Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 11 Apr 1933

Vol. 16 No. 16

Public Business. - Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Bill, 1933—Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be read a Second Time."

This is a Bill to change the general levy which was provided by the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Act, 1932. Under the Principal Act there was a general levy to be subscribed for all butter that came within the scope of that Act. Under Section 6 of the Principal Act it was laid down that the general levy would be the same for creamery and non-creamery butter and could not be varied while the stated levy was in force. It is necessary this year, on account of the very low world prices of butter, to raise the levy on creamery butter in order to get the return for creameries that might keep them in production. The creameries themselves and those interested in the creamery industry understand the position and agree that the levy should be raised. But I do not think that there is the same necessity and certainly not the same advantage in the case of factory butter and farmers' butter in having the levy raised in their cases. The Act that was passed here last year, the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Act, 1932, came into operation on 21st April and was in operation from 21st April to 31st July. During that period there was a levy of 2d. per lb. on all butter. That is the general levy. But we had three pools under that Act and out of the creamery pool there was a bounty of 4d. per lb. on butter exported; out of the factory pool 2½d. only per lb. was paid. There was also a miscellaneous pool which gave rise to a good deal of discussion that time. During the short operation of the Act, the miscellaneous pool came to very little and very little was paid out of that pool at all.

The export price of creamery butter looks as if it were going to be very low for the coming year because the world price has dropped to 62/- or 63/- per cwt. That is the lowest price to which butter has fallen within living memory. The price of butter at Irish creameries in the years before the war was 115/-. There were no subsidies and no tariffs to interfere with the ordinary trade between Great Britain and Ireland. The price of butter now as compared with the price then has dropped to a little over 60/-. Paying the tariff and receiving bounties and subsidies we get what the export value of butter is. Whatever the export value is will rule also the price of butter on the home market. It may be said that the export price of creamery butter sets the standard of value. That is the price paid for butter at the creameries. Therefore the price of butter for export sets the price in the home market. Usually we find that factory butter and farmers' butter keep a certain relationship with creamery butter. In some parts of the country there is a difference of 3d. or 4d. between creamery butter and factory butter. The creamery butter is even more in exceptional cases than 4d. per lb. above the factory butter. In some cases the price is the same and in a few cases the creamery butter is slightly lower. Farmers' butter is butter delivered by the farmer to his customers. At all events the prices remain at a certain fixed relation with the creamery butter.

We have very little difficulty in dealing with the creameries. When we fix a level and fix a bounty we can get, in a few days, into touch with the creameries of the country. The creameries understand the work and understand the operations of the Bill. They are very willing to fall into line with the regulations. We are not in quite such close touch with the factories. Perhaps I might say we are in close touch with the factories, but when we come to the matter of the farmers' butter it is absolutely impossible for the Department to keep in touch with them. The creameries think they are getting an advantage from the Bill. The farmers do not think they are but we think they are. If the price of creamery butter is driven up artificially, the farmers' butter will follow in price in some fixed relation to that. Therefore, they are getting an advantage from the Bill. They are not getting the same advantage as the creameries. It would not be fair to have the same levy on the farmers as on the creameries.

The creameries export half of their production and the other half is consumed at home. For that reason, out of the levy of 2d. per lb. last year, we were able to give a bounty of 4d. In the case of the factory butter it is different. Of the factory butter only one-fifth is consumed at home, so that with a levy of 2d. we could only give a bounty of 2½d. per lb. The advantage, therefore, is small in that case as compared with the creamery butter. Taking the two things into account, we think that the farmers should pay something towards the fund for the bounty, but as they do not derive the full benefit in the same way as the creameries do, we think that they should not pay the same levy. That is why we are asking for power to have one levy for the creamery and another for the non-creamery butter.

Under the Principal Act we could not have a levy of more than half the import duty. That was prescribed in Section 6 of the Act. The import duty that time was 4d. per lb. When examining this matter during the last four or five weeks we came to the conclusion that we would have to raise the levy and the bounty on creamery butter, and we had to take powers either to change that levy or to raise the import duty. The easier way was to raise the import duty, which was done. There is no difficulty, therefore, under Section 6 with regard to the particular class of the levy being more than half the import duty. The import duty has been raised, and the new levy comes within the law in that respect. That is the new levy of 3d. per lb. Also there was a provision in the Act of 1932 for a special levy in the case of certain creameries that were scheduled, creameries that were newly built within the last three or four years and had not got time to pay off capital expenditure. They were put into a special schedule in the Act last year and, under a clause dealing with them, we can give them greater benefit this year than 50 per cent. of the general levy. That is not being altered, but as the levy is prescribed for the present, at any rate, at 3d. per lb., we can give those creameries the benefit of 1½d. per lb.

There is only one other thing I want to mention, and that is that Senators may wonder whether there is any limit to the price to which we can put up butter in the home market. There is a limit. As a matter of fact, when the Bill was going through the Seanad last year, Senator Johnson succeeded in having a section inserted which limits our f.o.r. price at the creamery to 144/8, and we cannot exceed that. As a matter of fact, no matter how we might manipulate it this year, with the world prices as they are, with the very liberal subsidy from State funds, and with the Act operating with a higher levy and higher bounty. I do not think we can go anywhere near 144/8. I think the maximum price butter could possibly go to this year would be 130/-. It is doubtful if we can reach that even, but I think that will be the maximum. The Bill, in short, only deals with one point, and that is giving us power to differentiate between creamery and non-creamery butter. It does not deal with any other point.

I support the Bill for the reason that I believe it will do something to save the dairying industry from the state of rain to which the economic policy of the Government has brought it and every other branch of agriculture. I do not agree that the Bill will be the great boon to the dairy farmers which the Minister would have us believe. If we take the Minister's own statement that it will increase the price of milk at the creameries by 1½d. per gallon that will be a bounty of about £3 10s. per cow for the year's milk supplied to the creamery. That £3 10s. will be a useful amount to the dairying farmer, but, even with that, I contend that what the Minister is putting into the farmer's pocket with one hand the British Government are taking out with the other, because the farmer will lose practically as much on his seven-months-old calf as he is getting in bounty for his milk.

I agree with the Minister that the dairying industry should be preserved at all costs. The Minister has stated that dairying is the foundation of our live stock trade. I have stated that time and again in advocating the cause of agriculture, and I say that anything that can be done to save the dairying industry should be done. The Minister has tried to do that. He has given grants for the purchase of heifers for dairying purposes. He has certainly gone a long way to try to preserve the dairying industry, but I contend that every branch of the agricultural industry is so closely mixed up, one with the other, that you cannot injure one section without doing harm to the others. You cannot kill the cattle trade and save the dairying industry, for the reason that live stock is one of the principal means of income even of the dairy farmer. For that reason, I contend that we should support this Bill to try and save even one branch of the agricultural industry.

The Minister has made some extraordinary statements in the other House and it is for that reason I rise to discuss the Bill at all. He has stated that the price of sheep, cattle, pigs, poultry and eggs is practically as good in the Free State as in Northern Ireland. He has also stated that there is only a difference of 18/- per head between the price of cattle in the Free State and in England. Those statements are contrary to the facts. There is not a semblance of truth in them— none whatever. I have shown to the Minister one market note which showed that the Customs duty on cattle sold for £20 in Birkenhead was £5 11/-. I have shown him that if we bought cattle here at £13 they should at least make £20 on the other side to cover expenses. That proves clearly that there is a difference of at least £6 or £7 per head between the price of cattle in the Free State and the price in England. The Minister quoted statistics to prove his case that there was only a difference of 18s per head. He stated that the total loss on the export of cattle was only £500,000. That would possibly work out at 18s. per head. He stated, however, in the next sentence that he had paid over £1,000,000 in bounties to the farmers in seven months. I cannot see how the Minister could reconcile these two statements. If his statement that we have only lost £500,000 is correct, the farmers are very much better off than they were before the tariff was put on.

The only conclusion I can come to is that the Minister is wrongly advised. I do not believe that the Minister would deliberately state what he did not believe was true. I think the Minister must be getting his information from an uninformed section of the community. When we were discussing this matter on the proposals of the Government in the first instance I heard self-styled representatives of agriculture and of the cattle trade state in this House that the British tariff on our cattle was going to be a blessing in disguise. I have heard them advising the farmers not to sell their cattle; that England could not do without them; that England was broke and could not pay for them. Furthermore, they told the farmers that they would get a very much better price for their cattle if they kept them for a couple of months longer, until November. That was contrary to the statements of the representatives in this House who have the right to speak for the cattle trade and for agriculture. The Minister has never consulted a single one of the representatives of the cattle trade other than the supporters of Fianna Fáil. He has never consulted Senator O'Connor or myself with regard to the cattle trade. He has never consulted Senator Wilson or Senator Dillon with regard to agriculture. He has never consulted Senator O'Hanlon, Senator Linehan or others in this House who know most about agricultural representation, while people whose only claim to sit here is a minor one, compared with others, have been consulted as the representatives of agriculture and of the cattle trade. I am wondering whether these people will stand up now and repeat statements they made here on previous occasions. Will they stand over what they told the farmers in November and December, when they advised them to keep their cattle and that they would get better prices later? Where are the farmers to look for the better prices and for the money they have lost as a result of taking the advice of these representatives? I have discussed this question so often that I do not wish to go further into it. The Minister will probably ask if I have any plan to suggest in order to remedy the situation. The only plan that any sensible man could put forward, or the only recommendation he could suggest, is to give us back our markets and let the Government keep their bounties and subsidies.

I really regret that Senator Counihan has made a speech which, from start to finish, was influenced by political feeling. I would ask the House and Senator Counihan, to remember that a scheme for dairy stabilisation was discussed by the Government of which Deputy Cosgrave was the head.

I am supporting the Bill.

I know the Senator is supporting it by making a political speech, in which he said that the only way to do away with the subsidies and with stabilisation is by getting away from the penal duties. In effect, that is what was said.

And we would be better off. I stand by it.

The question was there years before penal duties were thought of, or even before dairy stabilisation was considered by Mr. Cosgrave's Government. This Bill was introduced before there were penal duties. The Minister gave figures for three years previous to the war, showing that the average price of creamery butter was 115/- per cwt. The present price of Irish, Australian and New Zealand creamery butter is 62/- per cwt. I have forty years' knowledge of the industry, and I never remember any such price. As to consulting people, I attended a conference last week, and also the week before, which was attended by creamery managers, dairy farmers, factory proprietors, farmers who send milk to creameries, and farmers who make butter in the home dairies, and conditions were recognised to be such that the Minister was pressed to do something in the nature of what he is now doing. My own belief is that this will not be sufficient, but it will, at least, secure that in the only market which we can control, the farmers will get something approximating to the cost of production for an essential food.

The Bill is open to criticism, and no doubt will be criticised by the non-creamery interests. Possibly there will be a good deal of validity in the criticism. I am concerned both with creamery and with non-creamery districts, and I think the effect will be, as the Minister stated, that there will be a headline price for creamery butter; that prices on the other side will be low for creamery and non-creamery butter. If non-creamery butter does not get—as I do not think it can—a sufficiently large subsidy there will be pressure on the non-creamery maker to make the butter as near as possible to the quality of the creamery butter, and to try to get the advantage of the price. This is a rather difficult Bill to understand by those who are not associated with the industry. I will be very pleased if the result of it will be to enable the present season to be carried through without a Supplementary Bill.

I desire to support this measure, the purpose of which has been so clearly stated by the Minister, and supported by a Senator with such long experience as Senator Dowdall. Even Senator Counihan supports the Bill, but he used the discussion upon it for the purpose of saying in one sentence: "Restore to us our markets; restore to cattle exporters the market for fat cattle; surrender in fact." We do not propose to surrender. It is desirable that Senator Counihan should know that the old order by which he bought cattle in Clare and Galway at a low price, sent them to the plains of Meath to be cared by a herdsman and a dog and then sent the beef on foot to Liverpool is ended, and ended for ever. The Senator said that the farmers were getting the benefit of the export bounty on cattle. He has great experience and must know. I am glad to hear it because, until he said it, I did not think the farmers had got the entire benefit of the bounty. I thought the cattle exporters—we used to call them jobbers in the old days, but they are cattle exporters now—intercepted a considerable amount of the bounty. I want to tell Senator Counihan this little fact, of which, perhaps, he is not aware— because I know the Senator would be too patriotic a man to be concerned in any device or expedient that was anti-Irish—that great areas of land in Meath, Westmeath, Kildare, portions of Tipperary and other counties are vacant at the present time, and there is every likelihood that they will not be stocked this summer, and that the grass will be allowed to rot.

That is a consolation.

The cattle which in ordinary times were bought in the West of Ireland and put to graze and fatten on the lands of Meath are in the West of Ireland still, in Galway, Clare and Limerick. They are not being bought by the graziers. Probably about the middle of this summer the western lands will be overstocked, and there will be no cattle at all on the fattening lands of Meath and Westmeath. Does the House think that any State could stand for a situation of that kind? The cattle will be "lifting"—we use the word "lifting"—from starvation in the summer, but there will be grass growing wild in other parts of Ireland. That is done with the connivance of men who have deliberately refused to purchase store cattle. I am not speaking now without experience and without recent experience. I was at the fair at Kilfenora yesterday and bought heifer yearlings, the top yearlings on the fair, for £5 apiece. There were gentlemen there going around looking at yearlings and saying: "Ah, we will not buy, the tariffs are too bad; you have the wrong Government in power. We will not buy; how can we stock our lands?" If they do not stock their lands, the lands will be stocked whether they like it or not. The interests of the country demand that no land should be allowed to go vacant for any ulterior purpose, or for any design of people who do not like the present Government.

That is good advice from a self-styled agriculturist.

I am a better agriculturist than Senator Counihan. What does the Senator know about agriculture? He goes down to the fairs in Clare and Galway and buys cattle. He never sees them again until, perhaps, he sees them in Liverpool. The Senator has so much land that he really has not time even to look at it. What I have advocated are sound principles in agriculture, and what Senator Counihan has spoken of are wrong principles in agriculture. Does the Senator consider it right that land in Meath should be allowed to go waste this year? Does he advocate that 1,000 acres of grass land, herded by a herdsman with the aid of a dog, is a proper system of agriculture? Does not the Senator know as well as I do that there are farms in the County Meath at the present hour of 1,300 acres within a ring fence without a single beast on them? Will the Senator deny what I say? He will not of course. I have in my mind at the moment a farm of 1,300 acres of the best land in Ireland. The man who bought it 14 years ago for £13,000 made a will two years ago leaving it to his nephews. These nephews have since run out of the country, bankrupt. The land now belongs to the bank, and on it there is a charge of £6,000, which, of course, it will not be able to meet. That is the system of agriculture that my friend Senator Counihan advocates. I advocate another system—the use and the cultivation of the land. Give us back certainly our exports; let us be friends, and have unrestricted trade, but let us have that unrestricted trade on fair conditions.

I am not rising to intervene in this dispute between experts. The cold fact remains that I, like all who are engaged in farming, am losing money. I do not see what this cattle business which the Senators have been talking about has got to do with the Bill before the House. I rise for the purpose of getting certain particulars from the Minister about this Bill. I understand its object is to stabilise the home price of butter somewhere about 130/- per cwt. as against a world price of about 70/- per cwt. In other words the price of butter here is to be raised artificially to, roughly, double the world price. Is that to be done entirely out of the pockets of the consumer, or is the State going to lend a hand? Stripped of all technicalities that appears to be the plain issue in this Bill.

The position, as I understand it, is to be this: that double the world price is to be maintained here at the expense of the person who eats the butter. Can the Minister give the House any idea as to what the retail price of butter will be here: what the consumer will pay for creamery butter here as against what he would pay in an unrestricted market such as Great Britain? I would like to know, too, from the Minister, what is the object of raising the import duty. Is it to keep up exports or merely to comply with the formula? I know that the levy is to be half the duty, but is that the sole reason for raising it, or is it the fear that if the duty is not raised to something near the world price, it would pay to bring in butter even against the import duty of 4d. per lb.? Will there be any increase in price to the consumer, and why is it necessary to raise the home price? I understand that under the previous measure the home price was stabilised at about 117/- per cwt. The Minister now talks of the possibility of stabilising the home price at as high a figure as 130/-. Would the Minister say why it is necessary to increase the home price?

The Minister told us that there would be a levy on practically all butter manufactured in the country. He added that there is to be a differentiation in connection with the levy as between creamery and factory butter. I cannot understand how that will work. I understood at first from the Minister that the levy was to apply to all butter, whether manufactured in the creamery, the factory, or in the farmer's home. I cannot understand how this differentiation in the levy as between creamery and factory butter is going to work. It may be perfectly simple, and I would be glad if the Minister would explain it to the House.

It is with reluctance that I rise to enter into this debate at all and only do so because of the interest of the people engaged in the trade and in connection with the farming industry. I am quite satisfied that the Minister has devoted fairly intelligent attention to the problem of trying to arrange the price of butter in the creameries. I would be sorry, however, to allow Senator Counihan to be so badly attacked by the forensic ability of Senator Comyn. While I should like to listen to Senator Comyn displaying his forensic ability in a court of law, where matters of law could be thrashed out, I must confess that so far as regards the farming community——

I was a farmer before I was a lawyer.

With all due respect to the Senator, I suggest that the times when he was a farmer were very different from the times and conditions which obtain now.

I am a farmer still, thank God.

His remarks more or less show that the conditions were very different from the conditions of the present times. With regard to the man with the 1,300 acres of land in Meath, there are plenty of people with land who do not know what to do with it. They try to stock the land at a very low price and are really in a position of not knowing what to do. I have listened very patiently to this debate and to the various questions which arose in connection with the proposed legislation, and I can say to my friend Senator Counihan that, as far as I can see, any of the statements that have been made will have very little attention paid to them and the Senator is only wasting his sweetness on the desert air by talking on the matter. I should advise him to drop it and follow the policy of the late Mr. Asquith to "wait and see." The matter will have to be left in the hands of the people who have the authority and the power. Personally, I am quite disposed to leave it at that and not to persevere in attempting to show what is likely to happen at the present time. Things will have to take their course and, with regard to the question of the prices of cattle in the fairs and markets, it is a question of time and of time only. As to the question of stocking the land, there are several people whom I know who were most anxious for land a short time ago who are not anxious for it now and are quite satisfied to be left as they are. It is a question of whether they will be able to make it pay. These are my views.

I am afraid that Senator O'Connor is expressing an opinion which is becoming very prevalent in the country, and that is that the situation is becoming so desperate that it is not worth while for anybody to try to save it and that it has got to come to a crash. The position of the farmers has come now to such a pass that the farmer is gradually sinking into a sort of settled despair. Perhaps it will be noted that, considering the enormity of the present situation, there has been very little outcry throughout the country. That, in my opinion, is a more dangerous symptom than if every farmer in the country took his stand at every cross-roads in Ireland and shouted his protests at the top of his voice. It shows a sort of settled despair settling down on the country. That is terribly demoralising and that is what is happening. The farmers are sinking into a state of demoralisation. They do not care what is going to happen. The statements of the Minister for Agriculture are no longer heeded. Statements such as we had the pleasure of listening to from Senator Comyn are really amusing—I will not put it stronger than that.

Very amusing to get heifer yearlings for £5!

Such statements are amusing to the farmer. I do not represent the cattle trade. I am more of an agriculturist. But that is the state of affairs. I do not oppose this Bill, but I consider that it is just a little stopgap in the general demoralisation and crash which, as I have said, is coming very rapidly, and in the general state of despair which is settling on the country.

As I have said, Senator O'Connor expressed an opinion that I have heard through the country—that it is not worth our while to come here and make a protest; that we should let the situation take its course; and that the worse it becomes the sooner it will be over. I say that that is a very dangerous symptom. I approve of the Bill as far as it goes, but I should like a little more explanation of the details, if possible, than we have had from the Minister.

Apropos of the discussion, I have in my hand a copy of the debates of the New Zealand Parliament for January 27th of this year. During a debate on that occasion the following statement was made by the Right Hon. Mr. Coates, the Minister for Finance:—

"During 1932 there was a further heavy fall in export prices; and the general level of those prices, as shown by the index numbers, is now little more than one-half of what it was in 1929. Comparing the position as shown by the Government statisticians' index of prices in 1914 and in November, 1932, we have—

Export prices—21 per cent. below 1914.

Farm expenditure (year 1931)— 49 per cent. above 1914."

That is New Zealand, and there was no fiscal war on between England and New Zealand. All the exports, practically, that New Zealand has are farm produce and are all sent to Great Britain. So that the position in New Zealand in 1932 was even worse, relatively, than the position in the Free State.

Coming to the Bill, however, I should like to say that a year ago, when the previous Bill was under discussion, we were assured that the intention was not to allow the price of butter retailed to go above 1/5 per lb., and there was a maximum wholesale price fixed in the Bill. I think the purchasing community was satisfied to pay up to that price for the purpose of saving the dairy industry. It is well to make the point, as Senator Sir John Keane has done, that now the price of butter has fallen very greatly since a year ago the burden that the consumer is going to bear is relatively greater and I hope and expect that he or she will not be asked to pay as much as 1/5 per lb. for butter or even that she may be required to pay 1/3.

1/4 yesterday.

1/4 yesterday. The difference between 1/4 yesterday and what would be the price, if it were a free market, is so much greater than a year ago that, therefore, the consumer is making a very big contribution towards maintaining the dairy industry and keeping it alive and sound in the country.

Attempts are made frequently to minimise the value of the British markets to the farmer. Senator Dowdall a few days ago, speaking on the butter question, said that before the tariff was placed on this country by England he had already shipped 100 tons of butter to England when he heard about it, but that luckily 35 tons of it were late and he brought it back here. He pointed out that on the butter that came back here he succeeded in saving his money. He argues from that that the British market is no use and the remarks of Senator Johnson are more or less in the same direction. What you must not forget is that, when you speak of butter, you speak of an article in respect of which there is world-wide competition on the British market. Butter is produced in many countries and we are in competition with those countries on the British market. If we had no subsidies and no tariffs in respect of that article, the people engaged in that industry would be suffering. But the big export from here is not butter. There was about £4,000,000 worth of butter exported. There used to be £4,000,000 worth of eggs and £4,000,000 worth of bacon exported. There were £13,000,000 worth of cattle exported. That is an item in respect of which this country had practically a monopoly and it is on that particular aspect of farming that the big loss was made. No Government could help us in regard to butter on the British market but we had a monopoly of the cattle trade. That is the item in respect of which the losses are really being made. These losses would have been obviated if we had not had this row. I do not want to urge now that that was the fault of our Government but what I do want to say is that the farmers want that row settled. They want back their markets and they want to be able to sell their live stock and other products. Butter exports amounted to only £4,000,000 and export represented only half production. I cannot see that there ever will be a great market for our butter abroad. Denmark, Lapland, Finland, Russia and other countries have turned to butter production and we should concentrate on those articles which those countries cannot turn out. I would advise the Government to settle up this matter so as to give us back the lines in which we had a monopoly. If the Government does that, we will make good and, by succeeding, we will help to get the country back to a state of prosperity.

Senator Wilson, Senator Counihan and those other Senators who deal with the position of the cattle trade never seem to be able to extend their gaze beyond their own farms. All the world over, cattle sellers are suffering as cattle sellers in Ireland are suffering. What is happening in America, a place where I have some connections? All along the ranch country the cattle farmers are in debt to the banks. They cannot pay the banks. If the banks were to foreclose, they would clear every farmer out of the country. They do not foreclose, partly on account of Government intervention and partly because farms, if offered for sale, would be bought in by the people for about 5/-, which would include the cost of the stock. In what way are we worse than those people?

Have we not 40 per cent. against us, whereas they have a free market?

They can get nothing for their cattle. They cannot sell a single head of cattle. I know the position, because I have some connections there. We are no worse off than the ranchers in America, but, because we have a different system, we have all this blame thrown on the Government. This is not a cattle question at all and we ought not to be discussing the cattle trade at present. But when certain Senators interested in the cattle trade make these wild statements as if they were the only people suffering at present, I am justified in contradicting them. Otherwise, we should stick to our butter.

I never thought that such a small Bill would raise so much discussion on high State policy. It is rather refreshing to come to the Seanad occasionally and hear something about the economic war. No matter what measure comes forward here, we hear about the economic war. I was surprised that neither Senator Wilson nor Senator Counihan raised the question of the economic war on the motion dealing with narcotic drugs. I do not see what this Bill has to do with the economic war. How would we stand in relation to the butter industry if we had no economic war? If there were no economic war, if we had perfectly free trade with Britain, if we were on as friendly terms with Britain as our predecessors of Cumann na nGaedheal were or the New Zealand or Australian Government was, we would be getting 60/- for our butter. We are trying to get for the creameries something over 100/-. Senator Wilson holds that butter is not half as important as cattle. I hold—others, I think, agree with me—that farmers will not remain in cows unless they get a price for their butter. If we have no cows, we will have no cattle and Senator Wilson and Senator Counihan will be going out of business. Other things will go also—pigs, poultry and even our children. We will not have much left in this country if we have not cows. We are trying to save the butter position as well as we can. Senator Counihan challenged some figures I quoted in the Lower House.

The Lower House.

I am quoting Senator Counihan. I read there a report on market conditions in Great Britain. I stated that in this report it was estimated that cattle sold £2 per head in England less in 1932 than in 1931. That was generally admitted. I said that, taking the statistics of our exports, and dividing the amount of money by the number of cattle exported, the difference for these two years was £2 18/0 per head. I deducted the £2 decrease in England from the £2 18/0 here and I got 18/-. What is wrong with that calculation?

We must be making a fortune.

I made the calculation on statistics before me. These are the statistics of Great Britain and Ireland, and according to this calculation, cattle as a result of the economic war are down 18/- per head.

Do you believe that?

I do not like to disbelieve statistics supplied to me.

You can prove anything by statistics.

I said that cattle lost something like £5,000. I said also that we paid out in subsidies something like £1,000,000, but that was not in respect of cattle solely, but in respect of butter, cattle, eggs and poultry.

Three-quarters of it was in respect of cattle.

So far as I recollect, the figure paid in respect of cattle for 1932 was £287,000. This question of the economic war comes up every time I am here. It is a good while since I was in medical practice, but I think I could diagnose what is wrong with Senator Counihan—Anglomania. He is afraid that we will lose all this trade unless we give in. What does a demand to settle this question with Britain from the Upper House mean except surrender? We cannot go across to England and say: "We have been ordered by the Seanad to settle this question." The British Government would naturally say: "Our terms will be the settlement." Senator Counihan and those who speak like him know that they have done their utmost to embarrass us on this question of settling with Britain. Not only that, but they have done a great disservice to the British Government because they held out hopes to them that this country would give in. Now, the British Government see that they cannot take their words. They realise that this country is not going to give in. Senator O'Connor and Senator Miss Browne said that the people were becoming apathetic and were not going to complain——

I did not say that.

They said that they had stopped complaining because it was no use. I think it is time. Cumann na nGaedheal and the Farmers' Party were going around long enough encouraging the people to complain.

Please speak the truth.

The people have more sense than those leaders. They see that the best way to get this question settled is to stay quiet, give the Government a chance and not mind these Cumann na nGaedheal people.

Go down the country and tell the people that.

The last time I was in the country I did not do too badly at all. Senator Counihan complained that some of our advisers told the people to keep their cattle until November or December, when they would get better prices. I do not remember that advice being tendered, but it was good advice and those who kept their cattle back until November or December did very well. But, as I say, I do not remember the advice being given, though it was fairly good advice. Senator Counihan complained that I did not consult him. I consulted the advisory councils under the Dairy Produce Act and other Acts. These councils were nominated by my predecessor, Deputy Hogan, and if he had no confidence in Senator Counihan and did not appoint him I cannot help that, but the fact is that he did not put the Senator on these councils.

I am asked by Senator Sir John Keane what is the object of stabilisation? Are we aiming at 130/- at home as against the price of our butter in the British market at 67/-, the same as that of New Zealand and Australia. If we sell butter there we would have to pay duty and freight of 23/- per cwt. That would be a net price of 44/-. The bounty under this Bill would be 47/-, and that would give 91/-. If we depend upon this Bill the export price would be 91/—the price in the home market would be 91/-, but there would be a Government subsidy in addition which is not fixed as yet. We are still in consultation with some of the interests concerned. I expect within the next three or four days the total amount of the Government subsidy will be announced. Then we will be able to see what the Government subsidy per cwt. is for creamery butter and factory butter and so on. People in the creamery and factory butter industry will be able to calculate for themselves what the bounty is worth. Added to the export price they will know the total value of the export butter and, therefore, what the value of the butter on the home market is. That means that the price in the home market will be net export value, plus bounty under this Bill, plus the Government subsidy—these three put together. I said in introducing the Bill the maximum would be 130/- per cwt., but it is not likely that we will reach that price. We may touch it at home, but our recommendation is that when we touch 130/- to bring it below 130/- again.

Why is it necessary that the price should fluctuate at all?

The foundation we are building upon is the net export value; that is world price less whatever duty we may have to pay. That will fluctuate; all prices will fluctuate to some extent. I was asked why raise the import duty? It was not that we feared imports, but we had to comply with the Act which said that the levy must not be more than half the import duty. There will be an increase in price on the home market of some kind. At 130/- per cwt. the probable retail price in the shops will be 1/4, but I think at the price of butter, in the last two or three days, the retail price in the shops would not be 1/4, although Senator Mrs. Costello mentioned that the retail price was 1/4 yesterday. There will be no stabilised price now, of course. Last year, up to somewhere about the 31st July, we had such, but the Government subsidy worked on a different plan. We gave the difference between net export value and 117/- to the creameries. That meant that the creameries got 117/- and the price at home was 117/-. It remained stabilised for the whole year. This year it will change with the world prices.

Senator Guinness asked how the levy was collected which is charged here to the creameries on production. They must keep books showing production from day to day. At the end of the month they will pay a levy of 3d. on every lb. produced up to the end of the month. With the factories it is different. They keep an account of the butter that comes in, and at the end of the month they pay a levy on the amount of the butter brought in. It is quite possible in practice to have one levy for creamery and another for factory butter, but legally we could not do that without this Bill. That is the object of this Bill, to give us power to make one levy on creamery butter, and another kind of levy on non-creamery butter. It is our intention, through this Bill, to levy 3d per lb. on creamery butter and 2d per lb. on factory butter. I do not know if there have been any other questions raised.

I want to ask a question. What price is the Minister aiming at to give the farmer for his milk under this Bill?

We are aiming at a price of 4d per gallon for the ordinary creameries—the very well worked ones more than 4d, and some creameries not so much.

I desire to ask a question arising out of some of the figures quoted. The Minister gave us a series of figures for the actual cost of butter to the creamery and I think he argued for 47/- roughly. That would be roughly creamery rates for the best butter——

And that, he said, with a bounty and the subsidy added, would actually mean 97/-.

No, 91/-.

So that the Government is paying more than the actual cost of the butter to the creamery as a bounty?

I did not mention the Government subsidy.

The figures I heard were 47/- or rather 44/-.

The net price the creamery will get will be 44/-. The bounty under this Bill will be 47/- making a total of 91/-. The Government subsidy I said would not be announced for a few days.

The bounty under the Bill is 41/-.

No, 47/-. I do not know yet what the Government subsidy will be. I think it will be somewhere about 30/-.

Will not that be a very big tax upon the taxpayers?

Is it not the farmer who pays this tax?

It is paid by the farmers altogether.

Question—"That the Bill be now read a Second Time"—put and agreed to.
Top
Share