American States have for their leading roads, adopted a system of State control either altogether or in part. France, of course, is the great example, whose national routes were in existence entirely under State control before the time of Napoleon and were, until the war at all events, a model to the entire world. I regret to say that I fear the condition of the roads of France is not in a satisfactory condition at present. Other countries followed the example of France, and to-day there is scarcely a country in Europe where the State system of control is not in operation in some or every degree, as regards their main roads.

England was the last important European country to adopt the system of partial State control and with characteristic British caution it was begun about 1909 in a very tentative way, and consisted merely of a system of State subsidies to local authorities who, having got the grant remained the administrative authority. About the end of the war, the Road Board as we know it, gave way to the Ministry of Transport and with the aid of the country surveyors and their assistants a system of trunk and main roads, or as one might call them, national routes of the 1st class and 2nd class were scheduled, and the proposal was that the State should pay 50 per cent. of the cost of the maintenance and repair of the 1st class and 25 per cent. of similar work of the second class.

Hitherto it should be noted the Road Board merely contributed towards the cost of special improvements and nothing towards general maintenance. For some time prior to the establishment of the Ministry of Transport the question as to whether there was an obligation on the State to pay for the maintenance as well as the improvement of the main roads, was hotly debated, and was decided in the affirmative by a Royal Commission on Local Taxation in 1901, and by a Departmental Committee on highways in 1903. Thus, at the present day the local authorities in England, Scotland and Wales and Northern Ireland are relieved of the cost of ordinary maintenance to the extent of 50 per cent. on first class roads, and 25 per cent. on second class roads, as well as receiving a contribution towards all approved special improvements of about 50 per cent. This scheme is, of course, in operation also in the Six Counties, as I have indicated, where it has been given an extension in this manner. The Six County Government contributes 60 per cent. of the cost of maintenance of first class roads, 25 per cent. of the cost of the second class roads, and about 15 per cent. of the cost of the third class roads, and in addition, the local authorities receive a contribution of about 50 per cent. towards the execution of special works of improvement. It may be said that the Free State contributes considerable sums towards special improvements within its area, and that I freely admit, but if there is a case for State intervention in the case of special improvements, there is surely as strong a case for State intervention in the case of maintenance, as it is the traffic for which they are improved, in order that they may adequately carry it, that eventually wears them out.

Now, let me say again that I do not desire to put forward quite definite views at this juncture, but I do think I have made a case for serious discussion, and let me hope, also, whatever decision is come to here to-day, that this matter will not be allowed to drop until we here have thrashed it out thoroughly and in the best interests of the State. I am aware that the railway interests are opposed to any considerable improvement in the roads, at all events to the extent of developing existing competition with the railways. As a railway shareholder, I am not naturally forgetful of the fact that the development of the highway borne traffic could reach a stage which would mean death or the next worst thing to the railways; and one must not forget that it would be serious to do violence in that degree in a poor country to so many people who have invested a good part of their savings in railway stock, not to talk of the many institutions, charitable or otherwise, that depend for a good part of their income on railway dividends. Here, too, however, discussion may reveal a solution. It would be wrong in any case to ever again allow the railways an undisputed monopoly, for the high railway freights which would result would be one of the greatest hindrances to economic development. If by any chance such a monopoly should again come into being, I for one would work strenuously for reasonable but effective State supervision of all railway charges. There need be no monopoly whatever, for there is a middle course if we can fix it properly.

We must develop, by whatever means we can, our tourist traffic, and for that reason our national highways must be sufficiently good to attract the visitor with the motor car. In whatever form the State controls matters like these they can be satisfactorily adjusted in such a way that every interest can be considered and no interest I hope will receive more consideration than that of the farmers on the ground that it is they who above all others keep the wheels of the Free State revolving. I must not forget the labourers whose position at the present time is not nearly as good as what they are entitled to expect under a well-regulated State. I hope that whatever proposals are carried into effect they will mean more work for the labourers and less of the demoralising dole which in my experience is by no means liked by the best labourers in this country. In any case, the labourers deserve more con-consideration than they have received hitherto. I disagree with much of the criticisms that have been made on labour and I can certify from my own knowledge that the efficiency of labour on the county roads with which I am familiar is as high as could be expected. Now this question is a very serious one at the present time. As most Senators know, the country is not in a position to bear any higher taxation and if we are to provide for the traffic that our roads will have to maintain we will have to have increased taxation. Within the last 15 or 20 years the expenditure on the roads has trebled. No doubt we will be told that many grants had been made but I hold that the grants that had been made were not at all sufficient and I hold that we will never have proper roads under the present system. We must have some kind of central control before we can get the roads up to a uniform condition.

About two years ago I think the Government announced that they were going to give a large grant, something like one million of money, for road expenditure. I think the local authorities were a good deal disappointed in regard to that grant because from my experience I find that the grants we have received have partly come from local taxation, that is, from motor taxation, and from the Damage to Property Account. I think if we are to get our roads up to the standard required in Ireland it would be necessary that we would get at least some State aid. I hope the Government will take serious notice of the strong feeling that exists all over the country that sufficient taxation must be put on heavy lorries. Our roads were not built for carrying the heavy traffic placed upon them at the present time.

I remember, on the passing of the Local Government Act when we took to repairing the roads, we had to start at the foundations. We tried to build them up for the ordinary traffic, and the roads are certainly not fit to bear the new traffic that has since been put upon it. Therefore, I think if motor lorries are to be allowed to destroy our roads they must pay for them. The farming community at the present time can not afford to pay higher taxation, and I appeal to the members of the Seanad to impress upon the Government the necessity for immediate legislation either in the form of State control or partial State control, or whatever other method they consider best in this matter. I hope the Government will take serious notice of the necessity of introducing legislation at the proper time to deal with heavy motor traffic. I am convinced, and I speak from experience, that if the Government do not take up this matter immediately they will not be able to put their legislation in force in connection with this matter before January next. This is a very serious matter. Even in Northern Ireland they have come to see the necessity for increasing the taxes on motor lorries. Something must be done in the Saorstát, and I hope the result of this discussion will enable us to arrive at some proper solution of this question. The ratepayers are not able to bear any more taxation in regard to the roads; they have made great efforts to keep them up to a reasonable standard; they have gone as far as they can, and it is now for the State to try and assist in whatever manner they think right to maintain the roads at a proper standard.

I beg to second the motion. Senator Toal has told us that the effect of his motion will mean increased taxation. Those of us who are unlucky enough to pay some little taxes know that the country is not in a position to spend any more money on national taxation. I would make this suggestion to Senator Toal as an alternative means of revenue: that the Minister for Finance should consider the taxation of one or other of the trusts that supply oil, which is the main motor power for all heavy transport. Ireland at the present time is supplied with oil by four different trusts. We are told it is good for trade to have competition.

The only competition I see existing at the moment is that between the heavy lorries delivering petrol to the various towns. That may be of some interest to the farmers and others who watch these fellows racing along the roads, but it is not of any possible benefit to the people who buy petrol. The price of petrol is a flat price, and it is now and has been a higher price than that in London. Up to lately the price of petrol here was 2d. per gallon more than in London, and it is now 1d. more. I would suggest to the Minister that instead of having four competing companies with a flat price he should give the total supply of petrol to one company and the Government should make the price themselves. That would eliminate three-quarters of the wear and tear on the roads. There is not a very great difference in petrol; it is all practically the same sort of material. If the price were fixed at a flat rate based on the London price of petrol the users in this country would get their oil at the London price. A royalty could be levied on the oil supplies.

The oil used in this country would be about twenty million gallons, and I suggest that a royalty of threepence per gallon would produce £250,000. On that a capital sum of £4,000,000 could be borrowed, which could be devoted straight off to the reconstruction of the roads, which, as Senator Toal wants, would be under State control. I think that the Seanad might embody that suggestion in Senator Toal's motion.

Unfortunately I was away on 3rd March when the Cathaoirleach mentioned the business of the Seanad. He said there were several matters in which many Senators here were quite qualified to give a lead to public opinion, and at any rate to impress the public with the conviction that so far as we can we are anxious for a full and free discussion on these matters. I agree with that entirely, but I fear you, sir, have let loose a flood of oratory which it will be difficult to stem. Senators must now settle definitely and decisively the affairs of the nation, and in a satisfactory manner, I am sure. You will listen, sir, with forbearing patience to all we have to say. I must inform you candidly that I shall not play a lone hand in this matter. I have listened with much interest to Senator Toal's long statement on his motion, but surely it is a very old story calling on the Government to help in this matter. We have heard that for many years in this country, and I thought we had rather done with that sort of thing. It reminds one of the resolutions that used to be passed and put into every local paper one had the misfortune to read.

Not only does the Senator call on the Government, but practically his motion is nationalisation of our highways. Are we going to nationalise our highways, for that is what it amounts to? I feel myself borne on the wings of fancy to the big square of Moscow where Socialism is preached and Communism is worshipped as a god. I am quite ready to have that statement refuted. The nationalisation of our main and trunk roads is an extreme which I doubt this Senate will reach. I ask myself what really is the object of this motion? Is it to relieve the farmer from paying rates, or is it a move on Senator Toal's part because he feels that a general election is looming in the distance in 1927? If it is to relieve the farmer of his rateable dues, one must remember that he uses the roads like other citizens. In a small State like ours of twenty-six counties, the motor traffic is intensive, and what is more, the motor traffic has come to stay. That has been argued in this House many times, and I have had much pleasure in listening to it. Imagine the roads without motors, as I and many here have seen them. The farmer drove his produce to the nearest railway station, and he had to pay dearly for freightage. Now he sends his produce by his own car or his own lorry. He loads it up at his farm, and unloads it at the market which suits him. There is only one loading and one unloading. Anyone who understands trade will say that that is the proper way under modern conditions to carry on trade. Does the farmer want the present state of affairs entirely done away with? I imagine he does not. If not, what does he want?

I fail to find any constructive policy whatever in the motion put forward by Senator Toal. The Senator calls on the Government to supply funds, and then he says that the farmer objects to overtaxation. He further says that the heavy lorries are cutting up the roads. Well, we all know that. If the State pays for the upkeep of the main and the trunk roads the money must be found somewhere, and it can only be acquired by increased taxation. The Senator has answered himself twice in his address. Everyone, not only in this country but on the other side of the water, is howling about taxation, and I feel inclined to howl with the loudest of them. That form of grumbling is excessively satisfactory to the individual, but the masses take not the smallest notice of these disgruntled people, or anyone else. They want to get to the nearest market to buy or sell as expeditiously and comfortably as they can. Possibly we are all now motorists. If we cannot afford a motor we ride a push-bike; failing that, we take a horse-drawn vehicle, or an ass's car; failing that shanks' mere, the latter being slow but sure, especially when one is driving his pigs, cattle, geese or turkeys to his favourite fair. I hope the Seanad will not pass this motion. It leads to nothing and is only a pious opinion, but it does this: it is asking the Government for more money. I want to know where that money is to come form? I do not see any way whatever of getting it. The Senator suggested that there should be a tax on lorries. Senator Parkinson said that the price of petrol would go up. Well, that cuts both ways. He knows that as well as I do. I therefore feel that the Senator has led us into a blind alley and I am not going to follow him. If this goes to a division I shall go into the division lobby against the Senator.

May I ask the leave of the Seanad to treat the motion standing in my name as an amendment?

CATHAOIRLEACH

I think that would be the simplest way.

I am sorry that I have to leave.

CATHAOIRLEACH

I will look after the motion for you.

I would like to say that I am afraid that I explained myself badly, so badly that the Earl of Mayo got quite a wrong impression of what I said about petrol. As a matter of fact the price would not be more than the London price which is one penny below the price in Dublin.

CATHAOIRLEACH

I do not think the Earl of Mayo misunderstood you at all. What he meant to say was that if your idea was carried out—having one company to supply the petrol—that that would raise the price.

That is what I said—that it would not raise the price. It would be based on the London prices.

The Minister will remember that during the discussion on the Local Government Bill last year I struck a note of warning and suggested—not with any sinister intent—that certain events would happen which have actually happened—that in many counties the ratepayers in the form of the farmers would obtain control of the councils and that they would be driven in their economy along the line of least resistance. I said that this would mean a reduction of expenditure on the roads. The councils would naturally be reluctant to reduce expenditure on the services of the poor, and in many other respects their hands were tied. Now the roads were the only item of expenditure which they could reduce. I pointed out those things. That has now happened, and we are faced with a problem of considerable magnitude, and one which we must view with alarm. The expenditure in this coming year on our roads is below the limit which will enable the roads to be maintained satisfactorily. Further, once the roads begin to deteriorate, they will deteriorate rapidly, and then we will be met with an enormous capital expenditure to put those roads right again. Now, I did not move this motion to embarrass the Government. I fully appreciate their difficulties. The problem is one of intense complexity, not only on its technical side, but on its financial side. It is a policy which must be approached with regard to long views. No hand-to-mouth method of treatment to meet all this will bring us any nearer to a solution, but will in fact land us in further perplexities.

We have further to recognise at the outset that motor transport has come to stay. Motor transport is civilising in its effect in so far as rapid locomotion can be said to have a civilising influence. I think, however, that that civilising influence is much exaggerated, because it has led to trouble in the way of nerves and restlessness. However, in ordinary parlance, this mechanical perfection of rapid locomotion is regarded by most of us as having a civilising influence. The present Lord Balfour had in the eighties the problem of developing congested districts by light railways. We have the problem before us all the time. The obvious method would be to improve the roads and rely on motor transport with all the flexibility it possesses, to support the needs of transport. There are, in this motor transport, possibilities for future enterprise. We all know that if they wished it, our railways to-day could not raise capital, and any extension of transport service, if we are going to rely on private enterprise must be met out of the development of motor service. The present difficulty of competition between the roads and the railways which is carried on to the serious deterioration of the roads is the outcome of economic causes, to that extent that motors can provide certain services to the public at a certain cost. Naturally, the owners of the motor service have no special regard to the harm they do to the roads. They try to supply the service. In so far as it is competition to benefit the consumer, it must be respected.

I am afraid that the tendency all along the line in this as in all economic affairs is to ignore the third of the three parties—Labour, capital, and the consumer. And the consumer is a very important party. I regard the development of motor services as the best protection the consumer could have for cheaper transport. I notice the tendency of syndicalism—a combination of capital and the workers to entrench themselves to the detriment of the consumer. If we unduly restrict the development of our road service beyond what is wise and necessary in the interests of road finance, we may bring about that state of affairs and entrench certain interests in the railway service to the detriment of the consumer which should be the first consideration of the State. The policy of the State, therefore, should be one of a minimum restriction so as not to dry up all the living springs of individual effort and capitalistic enterprise. The benefit to the consumer, as distinct from those directly engaged in transport services, should be the main concern of the State.

Regarding the bearing on this subject of railways, I should say that the railways certainly should be allowed to compete with the roads on equal terms. Where the law prevents their doing so, the law should be amended and they should be given the necessary powers for equal competition. We hear a good deal about the contribution of railways to the rates for the maintenance of the roads. But when we come to an examination of the amount in detail we find that it is very considerably exaggerated. The railways pay 19 per cent. of their revenue in rates, and only 18 per cent. of that 19 per cent. goes to the roads. These are the figures for England. Now, with regard to the roads, the problem is so very difficult by virtue of the fact that a few vehicles can do a great deal of harm. I have been given information about a district where six lorries plying on the roads are calculated to do harm to the extent of twenty thousand pounds a year to the roads. That cannot be met merely by taxation. You cannot tax those lorries out of existence. That gets you so far and no farther. It does not recognise the necessity for encouraging motor services up to a certain point. It is merely a restriction on other services. The regulation of vehicles must be accepted undoubtedly and it is the first step.

But there is great danger if you do not proceed with caution, that you will limit the vehicles to the detriment of a progressive policy. I suggest that any regulations you make must be tentative and entirely as a matter of expediency. Your policy should be to improve all your roads, and a rather gradual abandonment of the policy of limitation. You must at first, before you get your roads in order, be satisfied with a considerable measure of restriction. I am not prepared to go into details. I would suggest a profitable restriction to the amount of a five-ton weight. But you must not be satisfied with that. There is a great danger that the Government would be satisfied with that. There must be a definite policy as to the improvement of the roads so that you would gradually lessen these restrictions, and ultimately arrive at a far higher axle weight. What the figure would be, or what the exact amount would be, I am not prepared just now to suggest.

The next point is what should be the regulating authority. Such regulations, as there are now, are quite unsuitable to meet the case. It is necessary, first of all, for the county councils to make application, then for the Minister to make an inquiry, and then for certain restrictions, on the result of that inquiry, to be enforced by the Order of the Minister. You cannot possibly deal with this matter on a county basis. These lorries are mainly on through service and they must be dealt with on all-Ireland basis. The Minister should have power to deal with them in this way; he has his Roads Advisory Board. Fresh legislation may be necessary, but there is also necessary a consolidation of the existing enactments. That is not an important matter, but it would be a convenience to have all those laws brought up to date. With regard to the immediate measures—I do not want to debate without putting forward constructive proposals—what I put forward, first, is the regulation of speed. I am not prepared to be cross-examined as to where the limit begins. Those lorries are limited to twelve miles an hour, but when they get out on a country road they go as fast as they like.

All the experts say that is where the harm is being done. I think the police are doing their best, but I also think that pressure should be brought on them to do more. If the heavy lorry, instead of doing, possibly, thirty or forty miles a day, is able, by increasing its speed, to double its distance that, of course, affects the finance of lorries. Their overhead charges are then being spread over double the mileage. I do not know what the powers are, but the regulation of tyres is important. All tyres do harm, and some people say rubber tyres do most harm, but it is obvious that rubber pneumatic tyres do less harm than iron tyres. Vehicles that use rubber should be favoured. The restriction of routes is not very important, because if you restrict them on one route, they will go on another and do harm. In certain cases however, the restriction of routes may be a useful auxiliary. The supervision of axle weights is most important. There are temporary portable weighing-machines manufactured for this purpose which can be used as surprise tests on lorries which are passing. Without a rapid determination of weights it is difficult to institute prosecutions for excessive weights, and whatever weights you decide on you want some means of rapid determination on the roads in order satisfactorily to sustain a prosecution.

With regard to finance, the main doctrine that users must pay is sound and it should be the headline for the whole of this advance on road-making. The horse-power tax is not in accordance with that principle. It has no regard to the amount of damage a vehicle does for the mileage it runs. The fuel tax is undoubtedly much more equitable. The Farmers' Union and Farmers' Congress are pressing for a fuel tax. I know owners of commercial engines, who use the same fuel as the motor vehicles, will be strongly tempted not to discriminate too closely between how the fuel is used and to use the tax-free fuel which he gets for his engine or motor vehicle. A certain moderate ration might be allowed for whatever the vehicle is and any fuel in excess of that should be taxed. It will be a case of rough justice but I think it will be just enough to fix the ration. I prefer the tax on fuel far more than the gradation of taxation according to the weight of the vehicle. All those gradations seem difficult and inequitable, at least, on the taxpayers. It is very hard to know where to begin and by what proportion to fix the tax. It would be far better to restrict all vehicles over a certain weight changing the varying restrictions as the roads improve, and then to allow all other vehicles to work on a fuel tax. That would be the fairest way to treat them. Now we come to the question that Senator Toal dealt with and that is the main roads and how they should be supported. I agree that the main roads should be a central charge subject to a contribution from the local rates. It would not be fair to free the local rates entirely of all charges on the main roads. There should be some basis worked out which represents the charge previous to the date when motors came into use, say 1904 or some date like that.

It would be quite possible to add a percentage representing recent prices and make it a fixed basis for five years from the local authorities to the Central Fund, if the central authorities would undertake all charges for the maintenance of the main roads, the local authority continuing to maintain secondary roads. When I say that, I do not mean that the Government should set up a separate Department. It could be carried out, as it was carried out in England, through the Executive of the County Councils, by paying all in excess of local charges. If they liked they could take power to remove county surveyors, even over the heads of local authorities, for not doing the work according to their requirements. The question of road construction finance is a most difficult one. You are met at once with conflicting difficulties between capital and maintenance. To reduce these, it is above all true that the first cost is in the end the cheapest. There is this to be said, that nothing could be more costly than the present system of road maintenance. Very considerable sums are spent on roads, but not enough for the traffic, and they fall to pieces within a year. The first thing most counties do is to stop tarring the roads. That is like building a house and leaving a lot of leaks in the roof. Within a short time it is damaged and in a few months such a road is as bad as it was before the repairs were undertaken. That is the difficulty. Unless you have considerable outlay and capital cost to put the road in a certain condition with modern traffic there is very heavy depreciation in a short time.

As regards finance, I suggest to the Minister that at least the Road Fund revenue might be capitalised. I would also suggest that certain roads which are main roads might be put in order to bear motor traffic up to a reasonable weight of vehicle. That would be, at least, so much to the good. I would not do it in all cases, as that would mean that there would be no funds for assisting in maintaining the other roads. I do not see why motor duties should not be ear-marked, and also the duties on motor parts, for the maintenance of roads for the motoring public, and portion of that, if not the whole, capitalised. My policy is that private enterprise in motor development must not be arrested; the consumer is the first consideration; lorry regulation decreasing in degree should be imposed; speeds and weights must be drastically controlled; there must be central regulation and central financing of all roads; and consolidation of laws, future and past.

An enormous asset to the roads in this country, apart altogether from their civilising influence, is the tourist. Large numbers of tourists who might come to this country would have their own motor cars. Tourists are always in search of a holiday in a country to which they can take their cars without restriction and where they can enjoy good roads. People of small means feel the effects of bad roads much more than others. Any Senator who has been on a holiday, as I was in France at one time, when the roads were bad, hesitates to return after such an experience. No more fertile means of encouraging tourists to a country can be suggested than the maintenance of the roads in good order. In addition to that, it is a source of progressive revenue for, as the roads get better, more people buy motor cars. The upkeep of a motor car is a serious consideration. Bad roads mean very considerable tyre and chassis damage. As the roads get better the maintenance of the car is reduced; more cars are in use, and more licence duty is paid. I impress upon the Government that such measures will do more than anything else to add to the amenities of life in this country and increase the revenues of the State. I move my motion as an amendment to Senator Toal's motion.

I was anxious to know what became of Senator Toal's motion.

CATHAOIRLEACH

I think it is still there. Senator O'Farrell wants to make an addition. When the debate is closed I will put Senator Toal's motion, and if it is rejected or passed I will put Senator Keane's motion.

It will be possible to discuss Senator Toal's motion on Tuesday. I wish to support his motion.

CATHAOIRLEACH

The only point open on Senator Toal's motion is the question whether the upkeep should be made a national charge or not. That is the only difference between Senator Toal's and Senator Keane's motions.

While agreeing with Senator Sir John Keane I would like to qualify his remarks to this extent, that it is a strange paradox that never were the roads of Ireland better than they are at present. Within the last few years we have never had better roads in the country than those made with macadam cement and Trinidad Lake asphalt. Many beautiful boulevards have been created round the city. At the same time what has caused the apparent deterioration is the increased motor traffic. Over a year ago we had all these questions regarding the upkeep of roads raised. I do not intend to repeat my remarks now, but I do say that in the rivalry between the road and the railway, we have a dying industry in the railway and a growing form of traffic on roads which are inadequate for it. The tendency is to fight against it. If we are not careful we will get such road control that the roads will not be better than the railways, and speed limits, deliberately preventing output, will be nearly as bad as traffic obstruction.

There is a very good example to be had by looking at the Dublin Tramways Company and seeing how they met competition on the roads. Inasmuch as the trams run on rails the tramways in Dublin can be considered a railway. The Tramways Company went in very early for the purchase and equipment of 'buses and they run the service from the country into the city. They were the first to get what is tantamount, because of the excellence and popularity of the service, to a monopoly. When the tram company realises the advantage of the 'bus system they will discontinue paying a high rent to the Dublin Corporation. It is possible that we will not then have any competition in Dublin, as that class of passenger traffic is about the best paying class. If the railways have not sufficient capital to equip lorries for short distance runs the railways of Ireland are bound to disappear, and I do not think they will be able to pay the shareholders by letting out their highways as cement pathways.

In America the problem is more acute, because they have there a motorcar for every seven persons. The railways there meet the rivalry of the roads by a system of motor transport connecting stations at short distances from one another. The trains do not stop at small stations, but provide motor traffic to cater for them within definite circles from the station. I cannot see a wedding between the railway and the motors for the reason that a business firm such as Guinness's, if it wishes to transport three or four tons of stout, to a town like Naas, has the immense advantage of having two of its own men handling its own stuff. They can cover the journey in an hour and a half, and these men are responsible, not alone for the delivery of the stuff, but for the condition of the empties on their return. The other picture is the forwarding of merchandise on the railway at an immense cost and having to kow-tow to five or six individuals at the railway, taking out the stuff at Naas, and being met by a donkey cart or a car from the publican, to take the stuff away. It does not require any words of mine to show the hopelessness of the railways competing against the roads in such circumstances.

A year ago I suggested that the Central Fund should bear the burden of the improvement on the roads. That was an easy way of shifting it on to the Central Fund. There are other ways that might be suggested as an adjunct towards defraying the cost of the upkeep of these roads. In Germany the roads are lined by fruit trees and an annual auction is held, the proceeds of which contribute largely to the upkeep of the roads. The only reply that came to that suggestion which I foolishly made in a newspaper was from an imbecile in Antrim who said that all the apples were rotting there. If the waste spaces along the roadside were planted with apple trees the proceeds of the sale of fruit would go towards defraying the cost of the upkeep of the roads. The apples could be made into cider or some other product.

The other suggestion I made was more ludicrous, apparently. I suggested that there should be a national highway with certain highways endowed by rich Americans who might, at different distances, have their statues as a reward. That is not as ludicrous as it appears even though I make the suggestion. In Greece there is an Order given by the Government called the Order of National Benefactors, and large public works have been endowed by absentee Greek men of wealth, such as the reconstruction of the Stadium and the reconstruction and maintenance of roads. If we had four or five trunk roads before the railways disappear, we could maintain them in that way. We are not begging. We are inviting men from outside to cooperate with the country from which they say they are proud to come. The third suggestion I gleaned from Senator Keane, was to get help towards the upkeep of roads by the introduction of tourists, and instead of having a tourist catechised as to whether he could drive a car, when coming from a foreign country, he should be encouraged to come here. It is hardly to be expected that a motor owner, under present conditions, would bring his car here. I would scrap all these tests and give a man free entry for his motor car for two months to this country. Any man who uses a motor car in this country for two months spends at least £100. I would invite motorists into this country and if each man does not spend £100 in two months, he should be made a citizen of the North of Ireland. The London, Midland and Scottish Railway are in the paradoxical position of inviting tourists to come to this country. Their stock has fallen from 126 to 77; therefore Ireland has become a desirable place to visit. I would not go to France if I was provided with a free trip because of the nuisance of the Customs. You have to wait for your motor car longer there than anywhere else. Then you have to put down ready money, which you cannot very easily get—one-third of the cost price. If the obstruction to the entry of motor cars were taken away and that we were able to give motorists two months free use of a car in this country, it would help revenue. After that period the motorists would have to account for his car. It seems to me an amazing thing there should be a motor tax at all.

On a point of order, may I move my amendment now so that the whole question may be threshed out?

CATHAOIRLEACH

Senator Kenny has already intimated his intention of speaking. I think perhaps it would be more convenient if Senator O'Farrell moved his amendment, and Senator Kenny could speak on the amendment.

I do not wish to deprive Senator O'Farrell of an opportunity of speaking, but perhaps I should say that I am prepared to accept his amendment.

CATHAOIRLEACH

Then Senator O'Farrell can speak on Senator Sir John Keane's motion, that is to say that the motion of Sir John Keane is to be taken with that addition to it.

I feel bound to rise on this occasion because of the remarks of previous speakers. It is time that Government attention should be called in a pointed way to the necessity of taking seriously into account the requirements of modern transport and to regulate the future use, construction and maintenance of roads. The Government has been, for the past eighteen months, concerned in this particular matter and has brought into existence a body called the Roads Advisory Committee, the personnel of which is composed of representatives of county councils—that is, the rate-striking bodies—who are at present responsible for the maintenance and upkeep of the roads, representatives of the heavy motor lorry traffic, representatives of private and touring cars, and representatives of Labour. That is a very big committee and all the interests concerned seem to be represented upon it. That committee was given a certain problem to solve by the Government. The first matter that their attention was directed to was how the present system of licence duties was working out, whether they were equitable or otherwise, and whether the Committee could advise the Government as to any alteration of the present system of taxation which would produce the same amount of revenue or more for the construction of roads. The Committee sent in their report after deliberating for some two months and having a score of meetings. The Government then gave them a further problem to elucidate—the policy which in their opinion should be adopted for the maintenance of the roads, through the medium of the Road Fund, and the means by which the roads could be most economically made and what measures are desirable to provide the cost of such work.

The obvious thing for us to do and the thing we did do when confronted with that problem, was to make an inquiry from those best qualified to give an answer, that is, the county councils, the county surveyors, and the borough surveyors, as to their views under the various heads incidental to this particular problem. The questionnaire we sent out was:

"1. Are you in favour of the present system of road control and administration as amended by the Local Government Act, 1924? If so, can you suggest in what way, if any, it could be improved? If not, what alternative system do you suggest?

"2. Are you in favour of State control of (a) all roads or (b) certain classes of roads? If so, give your views as to how such an arrangement would work out in practice under (a) and (b). State how, in your opinion, the revenue for the purpose should be raised, and in what proportions the expense should be borne as between the local authorities, road users and the State.

"3. If you favour State control or control by a central body of certain classes of road, state how, in your opinion, the central body should be composed, by whom elected or selected, and give your views as to how the work on those roads should be carried out; for example:—by a separate staff controlled and directed by the central body, or by the central body working through the existing administrative machinery and the road staffs of the local authorities.

"4. On what principle, in your opinion, should roads of the Saorstát be classified?

"5. Give your views as to (a) the minimum width of the carriage-ways (not including water tables) for each class of roads, and (b) having regard to the local facilities for obtaining good stone, the standard of construction recommended, and the approximate cost per square yard of surface for each class of road; also the after-cost of upkeep per mile per annum.

"6. Would you approve or disapprove of setting road improvement work by contract? Give your reasons.

"7. What vehicles, in your opinion, do most damage to the road? Have you any suggestions to offer as to how this damage could be lessened?

"8. What mileage of trunk roads in your area has never been (a) steam-rolled, or has (b) deteriorated so far as to require re-surfacing? In the case of (b) state when last steam-rolled. In considering any or all of the above, the question of finance, being of great importance, should be separately dealt with."

I think that questionnaire covers the whole ground and, after sitting for four months almost continuously, certainly three days a week sometimes, we came to certain conclusions, summarised them, and sent in our report. That report covered every aspect of the matter touched upon here, and, in some cases, one would think our report and recommendations were being quoted from. They are before the Minister; he has our reports dealing with all the things I have stated, and dealing with the financial aspect of the matter. I am very glad that this resolution has come up here—or rather these two resolutions—because I think they will act as an inducement and an incentive to the Government to do something. They have all the information that they possibly can have, tabulated and collected for them. They have all the data necessary to formulate some policy and to bring in some comprehensive scheme upon which the future construction and maintenance of the roads of this country can be carried out and administered. In that sense I am thoroughly in agreement with the resolution merely because it will act as a filip to the Government to do that which it is necessary to do.

I beg to move that the House do now adjourn. I think it would be inadvisable to come to a decision on this important matter after an hour's discussion.

CATHAOIRLEACH

To when?

Tuesday or Wednesday. I would say to-morrow, only that a number of Senators have gone away, and they were not aware that we would meet to-morrow.

Senators who go away will have to put up with the consequences. The least they could do is to spend two days in transacting the business of the Seanad.

If the House is agreeable, I move that we meet at three o'clock to-morrow.

CATHAOIRLEACH

Then we will continue the discussion on this motion. There is still outstanding a discussion on Senator Keane's motion and Senator Fitzgerald's motion. Senator Sir Thomas Esmonde went away under the impression that we would not meet until Tuesday. If we continue to sit for half an hour we might dispose of these.

You could not dispose of them all. We have had a long holiday, and there is no reason why we should not sit to-morrow.

I will have to leave to-morrow by the 5 o'clock train.

The House is not so overworked that we could not sit a second day.

CATHAOIRLEACH

I think we ought to try and accommodate one another as much as we can. If we meet at 2 o'clock to-morrow it would enable Senators like Senator Kenny who want to get away by the 5 o'clock train to do so.

I suggest that we are bringing ourselves and the House into contempt by sudden changes of the hours of meeting. Senators were elected from the country to do their duty here, and they will have to accommodate themselves to that or resign and make room for people who will do it. I would strongly oppose any alteration in the hour of meeting or any rushing in the business we have to do.

The Seanad adjourned at 6.50 p.m. until to-morrow, Thursday, at 3 p.m.

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