Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 Nov 1984

Vol. 106 No. 1

Report of the Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the EC: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann pursuant to the Order of the Seanad of 13 September 1984 takes note of the Report of the Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the European Communities on Proposals relating to equality of Opportunity (including Parental and Family Leave) which was laid before the Seanad on 17 October 1984 and which contains a request for a debate thereon.

It gives me great pleasure to move the motion which notes the omnibus report which the Joint Committee on EC Secondary Legislation have produced on equal opportunities for women and men. In that report, the Joint Committee examined seven different proposals from the EC. The report runs to 127 pages of text and if one counts the appendices that are annexed, it comes to a total of 133 pages. It is, therefore, a very comprehensive and very substantial report. It certainly was a matter of considerable political import that the report was a unanimous one by the members of the committee who represent the members of all three of the main political parties and there is also an independent member.

Therefore, in moving the motion inviting the Seanad to examine the recommendations in the report, I do so as a member of that committee and as chairperson of the sub-committee that prepared the draft report for consideration by the committee. The fact that it is a unanimous report is significant because, as Members of the House can see in looking at the details of the report which I am about to turn to, it is a very positive report on equality. Indeed, it is one of the most positive reports that have come from any committee of the Oireachtas strongly endorsing and supporting the principles of equality of opportunity. I very much welcome that and I hope that that approach and the specific recommendations endorsed by the committee in the report will be further supported by Members of this House and that this will help to ensure that the actions already being taken and, indeed, more positive actions in the area of equal opportunity may be set in train here and may be further implemented at the European Community level.

I thank the Leader of the House for ensuring that there will be ample time for discussion of the contents of this report, both this afternoon and on a future occasion.

I will begin by referring to the seven different proposals, or instruments, that were considered by the Joint Committee. These are referred to at pages 8 and 9 of the report, where they are summarised. I will list them for the record; firstly, the Council's resolution of 7 June, 1984 on action to combat unemployment amongst women; secondly, a proposal for a Council directive on the application of the principle of equal treatment as between men and women engaged in an activity, including agriculture, in a self-employed capacity, and on the protection of self-employed women during pregnancy and motherhood; thirdly, a draft Council recommendation on the promotion of positive action for women; fourthly, a progress report on the implementation of the new Community action programme on the promotion of equal opportunities for women; fifthly, a proposal for a Council directive on parental leave and leave for family reasons; sixthly, a proposal for a Council directive on the implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in occupational social security schemes, and, finally, an interim report on the application of the directive on the progressive implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in matters of social security.

The first point I will make about these various proposals is that some of them are proposals for draft directives which require legally binding implementation in this country. Therefore, certain considerations apply to those proposals. Others refer either to a council recommendation or a council resolution which are not as binding in their import but which can have a very real impact on the position of women and the attainment in a very positive context, of equality of opportunits by women in the various member states of the European Communities. Suffice it to say, and it deals with part of the general observations of the Joint Committee at the end of the report which I hope to come to in my analysis of the report, the committee does acknowledge the very positive role played by the European Communities in this area of the attainment of greater equality of opportunity by women in the member states of the Community through the Treaty provisions themselves and through the steps that have been taken, particularly by the various directives which have been passed and which have required to be implemented in the member states and the action programme which was launched in 1982. The Community have played a very significant role and the impact of that has been very beneficial, particularly for women in employment.

With these general observations, I turn now to the various measures which were examined by the committee and I will draw attention, in particular, to the views of the Joint Committee on the implications for Ireland of these various measures. The first measure examined, as I have already indicated, was the Council resolution on action to combat unemployment amongst women. This resolution was adopted by the Council of Ministers on 7 June, 1984. In member states generally in the Community there is substantially higher unemployment amongst women than amongst men, but Ireland appears to be an exception in that our female unemployment rate is much lower than the comparable rate in other EC countries. It is clear — and the Department of Labour accept this — that the figures for female registered unemployment are likely to seriously underestimate the true employment situation. Furthermore, the trends here show that female unemployment is increasing at a faster rate than male unemployment. I refer Members to pages 12 and 13 of the report where these figures are referred to and, in particular, to a passage in paragraph 6 which I quote:

The female unemployment rate in Ireland is lower than that for males — a factor which is not common in most of the other Member States in the European Communities. However, the trends in registered unemployment in Ireland show that female unemployment is rising. The female share of registered unemployment (seasonally adjusted) has risen during the past two years from 23.9% in April, 1982 to 25.6% in April, 1984. In recent years, the general trend has been for a faster rate of increase in female than in male unemployment, and in the two-year period to April, 1984 female unemployment increased by 54% in comparison with an increase of 40.9% in male unemployment and 44% in overall unemployment. It is also important to note that the figures for female registered unemployment are likely to understate the true employment situation.

Members of the House will understand the reasons for this. To a considerable extent there are, particularly, cultural and social reasons within the Irish environment for women not applying for and being registered for unemployment and figuring on the official figures, so that we have a serious and worsening problem of female unemployment here. For this reason, the committee have welcomed the resolution of the Council of Ministers, and the views of the committee are set out in pages 19 and 20:

The Joint Committee..... notes with approval the stress placed by the Council on equality of opportunity as the underlying factor in framing national policies and practices. In respect of job creation and recruitment, the measures taken should aim for a more balanced representation of men and women, particularly in skilled jobs, in the new technologies and where women are under-represented. The Joint Committee urges that equal opportunities should be vigorously promoted in the public and private sector. It is pleased to learn that the Minister for Labour has arranged for consideration to be given within his Department to the formulation of a general policy framework, within which the principle of equality of opportunity could be applied, and that it is his intention to seek Government approval shortly for the application of this framework to public sector organisations. The Joint Committee sees the introduction of flexible working hours and reduction and re-organisation of working time as positive contributions to attaining equal opportunity in employment. Other specific areas the Joint Committee feels attention should be directed towards are the provision of child care facilities (which are practically non-existent here), job sharing and the protection of part-time working.

These are some of the views of the Joint Committee in response to the Council resolution. In that regard — and I have already referred to him — I would like to welcome the Minister for Labour to this debate. I would like to refer to the fact that the Minister appeared before the Joint Committee and discussed in detail the measures which the committee were examining and assisted the committee in the preparation of this report. I look forward to his contribution to the debate which is now taking place in this House on that report.

I would like to refer to the provision of child care facilities which the Joint Committee have called for. I attended the annual general meeting of Cherish, the self-help organisation for single parents. The focus of that meeting was on the urgent need to provide for child care facilities. Cherish recognise that the Government have committed themselves to introducing legislation to abolish the discrimination against children born out of wedlock. Cherish see, as a natural and necessary parallel to that, the urgent provision of child care facilities.

Of course, these facilities are not just facilities that are needed by one parent or single parent families, but are a very necessary provision for the children and quite significantly for women who wish or need to take up — as they are entitled to — the full possibilities of employment. Notwithstanding that the first instrument is a Council resolution and has already been passed, it has very far-reaching and very important implications. The Joint Committee have responded very positively to it in saying in what ways it could be further implemented here.

The second instrument which we examined and which starts at page 26 of the report is a proposal for a Council directive on the principle of equal treatment for men and women in self-employed occupations, including agriculture, and on protection during pregnancy and maternity. It forms part of a programme of directives. The first two directives, the directive on equal pay and the directive on equality treatment, which had been implemented here related to women who are employees and have greatly improved their status. This draft directive has very important implications for women whose occupational status is not defined. That is a particular problem in Ireland. We have a significant number of women, particularly in the area of agriculture and where they are working for a family business, who have no occupational status. They may carry out very serious responsibilities and administration in management and in the running of the farm or the business, but their status is still effectively that of that awful word "housewife"— as if anybody was ever married to a house. That, in effect, in law is the only status they have.

This draft directive was discussed last week at a meeting held in Dublin Castle as part of the initiative taken during the Irish Presidency and at which the Minister of State with responsibility for Women's Affairs made a very strong speech in relation to the importance of this proposed draft directive in Ireland and, indeed, the Taoiseach himself contributed very positively. I would hope that the recommendations of the Joint Committee on that draft directive will be endorsed and accepted by Members of the House.

The next measure examined, and this starts at page 45 of the report, is the draft Council recommendation on the promotion of positive action for women. I would express the personal opinion that although this is a proposal for a Council recommendation — although I would prefer if it were a directive, a binding legal instrument — I, nonetheless feel that this recommendation, because it is calling for the promotion of positive affirmative action in this area, is one of the most important proposals. It is one that is dealt with very fully by the committee and the views of the Joint Committee on it are extremely positive. I would like to refer in some detail to these views because they warrant repeating on the record of the House. I would like to turn to page 55 of the report where the Joint Committee first of all express, as I have done, a regret that this instrument is a draft recommendation rather than a draft directive, which had been the original request by the European Parliament. This has been somewhat watered down to be a recommendation. Nonetheless, I think its implications are very important indeed. On page 56, paragraph 62 of the report, the committee state:

A commitment to remove obstacles and to support measures to promote equal opportunity implies a systematic approach and a recognition that indirect or, in American terms, "systematic" discrimination is a root cause of unequal treatment as between male and female workers. Removal of systematic discrimination, in the Joint Committee's view requires an intervention programme which is action oriented and is designed to facilitate equality goals.

In Ireland we do not have an equal rights provision in the Constitution which gives equal rights to men and women in trade, profession or occupation, neither is there a legal provision regarding equality in education. Provisions in the Employment Equality Act of 1977, which prohibit discrimination in regard to access to training, do not ensure that positive action is taken. The effect of the 1977 Act is to give rights to individuals to pursue claims. The legislation does not call on employers either in the public or the private sector to take steps to achieve equality between male and female workers. Amending legislation is needed, in the Joint Committee's view, to require employers to initiate actions which will assist desegregation of the work-force and thereby remove some of the burden of proof from a claimant under the Act of 1977. The Act has, in practice, required an almost impossible burden of proof and has initiated no positive promotion of equality measures. The Joint Committee recommends that placing of notices which give information regarding the 1974 and 1977 Acts be mandatory in places of work. The present legislation should be extended to include this provision.

As part of the analysis by the Joint Committee of what would be involved in a programme of positive action, the committee note that the Employment Equality Agency have been urging the necessity for this kind of approach and have indeed, evolved a code of practice which they would like to see adopted and fully integrated into industry and into all sectors of our economic life, both in the private sector and in the public sector. The importance of the attitudes adopted, above all by senior management and down right through the structures of an individual company or of an organisation — be it a State-sponsored body in the public sector, a Department of Government, a profession, or a trade union — requires a very different approach to get beyond the stage we are at. We have certain legislation on the Statute Book and individuals can pursue claims through the equality officer and through the Labour Court. We do not have the ethos of affirmative action. We do not have an acceptance of the kind of values that would be required in order to make the quantum leap in this area that, in effect, this committee are calling for in the report.

The next instrument which the committee examined is a progress report on the implementation of the European Community Action Programme on the promotion of equal opportunity for women. This is a programme which was launched by way of a Council resolution. It is an action programme from 1982 to 1985. The Council asked the Commission to present an interim report by 1 January, 1984 on the progress which was being made and there will be a final report in 1985. The views of the Joint Committee on this progress report are set out on page 68 of the report. The Joint Committee refer, in particular, to the impact in Ireland of the action programme of the European Community on Women. It notes very explicitly that the budget of the statutory agency here does not appear to be adequate to enable that agency to fully discharge their tasks. I should like to quote what the committee states at paragraphs 85 and 86:

The Joint Committee is satisfied that the budget of the Employment Equality Agency is insufficient to carry out the functions devolved on the Agency by the Oireachtas, both with regard to staff levels and members, and with regard to the cost of activities necessary after salary costs have been met. The present arrangements for financing and selecting staff means that the Agency is reliant upon a single, comparatively small Government Department to supply high level staff. In particular the Joint Committee believes that the recruitment of special staff would require that the selection be made from a wider pool.

The Joint Committee commends the sterling work of the Employment Equality Agency in securing equality of women (and men) in employment and cautions that inadequate budgets and staffing levels can only impede this work.

This is one of the major problems in facing up to the challenge of providing the positive impetus to equality which the committee discerned, and it is reflected in other paragraphs of the report as well.

The next instrument is the proposal which took up a major portion of the time of the sub-committee and, indeed, of the Joint Committee itself at an earlier stage and which was and is a somewhat controversial measure, that is, the proposal for a Council directive on parental leave and leave for family reasons. This proposal for a draft directive is summarised at pages 72 and the following pages in the report as follows:

The object of the draft Directive is to establish common statutory provisions throughout the Community governing parental leave and leave for family reasons. It concerns male and female workers in the public and private sectors and is designed to ensure that the principle of equal treatment for men and women is fully respected by establishing the legal entitlement of workers to such leave, under harmonised conditions throughout the member states.

I should like to deal first of all with the proposal on leave for family reasons. This relates to short periods of leave to be granted, both to male and female workers, for pressing family reasons. These could, for example, include the illness of a child or, something which is very common in the context of Irish society, a case where a single worker has responsibility for a dependent adult, an aged parent or an invalid, in the family. A minimum entitlement of a certain numbers of days per year is to be fixed as proposed in the draft Directive by the member states. Under the proposed directive this leave should be assimilated to paid holidays for the purpose of remuneration and social security. One of the clear features of the proposal of leave for family reasons is that it would apply equally to male and female workers, thus signalling one of the values which underlie the draft directive — that the family responsibilities of workers are family responsibilities to be borne by both male and female — by mother and father, and not, as is so much the case in this country, that the family responsibilities are the sole burden and sole responsibility of the female workers, and not to any considerable extent, and certainly not to any extent recognised in our legislation, the responsibility of the male workers.

It is important — and I do not mean this in a judgmental sense — to encourage the parenting role of fathers. We need to be supportive of it because we need to recognise its importance. It has a very vital effect on the development of children. It is their right to look to both their parents for parenting and it is our responsibility, as a society, to create the conditions to recognise and support the importance for society of the parenting role and of the family responsibilities of workers.

The second and different type of leave is parental leave and may be defined as leave which is granted to either fathers or mothers during a period after the termination of maternity leave, to enable either parent in employment to look after the new born child for a certain length of time whilst giving some degree of job security in respect of employment, social security and remuneration. This proposal would give a working parent — whether married or not — the right of nontransferable parental leave of at least three months. The draft Directive makes it clear that this will apply both to natural parents and to parents who had adopted a child following the placing of a child for adoption.

This proposal for parental leave was one which concerned a number of members of the committee. I should like to state frankly — and other members of the committee may wish to elaborate on this — that there was a concern among a majority of members, when this matter was first discussed in the full committee, that the proposals for leave for family reasons and parental leave would incur a burden of cost which in the present state of the Irish economy it would be difficult for it to bear and could have a detrimental affect, particularly given the very high unemployment level.

I am pleased to say that the reflected and considered view of the Joint Committee is very positive on the values which this draft directive seeks to promote, notwithstanding that a majority of the committee feel that it is not at present possible or realistic to make rapid progress in implementing its provisions. If members of the committee would examine paragraphs 123 to 126 of the report — 126 in particular — they will see it is clear that the Joint Committee is very anxious that the importance of the values underlying the move towards recognition of the family responsibilities of workers be furthered. At paragraph 126 the report states:

The Joint Committee in its consideration of the Commissions proposals regarded them as innovative and approached them in a positive frame of mind. It sees the Commission's proposals for parental leave and leave for family reasons as another possible step forward in the reforming programme of the Community towards employees and particularly as an opportunity to advance the rights of women workers. The Joint Committee gave serious consideration to the Commission's view that the proposals could give opportunities for greater flexibility in the organisation of working time and could provide opportunities for work experience for young people.

It refers to the fact that the majority of the members of the Joint Committee, however, after detailed consideration of the Commission's proposals feel they would, if adopted at the present time, offer another challenge to our struggling economy. They point out the fact that some economies like Germany, for example, have lost their enthusiasm for the proposals. The Joint Committee, as I say, asks employers to prepare themselves for a measure of this kind and note the very rapid changes that are taking place even in approach to work and, in particular, in the recognition of the family responsibilities of workers.

The next measure which was examined by the committee is another proposal for a Council directive, this time a proposal for a Council directive on the implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in occupational social security schemes. The Joint Committee understand that this proposal is still at a relatively early stage in discussion. Senators will recall that it was in December 1978 that the Council adopted the directive which we are at present in the process of implementing, the directive on the progressive implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in matters of social security. That directive applies only to statutory schemes, and the present proposed directive, the one which the committee were considering at this stage, applies to occupational schemes. These are schemes which fall between social security schemes and purely private insurance contracts, and they include schemes on collective agreements, company schemes and schemes set up by the representatives of a self-employed occupation, for example, doctors, lawyers or craftsmen. The proposed directive is intended to apply to all workers whether employees or self-employed and it would prohibit any discrimination on the basis of sex or on the basis of marital or family status.

The views of the committee are summarised on pages 100 and 101 and, in particular, it is important to draw attention to the view of the committee as expressed in paragraph 139 which stated:

The Commission noted that women tend to benefit proportionately less than men from occupational schemes. Two reasons were put forward for this, firstly, occupational schemes are not usually operated in firms employing chiefly female labour because of traditional ideas of the respective roles of men and women in society and, secondly, because of the exclusion of part-time work from many occupational schemes. As women form the bulk of part-time workers, they are affected to a greater extent as a consequence. These factors would need special measures to deal with this hidden form of indirect discrimination, and can possibly only be solved by broader social protection measures. One such measure would be a directive on the protection of part-time workers. The Joint Committee is, accordingly, very pleased that the Commission has drawn up a draft directive protecting part-time workers and feels that only a directive on this issue would bind member states to introduce legislation which would ensure that part-time workers would be guaranteed the same rights as full-time workers.

So, the committee placed an importance on that further measure which we were not in fact examining but which is being proposed for the legal protection of part-time workers. We also point to the proposals for a national pension scheme, proposals for bringing the self-employed in more substantially under this type of cover.

The next measure which the committee examined was the interim report on the application of the third directive as it is called, Directive No. 7 of 1979 of December 1978 on the progressive implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in matters of social security. The deadline for completing implementation of that directive is, of course, next month. The Minister for Health has made it clear that Ireland will have secured the necessary removal of the discriminations under that directive. There has been some criticism, and I think there will be further debate, on the precise manner of the implementation of that directive and whether in some instances there are certain families on whom the implementation bears harshly in that they risk being less well off than before the directive was implemented in Ireland.

It is worth remembering, before this criticism deflects from the values of that directive, that it is necessary to have a legal directive in this area because of the blatant discriminations that have existed. These have not been criticised as openly as they should have been. Under the present social welfare code in Ireland, until amended, because of the binding requirements of this directive which we are just about to implement, married women receive lower rates of benefit than men in the scheme of disability benefit, unemployment benefit, invalidity pension and occupational injury benefits. Also, married women can only receive unemployment benefit for a maximum of 312 days against 390 days for single or married men. Thirdly, married women are effectively barred from the unemployment assistance scheme, which is one of the reasons why there is an under estimate of the female labour force because, for a married women to qualify for unemployment assistance, either her husband must be dependent on her, which require a particular burden of proof of that, or she must not be a dependant of his. Finally there are of course, different conditions applied in the matter of adult and child dependants.

All of these are discriminations which have existed in the Irish social welfare code which we are now required to remove and to redress under the binding provisions of this directive. That is something which the Joint Committee have welcomed. I appreciate that for Members of the House this is a very substantial — I called it an omnibus — report in the area of equality and Members of the House will have to select certain areas. I feel that the report is particularly significant because of the very affirmative attitude adopted unanimously by the committee in the area of the need for positive action and what positive action in the area of equality means.

I will say one last thing lest there are Members of this House who fear that there is such a substantial economic cost to the proposals that in many instances that is not the case. There are a number of serious proposals in this report and there are a number of examples referred to in the report of approaches, practices and changes which have not got an economic cost. They are attitudinal changes They are a difference of approach and a difference in the values and principles but are not all necessarily matters that add significantly to economic costs. One other benefit from having these various EC instruments examined in one report of the Joint Committee is that it enables us to look at what is happening in various companies or in various State-sponsored bodies and to urge that these practices be copied by other public or private sector bodies. For example, in March 1982 Air Rianta were the first public sector body to appoint an affirmative action co-ordinator responsible for affirmative action programmes. If there was a similar spin off effect that every other State-sponsored body and, indeed, the public sector as a whole, the Departments of State, were to give a lead in this area of affirmative action that in itself would have a very significant impact and would accelerate the recognition of, the acceptance of and the positive endorsement of the values of equality of opportunity in our society. This is very necessary.

I will conclude by saying that women workers are very defensive in the present state of the economy. It is clear from the figures of the Joint Committee that the female unemployment rate is rising rapidly. Women are defensive about seeking their rightful place, asserting the values which even a few years ago were much less questioned than they are now. Therefore it is particularly welcome to have this unanimous report of the Joint Committee placing in such a positive context the Irish attitude towards and the Irish view on these various EC proposals and their implications for Ireland. I welcome the opportunity to have this debated, and I look forward to hearing the views of Members of the House and the Minister on the report.

I would like to congratulate the Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the European Communities on their very comprehensive analysis of current initiatives at the level of the European Community which are concerned with the realisation of equality between men and women in employment opportunities.

I was pleased to be able to attend a meeting of the Joint Committee on 12 September 1984 to discuss the European Community proposals in relation to equality of opportunity and to outline the social affairs priorities of the Irish Presidency of the European Council. Having listened to Senator Mary Robinson and to her summing up in her very comprehensive outline of what the report contains I share her view that human progress and human liberation in this instance in relation to women's affairs, the concerns of women and, therefore, the concerns of men cannot be made conditional on achieving some level of economic progress or output. If that was to be the test of history then we would never have abolished slavery, we would never have introduced voting rights for men let alone for women or any of the other thresholds of social progress over which we have been able to climb in spite of the economic arguments of the day that have been hurled against them. That is not to say that there will not be economic difficulties posed, but they are difficulties that should be capable of being overcome as they have been in the past.

I hope that Ministers will avail of the opportunity, whenever possible, to attend joint committee meetings and discuss Commission proposals at an early stage. I commend the Seanad for renewing the procedure for debating reports of the Joint Committee. The last report of the Joint Committee on an employment related theme — the Tenth Report dealing with youth unemployment — was debated in the Seanad in May 1978. I understand that the Joint Committee will shortly be considering a number of important themes in the social affairs field, including the Vredling Directive, youth training and long term employment. I would like to assure the members of the Joint Committee of my continuing co-operation in their deliberations and my interest in assisting this House in its consideration of the Joint Committee's work. My membership of this House on a previous occasion and of the Joint Committee has somewhat coloured my commitment in this regard.

The Joint Committee's report covers a range of documents and proposals in relation to issues affecting equality of opportunity for men and women. These seven documents comprise (1) a resolution on action to combat unemployment amongst women; (2), three proposals for Council Directives which are still at some remove from adoption; (3), two progress reports of which one dealing with the implementation of a directive on equal treatment is in the social security field; (4), another one which reviews progress on the implementation of the European Community action programme on the promotion of equal opportunities for women; and (5), a draft Council recommendation on positive action.

I would like as briefly and as succinctly as possible to deal with each of these measures. Referring to the resolution on action to combat unemployment among women, prior to assuming my Presidency functions last July within the EC I warmly welcomed the Resolution on Action to Combat Unemployment Among Women, which was adopted by the EC Council of Ministers in June of this year. It is not only current economic difficulties which have affected employment opportunities for women. Other factors, including the effect which technological innovation and progress has in those areas of employment where women are traditionally heavily represented, has affected and will continue to affect their prospects in the future. I am conscious of the important role which training and specific employment initiatives must play in overcoming the problems experienced by women in the labour market.

In this context, the use of European Social Fund assistance is a matter of some importance. The total amount of ESF aid approved for Ireland for special programmes for women during the period 1981-84 amounted to £1.9 million and involved 1,100 people. In addition, women have participated in the various other programmes assisted by the fund which are open to both men and women. There has been a continuing increase in the number of women participating in such programmes. For example, a percentage of women on training courses operated by AnCO, which is the largest beneficiary of the fund, has risen from 10 per cent in 1976 to approximately 32 per cent in 1983.

I turn now to the positive action recommendation. The draft Council recommendation forms part of the new Community action programme on the promotion of equal opportunities for women 1982-85. The draft recommendation was submitted by the Council to the Commission on 24 April 1984. In my capacity as President of the Social Affairs and Employment Council of EC I decided to focus attention on the draft recommendation, recognising its potential as a stimulus to the removal of existing inequalities against women and the promotion of equal opportunity in employment. The progress made in advancing consideration of this instrument during the Irish Presidency should ensure its adoption at the formal Council in December. We are on target to have that formal adoption made on 13 December 1984.

The recommendation goes further than the aspirational character of the resolution on unemployment among women, and identifies a series of practical measures to be adopted within member states. The European Commission will review progress and consider the effectiveness of the instrument at a later stage. I hope that the momentum generated by the adoption of the positive action recommendation will be influential in determining the stance of Governments towards the problems which have been encountered in the consideration of the three proposals for Council directives on equal treatment between men and women engaged in agriculture and small businesses, on parental leave and leave for family reasons, and on equal treatment for men and women in occupational and social security schemes.

While the economic climate is a common factor among member states there are other factors which have a varied impact on the attainment of equal opportunity in employment. The incidence of employment among women, the proportion who are part-time, the effect of occupational segregation, the prevalence of the concept of male breadwinner, are important in varying degrees in member states.

On the question of positive action in favour of women I would like to take this opportunity to outline my proposals for the achievement of employment equality within my own Department. With a view to the establishment of an equal opportunity programme as a specific item of personnel policy, I initiated an exercise some months ago to compile a profile of grade placements and upward mobility within my Department basically on the premise that if you are going to try to preach to the rest of the economy how to achieve equal opportunity and promotion for women we could usefully start in our own back yard and see if the Department of Labour were attempting to practise what they were instructing everybody else to preach. It might come as a surprise to Senators that we were a little bit in arrears in that regard.

The purpose of the exercise was to identify constraints to the achievement of equal opportunity for women in the Department and to design mechanisms to eliminate such constraints. Analysis of the profile data is proceeding and I expect to outline the details of an equality programme to the staff of my Department in the near future. As soon as this programme is introduced in the Department of Labour I propose to take it up with the Minister for the Public Service on the question of introducing similar arrangements in other Departments.

To give some indication of the time lag between an aspiration which takes root in the form of a political resolution among a party and its realisation on the ground we are still living with the consequences within the Civil Service in 1984 of the bar on marriage for females, in particular, continuing to work after they get married because the representation of women in the senior grades in the Civil Service is deficient in a significant degree as a consequence of that bar operating from the foundation of the State until 1973-74 when a previous Coalition Government removed it. The legacy of that particular prejudice against women is still affecting the promotional opportunities of some women, particularly in the senior grades. When we have completed our study and when we have come up with a way of positively intervening in an affirmative manner within my Department I propose to take up the matter with the Minister for the Public Service and have it generally applied within other sectors of the public service.

I turn now to the Joint Committee's endorsement of the exemplary role for public sector employers. Both the resolution to combat unemployment amongst women and the draft recommendation on the promotion of positive action for women envisage that the public sector will make a special effort to promote equality of opportunity as regards their own employees, thus setting an example for the private sector. My proposals with regard to the achievement of employment equality between men and women in State-sponsored bodies have been documented in the Joint Oireachtas Committee's report. Prior to making those proposals, I arranged for a review of the current position in those bodies to be carried out so as to establish the extent to which equal opportunity initiatives have been incorporated in their personnel policies and to collect data on the distribution of staff as between males and females.

The results indicated a clustering of women employees at the lower levels, where approximately one-third of the workforce is female and few or none of these female employees progress beyond the lowest rungs of the promotional ladder it is reasonable to question the reasons for this. One of them is that boys get taught woodwork in school and girls get taught typing. If we were to reverse that or equalise it out, we might reverse that particular historical bias.

Policies to achieve optimum use of resources require flexible and inventive integration of theory and practice. The primary requirement is a commitment to move from the current status quo. It must be acknowledged that strategies are needed for the development of new patterns. Beneficial consequences are likely to flow from equalising opportunities between men and women in employment. Equal employment opportunity might appropriately be defined as a chance for all people to work and to advance on the basis of merit, ability and potential. A capacity to motivate change and move towards a better balance of male and female representation in all grades of employment may be considered as both a symptom and a consequence of good management.

A significant practical difficulty arises for women on foot of the traditional hierarchical structure of organisations. By their nature hierarchical structures can offer development to fewer and fewer people as they progress up through the system. As the organisation narrows in towards its apex more people have to adjust to going no further upwards. If a class of people, for whatever reason, never makes it beyond the bottom few rungs of the ladder, then members of that class tend to lower their expectations and motivation in a measure of self protection against frustration. In Ireland, where the group clustered at the bottom of the hierarchy comprises mainly women this represents an under-use of a central organisational resource in that the technical and managerial ability of nearly a third of employees is being almost totally by-passed. In formulating the scope of positive measures we, therefore, need to look at ways and means of altering the distribution pattern of women in the work place.

Some of the measures which might be worthwhile considering in terms of efforts to alter the distribution of women in the workplace are those dealing with the following: management commitment, focus on jobs done predominantly by women, career development, communications instruments and personnel procedures. The key point is that the theoretical commitment to equal opportunity in the workplace which exist at present has to be translated into practical action which will be seen to serve to promote the best interests of the organisation as a whole. For that reason, I was anxious that this pursuit of equality of opportunity for women should be integrated as a central function of the personnel departments and not hived out as some kind of parallel equal opportunities function, left to one side and treated as some form of a cosmetic exercise. If it is not integrated right into the core of the personnel function for career development within the organisation, it will not be taken seriously and the resource that is constituted within the female workforce will not be harnessed for the benefit of the organisation.

I now turn to the question of women in agriculture and small business. Another initiative of our Presidency of the EC which I wish to highlight here is the major Community wide seminar which the Minister of State for Women's Affairs hosted jointly with the European Commission in Dublin last week. The seminar, entitled Women in Agriculture and in Self Employed occupations, Issues and Options, dealt with the various issues relating to the proposal for a Community Directive on Equal Treatment for Men and Women in Self-employed Occupations including Agriculture and Protection during Pregnancy and Maternity. The Minister of State was anxious to ensure that all the issues relating to the proposal would be highlighted and comprehensively analysed at this relatively early stage of the proposal's examination at the various European Community fora. This proposed directive raises a number of complex issues affecting several Government Departments and will require the most careful examination.

The Joint Committee recognise some of the difficulties. Accordingly the colleges and their curriculum did not fit well within the overall pattern of youth employment and training programmes. I am quoting from a Government decision to withdraw funding. Senators may be aware that there were some difficulties in relation to some of the rural home economics colleges, and this was compounded by some of the difficulties to which the Joint Committee's report referred.

In order to get the kind of equality that we are looking for, we have to look in detail at the question of the transition from school to work. Reference is made on the subject in the Joint Committee's report to the major attitudinal and psychological problems to be overcome before women will become integrated into traditional male occupations. For instance the report points to the fact that curricula and attitudes within the educational sector will require updating to enable women to adjust to their new roles and occupations within our society.

A major research study entitled "Schooling and Sex Roles", which was undertaken by the Economic and Social Research Institute, and partly funded by my Department and the Employment Equality Agency, highlights serious pragmatic grounds for worry about the continued viability of many of the traditional opportunities for women in the labour market and about the type of very generous second level education being received currently by girls, which places many of them at a serious lifelong disadvantage in the labour market and in the relationship between their work and family roles.

The ESRI study points to the strong possibility of changes in trends in employment which could affect profoundly the career preparation of future generations of women. The micro-electronic revolution poses a Community wide threat of loss of jobs in the fields of clerical, secretarial, data processing and routine technical work. A declining demand for teachers and nurses will have a disproportionately depressing effect upon women's employment opportunities, because these are the most popular female professions. In this connection I would like to mention that the Irish Presidency is making the theme equality of opportunity for girls its major focus in the European Community's Education Committee.

My colleague, the Minister for Education, has responded by seeking to identify specific measures that might be taken at both Community and at national level on this theme. Among the particular issues she is pursuing in this context are: (1) the creation of co-operation in all member States between the education authorities and representatives of bodies concerned with employment and equal opportunities for women; (2) the improvement of means to collect information on the participation of males and females in all levels within the education system of member states; (3) the direction of attention within the education committee to the importance of role models in influencing the behaviour and vocational aspirations of girls; (4) the possible organisation of a Community based workshop on the subject of sexism and sex role stereotyping; (5) the proposing of a search for enterprise project for girls in schools in order to encourage a spirit of enterprise and a willingness to seek out opportunities for self-employment. I am sure the Seanad will agree that all of these measures, which may sound somewhat jargonistic or somewhat far removed from the reality of sex discrimination on the ground, are necessary if we are to achieve the essential attitudinal change among all of us to make a reality out of the political slogans and the campaign promises that different political parties in varying degrees of commitment have made over the last few years. These things will not become a reality. They will not, indeed, become effective in law unless we change our attitudes and become committed to the spirit of the law as much as to the level of it.

I turn now to the reorganisation of working time. The Joint Committee indicated that they would see a role for the measures to reduce and reorganise working time in alleviating the unemployment problem and in realising employment equality between men and women. I have emphasised the need to reorganise the current division of working time in my term as President of the Social Affairs Council. In the Government's national plan entitled Building on Reality 1985-87 we say and I quote:

The Government states its views that developments in this area should be conducted within the framework of our voluntary collective bargaining system and that a case-by-case approach should be adopted with bargaining at local level which will take account of existing occupational benefits, production needs, and shift patterns at unit level.

During the discussions on the draft Council Directive on Parental Leave and Leave for Family Reasons, the committee deprecated the absence of any recent comprehensive survey on absenteeism. In this connection I would point out that the agreement on pay policy in the second national understanding recognised that, in some employments, the level of absenteeism was a cause of considerable concern. However, it went on to say that in such institutions the employers and trade unions involved should seek to agree on arrangements to reduce the level of unnecessary absenteeism. A ministerial task force was established in 1983 under this Government to consider the issue of absenteeism in industry. The task force has almost completed its work. One of the areas examined was the question of the differing rates of absenteeism as between men and women.

Central to the efforts of the Government and the efforts of this society in pursuing equality in the work place and indeed throughout our entire social system is the role and the work of the Employment Equality Agency which was set up in 1977 on foot of the legislation brought in by a previous Coalition government. I would like time to discuss the position of that agency and respond to the points that were made in the Joint Committee's report. The agency which began operation in October 1977 has, along with its promotional and monitoring activities, the strategic role of enforcing the law in the public interest. It has a wide variety of powers and considerable discretion in the exercise of these powers.

The Employment Equality Act, 1977 gives the agency powers to deal with discriminatory advertisements, with pressure to discriminate, and with discrimination by way of victimisation. By far the most important of its powers are (1) to assist individual complainants in equal pay and sex discrimination cases, (2) to undertake formal investigations into any purpose connected with the carrying out of its statutory duties, and (3), to take action against persistent discriminators. Although the Employment Equality Act places the main responsibility of seeking redress on the individuals who feel themselves to be aggrieved, it recognised that there would be circumstances in which it would not be reasonable to expect an individual to embark on legal action without some expert assistance. The agency's powers of assistance to complain are in fact part of the strategic role of helping to clarify the law. I am aware of the very significant expansion in the range and penetration of the agency's assistance to complainants making references to equality officers and to the Labour Court. In addition the agency has referred a number of cases raising questions of principle to the Labour Court under its own authority. I commend the agency for the vigour with which it has pursued precedent decisions. It has decided to concentrate on a new drive to highlight instances of indirect discrimination and to work to extend public awareness of the implications of equal pay for work of equal value. The publication of the agency's code of practice on equal opportunity in employment is an important contribution to this end.

I met the members of the agency in July of this year and discussed a wide range of issues with them. The important role to be played by policy-orientated bodies providing information, help and advice on equal pay and equal treatment is recognised in the EC action programme which is considered in the Joint Committee's report. The scope of the powers and duties of the Employment Equality Agency compares favourably with those of similar bodies in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. The experience and the capacity of the agency as an avenue for help has provided a model for other European countries. The administrative machinery which we have devised for the implementation of equal pay and equal opportunities — which includes the Labour Court, the equality officers and the employment Equality Agency — is currently the subject of a review within my own Department. The agency is very highly regarded within the EC by other EC member states and in particular by the Commission. This is a very clear tribute to all of the staff of the agency but in particular to the vigour and the dynamism and indeed the commitment of the chairperson of that agency, Sylvia Meehan.

A review by my Department will look at the question of how the work is proceeding to date and in particular the machinery that has been established under the 1977 Act. This machinery has to work in a context in which the paramount desire is to avoid the undue intervention of law in industrial relations and, more positively, to create an informal climate in which claims can be met and disputes settled without excessive legalism. Anti-discrimination laws have their limitations, and despite the divergence in legal systems in operation in member states a number of problem areas have become apparent, but within these limits they can be a crucial and on occasion decisive instrument in furthering equality for women.

I have attempted to cover in a comprehensive way what is in itself an extremely comprehensive report. I would like, therefore, to conclude by expressing my appreciation to the committee and especially to my colleague, Senator Mary Robinson, who is the chairperson of the sub committee that has produced this particular report. Its publication at this time in the last eight weeks of the Irish Presidency of the EC and indeed in my own particular presidency of the Social Affairs Council is a significant morale boost for myself and in particular a boost in terms of the credibility of the Irish Government and indeed the Irish society to demonstrate our commitment to achieving the various proposals be they recommendations or directives that are set out by the Commission. I hope we will be able to achieve considerable progress before the end of this particular presidency. I would like also, since we are discussing work that has been done by the Commission and work that has been done within the structure of the EC system of fora, to put on record my particular recognition of the work that Commissioner Ivor Richards has done during the last five years. The House will be aware that Ivor Richards, the Labour Member from the United Kingdom, is an outgoing Commissioner of the EC. He is not being reappointed by the present Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for reasons that I think have become apparent to all progressive members within Europe, and it is right and proper that we should recognise that it has been his particular commitment to many of these proposals that has seen them emerge in the form in which they are now before us. I would like to personally pay tribute and indeed to re-echo the tribute that Deputy Nuala Fennell, Minister of State for Women's Affairs, paid to him in Dublin Castle last week.

I commend the committee for its comprehensive work and thank the members for the scrutiny they have applied to the way in which this legislation is being pursued by the present administration. Legislation can only go so far, and indeed the enforcement of existing legislation poses administrative problems in terms of resources of personnel. All of it will be successful in the end if there is a human and social commitment to change what have been traditional attitudes among men and even among women. Both sides of the sex divide need to change their attitudes in relation to achieving an equality of opportunity and an equality in terms of responsibility that have been effectively denied to all previous generations on this island.

I join with the Minister in congratulating the Joint Committee on the production of this comprehensive report on proposals relating to equality of opportunity. Despite the operation of the Anti-Discrimination (Pay) Act, 1974 and the Employment Equality Act, 1977 progress on equality has been very disappointing. This is due to a variety of factors including the following that I wish to highlight. First, the low priority accorded to equality problems by trade unions. Second, the exceptionally low level of active participation by female trade union members in their unions, for example, the very small proportion of women on the national executive committees of their unions. Third, the relatively small number of claims on equality issues which actually come before the Labour Court machinery. Fourth, the low level of awareness among employers of their legal obligations, especially under the Employment Equality Act, 1977. Fifth, the seriously under-resourced Employment Equality Agency and Sixth the disturbing trend in female participation on AnCO training courses which shows little or no progress on traditional patterns. For example, in 1984 apprentice training courses in AnCO were 99 per cent male while secretarial training courses were 99 per cent female. The Minister has outlined a number of measures that are necessary to rectify this latter situation. Clearly, school curricula are central to any progress in this regard. Their review and their updating is obviously very necessary.

I now want to elaborate on some of these factors which are not helping the efforts towards equality of opportunity. Few female trade union members actually take an active part in their trade unions. This is evident when we see the very low proportion of women on the national executive committees of their unions. I have some figures on this. Almost exactly one-third of the membership of the three largest unions in this country are made up of females. The three unions are the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, the Federated Workers' Union of Ireland and the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers' Union but female membership on the governing committees of these unions ranges between 7 and 9 per cent only. In the case of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation the position is even less favourable. Some 73 per cent of INTO members are female but only 10 per cent are on the National Executive Committee. Is it any wonder then that the trade unions accord a low priority to equality problems. I should add that this relative lack of action by trade unions in the case of women's equality issues is not confined to recessionary conditions. Could I point out that this relative lack of action also obtained in the prosperous sixties and in the prosperous seventies? Increased active participation at all levels of their trade unions by female members is essential in order to advance the equality of opportunity. This low priority accorded to equality problems by trade unions probably also contributes to the relatively small number of claims which come before the Labour Court machinery under the equality Act.

I want to refer specifically to a point here raised by the Joint Committee on page 94 where reference is made to the Labour Court's quasi-judicial functions under the equality legislation. It is true that the operation of the Anti-Discrimination (Pay) Act, 1974 and the Employment Equality Act, 1977 have added a new dimension to the central dispute-solving role which has characterised the court since it was established. Under these two Acts the court has a monitoring role in regard to workers' rights and also has the responsibility for hearing appeals and thus for making determinations which have legally binding effect. This complex work has implications for the character of the court and for the principle of voluntarism which has been fundamental to the court's makeup since its establishment. The Labour Court itself is very concerned about this particular conflict. In its 1978 annual report the court highlighted its concern in this regard as follows:

A feature of these appeals is the extent to which the court finds itself involved with legal aspects of its actions and its decisions thus depriving it of the flexibility which it enjoys when dealing with cases referred to it under the Industrial Relations Act.

One possibility would be to transfer the determination of cases under the Employment equality legislation from the Labour Court to the Employment Appeals Tribunal, a course which, as the Joint Committee point out, is recommended in the Department of Labour's discussion document on the reform of industrial relations. Having thought about this, I am inclined to believe that this appeal function under the equality legislation should be retained by the Labour Court rather than transferring it elsewhere and I will develop the reason why I take this view.

The Labour Court as matters stand is faced with a genuine conflict between its dispute-solving role and its quasi-judicial functions under recent statutes. I would suggest that the way to proceed would be to add a new division to the Labour Court staffed by a chairman with a legal competence and with the remaining members being drawn from trade unions and employer representatives. Following recent experience with claims under the equality legislation, it is emerging that rights conferred by this legislation can be problematic in an industrial relations sense. For example, where a determination is made under the equality legislation its implementation could and, in some cases, actually has adversely affected other groups in the same organisation in relation to their promotion prospects. In other words, determinations which are correctly made under the legislation when implemented can have serious repercussions for other groups in the same organisation thus highlighting the need for an input of industrial relations expertise into the determination process. Therefore the best way to handle the equality appeals cases I suggest would be to establish a further division of the Labour Court with a legal chairman together with employers and trade union members thus ensuring that both the legal and the industrial implications are fully considered before the determination is made.

As the report points out, the statutory body in Ireland responsible for equal opportunities is the Employment Equality Agency and the Minister has rightly paid a signal tribute to that body. It has a particularly wide brief which includes promotion and advice, research, review of legislation enforcement, conduct of formal investigations, codes of practice and assisting individuals with equality problems. The agency is seriously understaffed. I too would like to endorse the hope of the Joint Committee that the agency will be given the resources to fulfil its brief. If the Minister and his Government are serious about advancing equality of opportunity, they can demonstrate the necessary political will by providing adequate resources for the Employment Equality Agency.

On a more positive note, I join with the members of the Joint Committee in commending the Employment Equality Agency for their publication of a code of practice for the elimination of sex discrimination and the promotion of equal opportunity in the workplace. This code of practice is a first and its publication is significant at a time when the Department of Labour are exploring with the ICTU and FUE the possibility of reforming our industrial relations system. This code of practice, while now voluntary in nature, raises the possibility of giving it statutory effect at a later time, that is, the status of fair employment rules as recommended by the Joint Committee. While trade unions generally and many employers are reluctant to use the law as an instrument for regulating employer-employee relations there is in fact provision under existing legislation to give statutory effect to codes of practice. It has never been activated but it seems to me that since it is there it should be used.

I refer to the provisions under section 11 of the Industrial Relations Act, 1969 whereby the Labour Court can make statutory codes of practice or, as they are called in the Act, fair employment rules, which would provide for fair employment conditions for a particular class, type or group of workers. Indeed the development of codes of practice on grievance procedures, disciplinary procedures, provision of company information to employees, provision of facilities and training for shop stewards and so forth, should be a major priority as a means to good industrial relations practice. The example set by the Employment Equality Agency in publishing the first code of practice may well serve as the stimulus for the publication of further codes of practice on a host of aspects of relations between employers and unions, which could eventually attain legal status as fair employment rules under the Industrial Relations Act, 1969.

In conclusion, I have to say that if substantial progress is to be achieved on equality of opportunity further action must be taken urgently by women themselves by becoming more active in their trade unions, by employers in increasing their level of awareness of the legislation and, very importantly, by adopting more positive attitudes to the question of equality, and finally by the Government in providing more resources for the Employment Equality Agency and additionally by reviewing and amending existing legislation where necessary.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Before I call on Senator McDonald, under the Order of this House we decided that the debate on this item No. 2 would be of a one and a half hour duration. Accordingly, there are really only five minutes or so left.

On a point of information, I inquired from the Leader of the House and I was told there was no limit on the——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

May I ask the Leader of the House, Senator Dooge, to indicate to me if we are going on with item No. 2?

We passed a motion which guaranteed to debates of this type, arising from a report of this particular committee, a one and a half hour debate at an early date. The position is that when this was mentioned on the Order of Business — not today but on a previous occasion — I was asked if I would be prepared to extend beyond the hour and a half and on that occasion I did say yes. I am happy to put it on the record again that in my opinion, as long as it does not interfere with Government business, there should not be a restriction on the debates on the reports of the Joint Committees. My suggestion would be that we carry on this evening and that we resume the debate on this. We probably could not resume it next week but we would hope to resume it the week after.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Does the House agree? What time do we rise tonight?

My understanding was that we would adjourn at the normal hour of 8 p.m. and the matter on the Adjournment would be taken from 8 p.m. until 8.30 p.m. That was my understanding.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Thank you.

I want to compliment the chairman of the sub-committee and the chairman of the Joint Committee on this very comprehensive and detailed report. It represents a considerable input from the members of the sub-committee, and they have certainly set the headline for indepth discussion on the secondary legislation which is so important and will have such an impact on our lives here in this country. Therefore, it is good that the first report of this kind to come before the House will set the tone.

In this wide-ranging report the Joint Committee have brought together and examined the community measures proposed and adopted to ensure equal treatment for both women and men. At present there may be misgivings among some about our membership of the European Community. Some may be tempted to attribute — rightly or wrongly — our economic ills to that body. In any event the Joint Committee are convinced that the Community played a dominant role in the promotion and enforcement of equal treatment for women, because the record is very clear on that since the first social action programme which was introduced by our distinguished President when he was the Social Affairs Commissioner when we entered the Community in 1973. The Community has brought about changes in employment practices which might otherwise have taken decades to achieve. Irish women have the Community to thank for the removal of the marriage ban in employment, for the introduction of maternity leave, for greater opportunities to train at skilled trades, for protection against dismissal on pregnancy, for the disappearance of advertisements specifying the sex of an applicant for a job, and greater equality in the social welfare code. Indeed, after farmers, the Irish women in employment have probably benefited most from our entry to the EC.

The Community's long standing commitment to the improvement of the situation of women has established it as a pioneer and innovator in this field and the task of achieving equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men in society, particularly in employment. I suppose we cannot expect that this kind of social progress is all going to be achieved overnight. Nevertheless I would like to place on the record of the House the fact that in my view the Social Affairs Commission of the EC, over the last decade, has been most successful. I join the Minister in complimenting Commissioner Richards for his stewardship over the past term. The social affairs departments in the various Governments have been the most successful in all the Community areas over the last number of years. The greatest progress has been made there. It is quite clear that the moneys expended by national Governments, with the aid of generous grants from the social fund, have given greater benefit to the people for whom they were designed to serve. That is very important, and it is good that we should recognise that.

However, there are still many black spots. One area of the report with which I disagree to some extent is the committee's findings with regard to women in farming. Clearly the educational services for women have diminished over the past decades. There is now no specialist education available to farming women. Up to a couple of years ago we had a number of colleges of home economics. They met the demand and the requirement of ladies wishing to remain in farming. Since the introduction of ACOT the Department of Agriculture have neglected this area. There must be a demand for that kind of education. As a matter of fact, ten years ago we had instructors in poultry keeping and butter making. With the development of the creamery system and the large co-operatives I suppose the practice of butter making has passed into history. In the forties and up to the fifties the farm women ran the houses and the families in many instances from farmyard enterprises. Education has done nothing to replace those husbandries, and we find that education specifically for farm women, who play such an important role in the farming economy, has diminished to a great extent.

In this very extensive document the committee have identified the very many difficulties and the areas where legislation ought to be introduced in order to expedite reaching the target and the status that we as a civilised society ought to aspire to. There are many who will say that we should not have working wives. I do not subscribe to that. We must have not just equal pay for work of equal value but every individual in the State must have the equal right to work or not to work or to live their own life.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Mc Donald, could I ask you to move the Adjournment?

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Top
Share