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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 Aug 1961

Vol. 54 No. 17

Local Authorities (Education Scholarships) (Amendment) Bill, 1961: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

Members of the Seanad are aware of the inadequacy of scholarships both in regard to numbers and value. When the Taoiseach announced in Dáil Éireann in October, 1959, that it was the intention to set about remedying that position it fell to me to investigate as to how this might best be done. Three alternatives presented themselves. The first was to establish a scheme of direct State scholarships side by side with the local authority schemes which have been functioning under the 1908 Universities Act and the 1944 Education Scholarships Act. The second was to scrap the local authority schemes and to replace them entirely by a State scheme. The third was to allow the local authority schemes to function as at present but to supplement and increase by way of State subvention the moneys for scholarships which the local authorities are already providing under the 1908 and 1944 Acts.

The third course appealed to me most. The existing schemes have worked well. Their main fault was that the money provided under them was grossly inadequate. Their administration involved, amongst other things, the creation of a local interest in matters appertaining to education— something very much to be desired. In education, especially, local opinion contributes a great deal to the creation of that climate which is so essential to all reforms. Furthermore, it is a sound maxim that if you have a satisfactory structure it is preferable to build on it rather than to tear it down and build afresh.

The present position in the matter of scholarships is that about £150,000 per annum is provided under the local authority schemes. The contributions of the local authorities vary. In one case the contribution is as low as the product of 1d. in the £ valuation. In the majority of cases, the contribution is in the 3d. to 4d. in the £ bracket and in one case it is over 5d. in the £.

The Bill before the House represents a new step in so far as it is the first time that the State contemplates providing money on a general scale for scholarships. In the first year of its operation, the State would contribute £ per £ up to the equivalent of the amount raised by a rate of 1d. in the £. In the second, the State's contributions on a £1 per £1 basis would be extended to the equivalent of the amount raised by 2d. in the £. In the third and fourth years, the State's contribution would be on the basis £1. 10 to £1 and would be extended to the 3rd and 4th pennies in the £ respectively.

It is felt that the provisions of the Bill contain the necessary incentives to those local authorities that have not been as forthcoming as others in their scholarship provision. Consequently, it is hoped that by the end of the 4th year all local authorities will have availed fully of its provisions and that then the position will be reached where the State will be contributing annually about £300,000 for scholarships as against about £240,000 from the local authorities.

I do not claim for this Bill that it is the answer to all complaints in the matter of our provision for scholarships. I do claim for it, however, that it sows the seed in a very substantial way and that it fulfils the promise made.

The most important feature of the Bill is that it acknowledges the right of a very talented child to an opportunity of climbing the whole educational ladder.

The explanatory memorandum which accompanied the draft Bill gives details of what is involved in relation to each section of the Bill. There are, however, two features of the Bill to which I would like to make special reference. The first relates to the fact that it is proposed that one-fourth of the monies will be allocated to scholarships to be awarded on merit alone, that is, without a means test. The difficulty about a means test is that it does not matter at what level it is settled there will be some one talented boy or girl excluded from a scholarship whose parents for one reason or another would not be able without the scholarship to give that boy or girl further education. It is vital in the world in which we live that all the best talent at our disposal is developed to the full without reference to the economic level from which such talent comes.

Another matter to which I would like to make special reference is that it is intended under the Bill that in future schemes the amount to be allocated for university scholarships should not be more than half the amount to be allocated for post-primary scholarships. At the present time we have in some counties the entirely disproportionate position of the major portion of the money allocated for scholarships being devoted to university scholarships. The proportion of 2 to 1 is, it is felt, a fair one taking into account on the one hand the proportion of post-primary pupils who proceed to the university and on the other the relative costs of post-primary and university education.

There is the further benefit to be derived from the Bill that the fact that State money is being provided for scholarships would place the Minister for Education in the position of being able to insist that anomalies in existing schemes are removed. Heretofore, the Minister had very little power in that regard.

All in all, I feel that the Bill represents a considerable step forward in the recognition of the fact that it is our duty to develop our best national resources which are the brains and ability of our people. I hope that all members of this House, in common with other public men, will use their influence to ensure that the provisions of the Bill are fully availed of.

I agree with the Minister that this Bill represents a step forward. It makes provision for money for the first time from central funds for the educational ladder in regard to scholarships. The Minister hopes—I think he is probably right— that this scheme will increase the amount of money given by local bodies. Since the scheme provides more money, it cannot be opposed and it should be welcomed but, in my view, it has two defects. As compared with other countries, we make a very small provision for what the Minister called, and what was called in the old Sinn Féin days, the educational ladder.

There are two reasons for providing scholarships for talented children. One is that it does justice to them and the other—and a very important one—is that it adds to the national resources, adds to our general position in the world, adds to our productivity and improves our situation generally. Up to the present, we have taken very poor steps in comparison with other people in that direction. That is one of my objections. The Minister's answer to that, I presume, will be that this is a beginning.

My other objection is that I do not agree that the Minister who had three choices before him adopted the right course by endeavouring to adapt and improve the present machinery. On the Minister's own showing, that machinery would require a great deal of improvement. First of all, there are many differences in the county council schemes. In the beginning, when the county councils and borough councils were given power to give scholarships to the universities under the 1908 University Act, I take it that the British Government were trying to associate the only Irish institutions which then existed with university education. As this Bill itself indicates, the situation is different now.

There is an Irish State and an Irish Government. I must say that it seems to me at any rate that in the matter of scholarships to the universities there should be combined with the present local schemes a State scheme which would have no means test, where scholarships would be given on merit alone. Such a scheme would be very fruitful both from the point of view of giving students of merit an opportunity of going forward to higher education and from the point of view of providing the country with better educated people generally.

The local schemes vary. First and foremost, they tend to be inadequate. Some counties have a rate as low as one penny; one has a rate of over 5d. Some counties—I speak of university scholarships because I have some experience of them—go to something as low as £95 and £95 is a wholly inadequate sum. Each local body differs in the amount granted, differs in the conditions under which scholarships may be won, differs in the means test. A means test is a difficult thing to work. Speaking entirely for myself —and I am sure some of my rural rate-paying colleagues would not agree with me—it should be abolished altogether, but we cannot do that under this particular Bill. The means test works unfairly. I have never closely investigated the cases, but over and over again it has been pointed out that young Murphy fails to get a scholarship because everybody knows what Murphy's father has per year. He is a county surveyor or in some kind of post like that, or the father and mother are both teachers. Their income is ascertainable, whereas young Kelly is given a scholarship, although his father is better off than Murphy. His work is of a different kind and his income is not so ascertainable, so provable. It is constantly said—I think with some force—that the means test works inequitably. The level of the means test is too low when you consider the present value of money. There is a great case for uniformity.

The amount of money necessary for either a post-primary scholarship or for a university scholarship should of course be very substantially raised. I should like to make the point through you, Sir, to the House and to the Minister that we have not by any means kept pace with the position in 1908, to go back as far as that. The entrance scholarship to the old Jesuit college, University College, Dublin, was £30. It has now for University College, Dublin, been raised to £250 and there is an opinion that even that is not an adequate sum and that it should be £300. A great many people would agree that an adequate university scholarship would be £300. Under the private bishop's scholarship scheme a £50 scholarship was given as far back as 1905 or 1904. The amount of a scholarship now would have to be very substantial to measure up to £50 given in 1904, and I can testify that before the 1914 war and even before the University Act of 1908 it was possible for a university student to make in prizes over £100 which was more than any skilled craftsman in Dublin could earn at that time. It would not be possible now for a similarly circumstanced boy to make anything to approach what his father would earn as a wage. So scholarships should be much higher if they are to keep pace with the fall in the value of money and the general increase in the cost of living.

There is, from my point of view, one grain of light in the Bill which is that the Minister by virtue of the grants he proposes to make to local bodies will have certain powers to create uniformity. But I doubt if he has the power to compel them to increase the rate. I do not think he has. All he can says is: "If you give more money for scholarships the State will give more as well" and there are places where, I feel, he will find that that argument will not cut a very great deal of ice.

The whole machinery is creaking none too satisfactorily and it would be much better if we could have a scheme of State Scholarships. Apart from the differences in schemes this is a rather delicate subject to approach and argue on, but it is much easier to get scholarships in certain counties than in others. I had something to do, as a member of a scholarship board for a number of years, with looking at scholarship marks. There are places where there are five scholarships and the sixth candidate who gets 70 per cent. does not get a scholarship. In other places, no candidate has more than 60 per cent. and the fourth or fifth candidate may get a little less than 50 per cent. and have to be raised for the purpose of qualifying them for scholarships. Your chance of getting a scholarship therefore depends to some extent on where you live. That, I think, is not what the Minister wants or what anyone wants. It is more difficult to get scholarships in certain places than in others.

I know that it would be argued that it would not be fair to have a complete State scheme whereby certain areas might never come into the picture at all perhaps—but surely the Minister could devote some part of the money he proposes to put to this particular use now to giving scholarships on, say, the Leaving Certificate examination, given on the performance of the student in that examination irrespective of his place of residence and irrespective of his means. I think that would be a very great advantage. In the old Intermediate Board days, there were exhibitions in the senior grade and I think the last one was £40. It would have to be very much greater now, but that was a great help to a person going into a university those days.

It might be necessary to make certain changes in the Leaving Certificate examination, but that is a thing that could be seen to. I think it would be desirable that scholarships to the universities should be given on the Leaving Certificates examination or on a special examination if you like conducted by the Department or conducted as arranged. It would be a significant improvement because good candidates would get into the universities with adequate scholarships on merit without any regard to location, the residence of their parents, or their parents' means. I think that would be a highly desirable thing. I do not think that the Minister could do it under this scheme but if it is contemplated that more money should be spent on scholarships, scholarships to universities in particular, it should be considered.

There are certain anomalies which you cannot get over. In the case of scholarships, as everybody knows, boys are better off than girls for the reason that the Christian Brothers provide education for nothing or at a very low rate for boys while very little of these facilities are available for girls and I do think the Minister will have his work cut out for him when he starts to deal with local bodies on scholarships. I do not envy him the task he will have and it would be better if the extra money were devoted to seeing where we could get the best talent available.

Section 1 prescribes that one-fourth of the money is to be given on merit alone. I do not know how that is to be worked. Where there are five scholarships, which is the common figure, how many scholarships will you give on merit alone and how will you decide? That will be difficult, but it is an improvement. I am not quite clear as to how the Minister arrives at the conclusion that he should give twice as much money for scholarships from primary to post-primary institutions than he gives from secondary schools to universities. The cost of maintenance either in Dublin, Cork or Galway, for a full academic year, with the necessary money for taking part in college activities, involves a very substantial sum.

There have been regulations, for example, to the effect that county council scholars must take Honour courses. In fact that is not always feasible and it does not work. It is possible for a man or woman to get a scholarship and to find after the first year in the university that he or she cannot be advised to take Honour courses. It is certainly very unfair to put a professor or a couple of professors, discussing this matter from the point of the student, in the position that if they advise him not to do Honours he loses the scholarship. That is a regulation that is not desirable.

There will be £300,000 allocated to these schemes and of that, £100,000 will be devoted to university scholarships. If £50,000, or £25,000 were given in exhibitions on the Leaving Certificate, tenable in a university college, you would get a fair number of scholarships worth £300, which, I think, would be very desirable. I agree with the aims of the Minister and of the Bill; I merely differ with regard to how these aims can be achieved. I appeal to the Minister to find a scheme which will allow a student of merit, irrespective of residence or means, to get to the university.

We all agree that economic circumstances should not be a bar to the person who deserves a better education, either secondary, vocational or university. It would not be extremely costly because it is not true, although it is sometimes said in enthusiastic speeches, that there is an enormous fund of genius and talent awaiting development if the Government would give enough money for its development. That is not so, but it is the case that there are people who could benefit from more education and whose economic circumstances, the circumstances of their parents, prevent them from getting it. I am entirely in agreement with the Minister in endeavouring to get an improvement in that regard. While this Bill goes a certain distance, and will have the effect of evening out the inadequacies and differences in local schemes, there is another scheme which would have a better result without spending any more money. In the meantime I agree with the Second Reading.

I entirely support what Senator Hayes has said. There is no doubt that a State scheme would have very great advantages, and I hope the Minister will work towards that end. There is also no doubt that at present the scholarships generally are entirely inadequate. The sum of £95 is ludicrous for any student going to the university. The very least that is required, from my experience with a son living at home, is about £250 a year. If he was not living at home it would be about £300. That is in Trinity College, Dublin. It may not be quite as much elsewhere, but for us it is pretty well a basic figure. Some of the English authorities are giving scholarships of £300, so that in any circumstances £95 is totally inadequate. Senator Hayes mentioned a figure of something like £300, with which I entirely agree. If you want students to live decently and get from the university something more than merely slogging at their books and at examinations they must be given more. And probably it will be that little bit more that will help them most in later life. I also agree with Senator Hayes that award of scholarships on the Leaving Certificate is very often the best basis. I hope the Minister will keep that in mind.

Taking the Bill as a whole, I am sure very few taxpayers will begrudge this small addition to their burden. Some might readily accept the addition of a few more shillings for a more generous scheme. It is of course the greatest platitude, but it must be repeated, that in this competitive, scientific age we must have the highest possible scientific and technological education. It must also be argued and asserted that in a world which is so distracted in morals and standards we need the best possible philosophical and humanistic education, in the good sense of the word humanistic. I hope the Minister will never fall for the science-above-all doctrine which is exploited in some quarters. I think our scientific colleagues in this House and elsewhere would be the first to agree that the other basis, the philosophical basis and the humanistic basis, is also essential.

I should like to speak on one special aspect of the Bill. The Minister said he intended to remove anomalies in the existing scheme as far as possible. There are some anomalies in the present scheme as he probably knows and it is his duty, since he is spending public funds on this—and I know he realises it, as he has said so— to reconsider certain aspects of the schemes in certain parts of the country. The fact is that a proportion of the local authorities refuse to grant their scholarships to Trinity College.

I should like to put it on record just which of them do, and which do not, grant their scholarships to T.C.D. Those authorities which grant scholarships freely to Trinity are the following: Cavan, Donegal, County Dublin, Kerry, Kildare, Leix, Limerick City, Meath, Monaghan, Offaly, Roscommon, Westmeath and Wicklow. Under certain conditions scholarships can be held at Trinity from the following: Carlow, Leitrim, Louth, Sligo, Waterford and Wexford. The rest for various reasons, some from geographical and some others, refuse to allow their scholars to come to us. On the other hand, all the authorities in Northern Ireland, without any condition or question, say that their scholars can come to Trinity College or to University College. There is no restriction of any kind so far as I know from the Northern Ireland counties. That is considerably to their credit. It shows in a rather remarkable way that there is no boundary in the educational world, unless I am misinformed.

What perhaps some of us, including a few of us in this House, feel particularly is the peculiar situation in the City of Dublin. I want to draw the Minister's attention to this very carefully. In 1910 Dublin Corporation decided that they would not grant scholarships to Trinity College unless Irish were made compulsory for all students in Trinity College at the matriculation examination. This is 1961, and things have changed a good deal. In the Intermediate Certificate Irish is compulsory and for the scholarship candidates in the Leaving Certificate in the Dublin city scheme Irish is compulsory. There is no question whatever that those candidates who get the required marks in the Leaving Certificate are fully qualified in Irish, but still they cannot come to Trinity College, Dublin—its other name is Dublin University—not through any fault of theirs but, if any fault there be, because Trinity College has not thought fit to make Irish compulsory in its matriculation examination.

That, I understand, is the situation, and I appeal to the Minister to think it over. Is it reasonable in the capital city of our country that a provision laid down in 1910 in completely different circumstances should still be operative? In this city, there are a good many paying substantial rates and taxes who would like to send their children to Trinity College, Dublin. I have no figures, but I suppose that perhaps one-fifth of the taxes is the possible figure: if you allow for big firms like Guinness, perhaps more. Those taxpayers and ratepayers cannot send their children to Dublin University, not through any lack of qualification in Irish on the part of the candidates but simply because Dublin University has not made Irish compulsory at the matriculation examination. I suggest to the Minister that this perhaps is one of the anomalies he ought to look into. Some of the other county councils take something like the same view. It does not seem a reasonable view to me and to others.

No doubt the Minister wants to interfere as little as possible with the autonomy of the local authorities. I feel very much the same myself. I would like to see as much local autonomy as possible. But this situation is bordering on national injustice. I would like the Minister to consider it very seriously in that light. If he can do anything to persuade the County Councils and Corporation to change these conditions he would be doing the State in general some service. There is a certain indignation, even a rankling sense of injustice—I do not say a blazing sense of injustice —in this matter. Why should we pay taxes and rates in Dublin and not have this opportunity? To be quite frank, it is almost a kind of blackmail on behalf of the national language.

It comes to this: these local authorities say, "If Dublin University does not make Irish compulsory in the entrance examination, we will not let any scholars go there." Leaving aside any question of justice towards Trinity College, Dublin, is it fair to the children of Dublin citizens, that they should be the victims of what to my mind, to speak frankly, amounts to a kind of pressure, at any rate?

The circumstances are pretty well familiar to the whole House and I will not labour them. This is an opportunity for the Minister to courageously tackle —as I have just courageously split an, infinitive—this question. I think that a great many public-spirited citizens, not simply those who feel that they have a personal grievance but many others as well, would be pleased and grateful if he would remove this anomaly. That is a special matter and naturally I feel very strongly on it. To return to the general provisions of the Bill: it is quite clearly a welcome step forward. But of course it is only a very small step compared with the opportunities in Northern Ireland or in Great Britain. If one looks into the comparative figures there, it is very small indeed. And it is the beginning, I hope, of a more generous policy in finding these opportunities for our brilliant boys and girls and our very good boys and girls who may save this country in 20 or 30 years' time. They are the people we look to, not just the plodders but the few with a creative brilliance. That is what we really want— creative brilliance—and it may be that this scheme properly administered will make that saving difference in the coming generation. I earnestly hope it will.

In common with the earlier speakers, of course I welcome this Bill. It is a step in the right direction but it is a very small step. We hope that it will be followed by others in the future. I agree with everything that has been said by both the previous speakers.

I agree with Senator Hayes that there is a great deal to be said for having university scholarship schemes on a national rather than a local basis to bring about uniformity of administration and of standing. I also agree with him strongly about the undesirability of means tests, especially as at present applied. This Bill provides extra scholarships for secondary education and also for university education, and it is only in relation to the latter that I have any special knowledge. Therefore, any remarks I make on this Bill will be in relation to university scholarships. I shall not speak about secondary scholarships because I have no special knowledge on that subject.

I am very pleased that some of the scholarships to universities to be provided in the future will not contain a means test. The means test has in fact excluded a good many young people from university education who should not be excluded. There are marginal cases—white collar workers, families with a large number of children and so on—who are excluded by the present means test but in fact are not able to pay for their children's education as well as many people who, as Senator Hayes said, may be able to put up a better facade regarding their need for money. Therefore, it is generally agreed in progressive countries today that the less means tests the better for higher education. I am also glad that the residential qualification is made rather less rigid, as a national scheme, of course, is better than a local scheme. The fewer restrictions on a residential basis the better.

Another good point about the Bill is that most of the scholarships will be increased in value, apart from the increase in the number of scholarships. As Senator Hayes said, there has not been a correct upward adjustment in this matter in recent years. The cost of education is growing very rapidly. The cost of living in university towns is also growing. It is very desirable indeed from the university point of view that whatever scholarships are given should be sufficient to enable students to live comfortably during their student years. In that, I entirely agree with Senator Stanford. I think scholarships should be sufficiently generous to dispense with the necessity for students to do vacation work. A great deal of this vacation work undermines a student's capacity to study. I am speaking from long experience of this subject. Many of our students in University College have to go off to England during the long vacation to do quite menial tasks in order to keep themselves alive at a period when they should be, at best, studying for their examination or perhaps, at second best, resting. I think that any scholarships that are given should be sufficiently high.

Debate adjourned.
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