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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 18 Dec 1984

Vol. 106 No. 9

Appropriation Bill, 1984 [Certified Money Bill] : Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Appropriation Bill is brought before the Oireachtas each year to give statutory effect to the individual departmental Estimates for the supply services, both non-capital and capital, including Supplementary Estimates that were necessary throughout the year. The Bill appropriates to the various services set out in the Schedule the sum of £6,156 million comprising the original Estimates totalling £6,138 million and Supplementary Estimates of £18 million; it also authorises the use of certain departmental receipts as appropriations-in-aid. In addition to this, the 1984 Appropriation Bill includes two extra sections: section 1 gives statutory effect to two excess Votes which arose in 1980 and 1981 and section 3 is a technical provision which arises from the establishment of An Post and Bord Telecom Éireann.

The Excess Votes, which related to Superannuation and Retired Allowances in 1980 and Foreign Affairs in 1981, have been examined and cleared by the Comptroller and Auditor General and by the Dáil Public Accounts Committee and must now be formally sanctioned by the Oireachtas.

Section 3 provides for the charging to the Central Fund of terminable annuities under the Telecommunications Capital Acts. It is simply a technical matter. Under the Telecommunications Capital Acts, 1924-1981, the Minister for Finance is empowered to borrow money for telephone capital development. Terminable annuities were created in respect of moneys borrowed by the Exchequer from the Post Office Savings Bank. The Exchequer has outstanding borrowings of £328 million from the Post Office Savings Bank by way of such annuities. Under those Acts, moneys due on foot of terminable annuities must be provided from "moneys provided by the Oireachtas"—a subhead of the Vote for Posts and Telegraphs was used for this purpose. In view of the termination of the Vote for Posts and Telegraphs on the creation of the State-sponsored bodies, An Post and Bord Telecom Éireann, there is now no voted provision for this purpose. It is therefore proposed to make the repayments a charge on the Central Fund.

Turning to the overall level of expenditure during 1984, I would like to advise Senators that for the third consecutive year, total expenditure on supply services will be kept within the budget target for the year. The number of Supplementary Estimates required in 1984, 12 in all, totalling only £18 million, was very minor relative to other years when expenditure targets were constantly revised upwards. Furthermore, many of the Supplementary Estimates in 1984 were technical provisions of token amounts either to transfer savings from one area of expenditure to another or to provide funds for new services introduced by the Government, for example, the new social employment scheme and alternance scheme under the Department of Labour.

This Government have restored credibility to the budget process and created the conditions in which soundly-based decisions on economic policy and public expenditure can be taken. We have taken firm and positive action to put the public finances in order. We have acted responsibly, in the interest of the taxpayer, to ensure the proper mix of expenditure, investment, taxation and borrowing policies.

We have reduced Government borrowing substantially, reduced the size of the current budget deficit, cut the level of inflation by half, transformed our balance of payments position, due in part to an increase of about one-third in real terms, in our volume of exports, significantly improved our competitive position, stabilised total employment, arrested the growth in unemployment by improving the economic situation and by introducing special measures such as the enterprise allowance scheme and by expanding participation in youth employment schemes.

Our record is sound. Those who argue that we should spend more, that is, borrow more, have not been very forthcoming as to how this is going to be paid for in the long run and as to how it will affect the economy. Recourse to higher taxation or to increased borrowing are no longer seen as credible options and would negative all that has been achieved to date in terms of disciplined management of the public finances.

The national plan, which was published in October, represents the outcome of a very searching analysis of our situation and of a comprehensive and detailed review of policy options. The Government spent a considerable time examining the various issues and decisions which underlie this plan, striving to reach a balance which is appropriate to the current economic, employment, public finance and social needs of the country.

The Government's plan sets out, in a clear and unequivocal manner, a coherent set of medium-term objectives. These are designed to increase employment, halt the rise in taxation and continue progress towards restoring balance in the public finances while, at the same time, maintaining the improvements in social services achieved over recent years. The plan also lays down cash allocations for each spending area over the next three years consistent with these objectives.

The constraints on our resources mean that public expenditure must be substantially curtailed if we are to achieve our objectives. The plan requires the support of all sections of our society in the task of restoring health and vigour to the economy. In seeking this support, the plan does not make any grandiose promises that full employment or fiscal balance can be attained within a short period of years. It is not an exercise in delusion. Instead, as is stated in its introduction, it "faces up in a sober, realistic and thorough way to the realities of today, and builds towards hope, and a secure future". These objectives can be achieved if all sections of our community work together in the national interest. Critics of this plan have not put forward an alternative strategy. Most critics share the basic analysis, but baulk at the inevitable conclusions.

As indicated in the 1985 Public Capital Programme booklet published last month, expenditure on the Public Capital Programme during 1984, amounting to £1.8 billion, will also be close to the budget provision.

The 1985 Public Capital Programme (PCP) provides £1.8 billion for investment in public sector capital programmes thus maintaining public sector investment in nominal terms at the 1984 level. Of that amount £1.2 billion is for investment in the construction industry — an increase of 3 per cent on the likely 1984 outturn. Changes will take place in the structure of the PCP over the period 1985-1987 due mainly to the winding down of a number of large programmes in the productive infrastructure category.

Lower investment in these areas has enabled the Government to provide more funds in 1985 for other key programmes in the PCP while still adhering to the public sector borrowing target for that year. The Government, for example, are providing an extra £34 million for sectoral economic investment, representing an increase of 8 per cent over the 1984 provisional outturn and a real increase in volume terms. The bulk of these extra funds will go to industrial development. This signals a pick-up in economic activity. Significant additional PCP funds are being allocated to road construction — the allocation for which will be up £23 million — and will allow the pace at which the road development plan is being implemented to be stepped up considerably. The 1985 PCP provision for investment in the social infrastructure area is up 7 per cent on the 1984 provisional outturn — more than keeping pace with expected inflation. Education building, which is up £14 million, and Government construction which is up £13 million, have been especially well provided for.

The higher levels of investment in these areas will be of immediate benefit to the building industry and to the economy generally because of their low import content. In addition the new non-repayable grant of £5,000 for a local authority tenant or tenant purchaser buying a private house and giving up a local authority dwelling will give a welcome boost to private housing.

While the 1985 PCP allocation — substantial as it is — has been criticised by some for not at least keeping pace with inflation, such criticism fails to appreciate the significance of the encouraging trend towards better value for money from capital spending. Lower PCP provisions do not automatically mean less activity. The local authority housing programme illustrates this point. Despite a fall in real terms in the Public Capital Programme allocations for local authority housing over the last couple of years, output in terms of house completions has actually increased and house completions are now at their highest level since the mid-seventies. The keen competition and improved cost-control procedures are responsible for this welcome development. Other Public Capital Programme projects are also benefiting from keener competition in the building industry. The Government are confident that in the long run greater attention to capital appraisal, cost control and project management will pay dividends in terms of more output for a given volume of resources.

I would like to dispel the notion that because expenditure happens to be classified as capital it is inherently good. If anything, past experience has taught us that pumping public money into the Public Capital Programme solves nothing. What it has often done is to create enormous problems, not only in terms of spiralling prices but also in the servicing of the borrowing undertaken to finance such expenditures. Unless investments in the Public Capital Programme can show a positive return either in financial terms or wider economic terms, then they will not be considered for approval. Otherwise such expenditure simply becomes a burden on the economy rather than a source of development. An indiscriminate approach to public investment cannot be sustained. Government action will increasingly focus on the need to improve the return on public sector investment. Nowhere is this more evident than in relation to investment by the commercial semi-State bodies. Investment in these bodies is substantial and accounts for a significant proportion of the total PCP. In the Government's view, commercial public enterprise has a key role to play in the future development of the economy but it must be disciplined and responsive to the demands and pressure of the marketplace.

The capital expenditure profile set out in the plan for each major area of expenditure will facilitate the ordered development of expenditure in a number of key areas, such as roads, and remove the kind of uncertainty as to the Government's future intentions in relation to capital expenditure that has prevailed in the past.

This Government's achievements in relation to the public finances are very substantial indeed. We have restored credibility to the budget process. Significant progress has been made in relation to improving economic conditions. The Government plan builds on these achievements and lays down firm policies for the next three years in each area of the public finances and the economy.

I commend the Bill to the Seanad.

This speech of the Minister for Finance does nothing for my confidence nor for that of anybody else in the country. The Minister stated that its provisions will give Bord Telecom certain finances due to them anyway under the Act which established that board. The Minister has come into this House today stating, as he always does, baldly and boldly, that he has reduced Government borrowing substantially, reduced the size of the current budget deficit and cut the level of inflation by half, suggestions which make me laugh at least. One would think that the Government had done something to create an atmosphere in which inflation was cut by half and transformed our balance of payments. If one goes down the country to, say, my area and goes into any garage and asks what has happened in the last couple of years, or goes into Clover Meats in Waterford and asks what has happened, or goes into firms supplying goods and services to Clover Meats, into B & I., or into Irish Shipping Limited, what will one be told? They will tell you that this Government are failing totally to provide employment for the people who are of employable age, or prospects for the people who are in school. Indeed, they are taking away the confidence of people over the age of 60 to 65 that they will be able to live in security for the remainder of their lives. The Minister can nod or shake his head as much as he likes but this Appropriation Bill does nothing for Irish life generally.

I was at a county council meeting yesterday and the chairman of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Kieran Crotty, stated that as a result of the national plan we would be getting money from farmers in 1986, that this money would allow the local authorities to be able to finance themselves. We have not yet seen what an adjusted acre is which will form the basis of that national plan's taxation system. We have not a clue. Perhaps it will be a "Dukes" adjusted acre. We used to have Irish acres, we used to have English acres and now we have adjusted acres and perhaps even "Dukes" adjusted acres before 1986.

Where has the Senator been for the last 20 years?

We are talking about this Appropriation Bill in an atmosphere of despondency among young people, the unemployed, the employed and among the old people throughout the country. I do not suggest that we should produce here anything that would give to anybody an unrealistic picture of what might happen in the future, but I think we should give people confidence in the future, show them that this is a country in which one can live, and give confidence to our young people that there will be a future for them here. We do not want to imbue them with false confidence but neither do we want them fllowing over the Border in their thousands.

We do not want them flying or going by boat to England on day trips. The VAT rate is forcing people to shop outside our borders. I do not mind people buying materials made in the North of Ireland. I hear people saying that we should not buy products made in Britain. I do not mind wearing a Peter England shirt made in Derry. I do not mind eating an Irish biscuit made in Newry but people should not be forced to go over the Border to buy Smithwicks in Newry at half the price it is in Kilkenny. I do not want to see an industry like Smithwicks being run down because of the VAT rates being put on the Irish consumer.

The Irish motor industry has been decimated. The Irish white goods industry has been decimated. The Irish electronics industry is being decimated not alone because of VAT but because of extreme levels of taxation. There is nobody in Ireland with the confidence to employ anybody. People are worried as to whether their jobs will be available in a month's time or two month's time. The employer has not got the confidence to employ any additional staff because he thinks that if he does he will be caught with the 11.5 per cent taxation on employment. PAYE and PRSI on the employer side is a taxation on employment that should be dropped immediately if we want to put people into employment. We can put them in but we cannot sustain them because the employer has to pay a tax for employing people.

The Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism, Deputy Bruton, mentioned that small industries will provide 675 jobs in the next two years at a cost of £4.5 million. They will be subsidised jobs, jobs that under the aegis of the IDA's small industry development section about 99 per cent of the service jobs in Ireland are created by employers who never get a grant and are not entitled to one.

If the Government are serious they must ensure that any job created must qualify for a subsidy. No industry can sustain itself without the support of the service industries that surround it but the service industries get no support while the major industries do. Unfortunately, as has happened in the case of Clover Meats, when the main industry goes the small service industries that surrounded it go to the wall and nobody gives a damn about them. The Minister will ensure that the Revenue Commissioners will get the PAYE due. He will also ensure that VAT due is paid. He will ensure also that the receiver, and the banks, will be paid, but the individual suppliers, the people who set up small industries based on subsidised companies, will not be paid. It is about time we decided to take away from the Government the protection they have, that in a liquidation or receivership situation the Government are the main protected creditor. There is no reason why the people who have set up small industries without subsidy and who provide jobs without subsidy should not be as well protected as the Government in cases such as the one in south Kilkenny.

We can ramble here all day about the Appropriation Bill and capital spending which is mentioned in it. According to the capital programme we are to build extra hospitals and we are guaranteed that extra roads will be built. The infrastructure is mentioned as being of paramount importance. We will be building roads to closed factories and hospitals which have beds but no staff.

Replacement hospitals, not extra ones.

We will be building roads to understaffed hospitals with closed wards. The programme envisaged in the national plan is ludicrous.

In Kilkenny not alone will 14 hospital wards be idle due to lack of staff but we will be spending £4 million on an extension to the hospital but no extra staff will be provided. A maternity hospital in Carlow will be closed supposedly to permit extra staff for St. Luke's in Kilkenny.

Who voted for it?

For what?

For the closure.

The Senator is a member of the South-Eastern Health Board and he agreed that we should build extra bedrooms in Kilkenny and close the hospital in Carlow.

I did not. The Senator should check the record. If he does he will see where Fianna Fáil came out.

The Senator did. I do not have to check any records because I know exactly what happened in Carlow. The Minister for Finance, Deputy Alan Dukes, is going to close down the hospital in Carlow and we are supposed to get the staff from Carlow in Kilkenny.

All I can say is that the hospital in Kilkenny renders an excellent service.

They render an excellent service with 40 beds in the corridors.

I am talking about the orthopaedic unit.

I suppose the Senator's back is better as a result of the excellent care he received. The service offered in Kilkenny is excellent but it is ludicrous to think that we have 14 beds in Kilkenny which cannot be staffed because of cutbacks.

By Deputy Woods.

Because of cutbacks. We have an excellent hospital next door to the County Hospital in Kilkenny, built and staffed by the Order of St. John of God Sisters and others but because of the ridiculous action of the Government people cannot be sent from it to the private hospital. They have 100 bedrooms but because of the pseudo-socialist principles of the Government they cannot be moved. Senator Ferris knows exactly what the position is.

The Senator is playing around with words and bed numbers.

I do not play around with words. The fact is that all the beds there cannot be used because it is a private hospital. The health board, because of a ministerial order, are not allowed to shift patients to it. That is a fact. Because of a Supreme Court decision, Kilkenny County Council are owed more than £1.5 million because of the non-payment of rates by farmers and the Government have not seen fit to pay even the original amount due. The Supreme Court said this money was not due to be paid by the farmers but Kilkenny County Council spent the money they thought they were getting, and the least the Government should have done was to provide the money due from the farmers. This £1.6 million is rolling over at AAA rates of 15 per cent and will cost us more than £2 million in the next fiscal year. We cannot do anything about this. At present there is an appeal to the Supreme Court about water and service charges and we do not know if we will have to refund any of the money paid over the last two years. I do not know what the court will decide and anybody supposed to pay these charges may decide to wait for the court decision.

Unfortunately every Bill passed by these Houses is being challenged in the courts and there does not seem to be anything we can do except maybe abolish the courts or else stop senior counsel who are debating the Bills in these Houses taking up cases on behalf of clients when they suddenly see flaws in the legislation. At present the Government do not seem to be able to draft legislation which cannot be challenged in the courts, nor do they seem to be able to draft legislation which has not been overturned by the courts.

Mr. Madigan found out otherwise.

The Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas are possibly not doing their job in the sense that they are not questioning enough the legislation that comes before us. Possibly one of the reasons for this is that the language used by the parliamentary draftsman is not English. Anybody who tries to read a Bill will soon realise that it is not couched in the language spoken by people outside this House or the Four Courts.

In this legislation we are told there has been a turn around in economic terms. I would like positive proof where this turn around can be seen. I have not seen any industry take on any extra staff. We see new companies being set up, but existing companies are not increasing the numbers they employ. That is a criterion we must look at. One can applaud the IDA for the wonderful work they are doing in attracting new companies but if we are to be realistic we must ask how many established companies have increased their staff in the last 12 months. We must look at job losses. It is said that we will not be able to contain job losses by the increased number of new firms being established, and there is no doubt about that. I do not know of one firm in County Kilkenny which has employed one extra staff member in the last 12 months, although there has been an increase in the number of firms in that area. There are people out there who want to employ people, and there are others who want to be employed, but we should not try to fool people by saying we will provide new jobs. What we should do is ensure that existing companies are firmly based so that they will employ extra staff.

The service industry is dying on its feet. There is not one service industry which is not losing employment at a frightening rate. It is frightening for an employee to wonder if his pay cheque will be ready at the end of the week, and it is frightening for the employer because he does not know if the carpet will be pulled out from under him because an up the line major company has gone out of business.

Much has been made of the farmers' plight in south Kilkenny and the southeast because of the closure of Clover Meats, but not enough is being made of the closure of small firms with the resultant loss of jobs for people in the service area — carpenters, painters, mechanics and so on. Hauliers supported this country to the hilt by bringing Clover Meats products abroad and they have got themselves into serious hire purchase difficulties. They pay the highest VAT on their vehicles in the world; they have to tolerate the worst road conditions and they, too, are being put out of business. Even if there is a change in the ownership of a particular company, they may not be able to stay on the road and a hire purchase company will take up the slack. These refrigerated containers will be sold and the purchaser will have to pay an enormous insurance bill, road tax bill and repair bill. Unless VAT is reduced there is no way this service industry can continue.

Local authorities are doing a fantastic job under extremely difficult conditions. They do not know from day to day where the money to provide services is coming from. The Minister said more money will be provided for roads, and that is as it should be, but the labour content in major road development is minimal. Every machine used will be imported and there is no guarantee that an Irish firm will get the job because every major contract has to be advertised throughout Europe and a number of firms outside Ireland are getting the major jobs in Ireland at present.

An Irish contractor said to me the other day after he had got a job that he wondered whether he had made a mistake in his figures. He knew he could not finish the job but it keeps him going for a couple of months although he will probably end up losing his firm and the people working for him will lose their jobs. Suppliers will lose their money but VAT and PRSI will be paid and everybody is happy. We will sit here again in 12 months time congratulating ourselves on reduced Government borrowing and the level of inflation. The level of inflation could be cut tomorrow morning because the OPEC countries cannot sell their oil and the price of oil could go down also but it will have nothing to do with the Government. It will be because of the mild winter and because the price of oil on the open market is going down. The level of inflation will also go down as we buy our oil in dollars.

When the price goes up we are blamed.

The interest rates in this country are going up at a time when in every other country interest rates are doing down. The Minister may say it is because of overseas borrowing but the increased level of bank interest rates is going to put tens of thousands of jobs at stake. I know what it has meant to me. I am talking as a businessman; it can put me out of business and I am not as marginal as many businesses are. It is all right for Senator Dooge to look across and smile when we mention levels of inflation and interest rates but Senator Dooge and the Minister are protected in their jobs.

I do not think that is a fair comment.

The small firms will be badly affected. It is easy for somebody who is not in the business world to smile and to pretend that I am rambling.

We are not smiling at the Senator's business dilemma, we are smiling at the simplicity of his economic analysis.

One simplistic economic analysis any business has to make is, can you pay your way at the end of the week? The two per cent increase in interest rates is going to make the simplistic argument very valid. Anybody can produce charts, and a macro economic or any other theory is all very well but at the end of the day you have to pay your bills, your staff and try to have something out of it. If a two per cent increase in interest rates is simplistic I am simplistic in the sense that that two per cent is going to drive a lot of people out of business. I will be as simplistic as anybody wants me to be and I am speaking the truth.

Anybody who has an overdraft from the bank — and 90 per cent of business people have — are over their overdraft limit and are being charged 3 per cent extra on top of the so-called interest rates. If the interest rate goes up by 2 per cent then they have a three per cent penalty on top of it and the banks bring in service charges for every transaction. I am sorry for being simplistic. The facts are that businesses are being driven out because of the increase in interest rates at a time when all over the world bank interest rates are dropping. It is a Government decision to increase interest rates in this country at a time when oil prices are dropping. We were told that one of the reasons interest rates were so high was that we have to pay for oil in petro dollars. The market price for oil at present is 29 dollars a barrel. You can buy oil on the spot market at present for 20 dollars and less per barrel. I reckon we will be able to buy it for less in the next two or three days. There is no doubt about that.

We are living in a simplistic world in which we are told that we are not paying our way, and that we do not want any further borrowing. Therefore, we should get rid of all the jobs in the private sector and the firms which are losing money. If we do that, the banks will be paid what they are owed by these firms, we will end up with a better balance of PRSI and VAT at the end of the year and thousands of extra people on unemployment assistance or on unemployment benefit.

Thankfully, we are educating our people very well to a standard in which they can get jobs any place in the world. Interestingly enough — and Senator Ferris will bear me out — although a nurse cannot get a job in Ireland newspaper advertisements last Sunday offered jobs to Irish nurses for 22,000 dollars a year in America or £1,500 sterling per month tax free in Saudi Arabia. We spend the money on educating them and then they go and give the benefit of our educational system to wherever it is and that might not be a bad thing in certain ways. If we can transfer technology and educational facilities abroad at least we should give some hope to the people who are going to school at present that they will be able to get jobs in Ireland.

No firm in Ireland can bear a VAT rate of 23 per cent or 35 per cent on their sales or the brunt of the PAYE-PRSI contributions. Many employers are blamed for deducting PRSI contributions, but they never saw it in the first place. In many cases, the easiest thing to do would be to shed the worker, and the State would then have to pay a lot more to maintain them in unemployment than to have them in employment paying their own taxation and spending money earned in a private or public company. The most ludicrous exercise that was ever done was in the Social Welfare Bill that was discussed before this Appropriations Bill suggesting £70 a week for 2½ days work, in other words to create jobs which cannot be paid for in the normal employment sense. They will have them on the side of the road leaning on shovels. The facts are that if these were real jobs and the public service needed these real jobs, they would be created within the public service.

That is unfair.

We are saying: put 10,000 at work, give them two-and-a-half days' work, but this work must not take over from any other work that would be done by a local authority. What other work would not be done by a local authority? Is this something that is going to take over from the old environment improvement scheme? Is it going to take over from the youth employment scheme? Is it going to take over from the AnCO training scheme?

It will take these people off the dole.

If you lean on a shovel, it is going to give you no benefit. Nothing has been said about these people being properly trained for the jobs they are going into, or whether they are going to come out at the end of the day with a better knowledge of what working life is about. The only criteria are that they will not be on the live register and they will earn £70 a week. It is not only a matter of the £70, but of the other benefits which might be accruing. Fair play to anybody who gets it, but it will be of absolutely no benefit to this country to give people a shovel or brush and send them off to take the moss off a wall.

The Minister tries to suggest that because we have a decrease in the level of inflation everything in the garden is rosy. The Taoiseach said on the radio last week that there has been an economic turn-around. There certainly has been and it is so frightening that it appals me. It is a turn-around where nobody wants to employ anybody extra and where there is no sign of an extra job except in new industry. If that is an economic turn-around, it is not the type I would like to see.

Thankfully, we have a reasonable educational system which is providing material for the new industries coming in. Thankfully, the regional technical colleges are doing an unbelievable job in tough times in creating jobs. Thankfully, in Carlow RTC there was 100 per cent job success within 18 months of leaving college. But no credit is due to the Government for this. They state that substantial curtailment must be made in public expenditure if they are to achieve their objectives. The objective laid down in the national plan is straightforward — they will maintain the level of unemployment until 1987. There will be no increase in employment. If there is no level of increase in employment, with the number of people leaving school at present, unemployment is bound to rise, or emigration is bound to increase.

The Government say that critics of this plan have not put forward an alternative strategy. The Government are there to govern. It is not for anybody else to put in an alternative strategy. The Government are there to produce the strategies. It is not really up to the Government to provide jobs, either. There must be an atmosphere conducive to job creation, whether it be in the public or the private sector. However, the Government have the means of providing jobs by decreasing the level of taxation on job creation, in other words, PAYE and PRSI.

Again, they have the means to stop the numbers of people who are travelling through Cavan, Monaghan, Donegal, Sligo and Leitrim, going over the Border every week and leaving their taxed income across the Border. In the motor trade there was a major problem because of the number of people who were doing nixers on the side of the road. The Minister dropped the level of VAT at the time from 18 per cent to 5 per cent on goods and services supplied by a garage. That helped to contain the drift from the garages, but did not stop it. If we dropped the level of VAT on electrical and various other goods, people might go to Newry or Belfast as is their right and enjoy the day out — and the more people that go to Belfast and Newry the better, but not to do their essential shopping. There is too little contact between the Republic and the North but I do not wish to see the present contact continuing, where people are driving over the Border to get cheap goods, at they see them. They are cheap because the level of our VAT is too high.

We could possibly get better value for money spent on public services. That does not mean that we have to decimate them and have a straight line of three to five reduction in numbers, irrespective of where they hurt. There is no point in telling health boards to cut their numbers, that they will be given a capital grant to build a new building, but must staff it from within their own personnel resources. This cannot be done.

The national plan says that community care is of primary importance. We should ask the community care nurses and officers in the South Eastern Health Board what support they are getting. They are getting fewer and fewer staff. If we increased the numbers in the community care area, we would need fewer hospitals and fewer doctors. We are supposed to provide for people who are in need.

This Seanad chamber is a beautiful room and sometimes one would wonder if it is being used to the best advantage, but at least when we are here we discuss matters and do what we are elected to do. What point is there in building a 14 bedroom extension to a hospital in Kilkenny and then not staff it? What point is there in having hospitals all over the country with facilities that cannot be used? A voluntary committee puts in a liver or a heart unit and there is nobody to staff it. The public have given the money for the unit but the Department will not give the staff to man these units.

Coming up to Christmas, what I would like to see the Government do is to give young people some hope of a future. I would like to see skilled people of 40 and 50 years of age who have lost their jobs in technical industries help the young people. I do not want to see the young people getting too despondent but equally I do not want to see the skills of the 40 year old plus age group lost to this country. There are so many skills available that could be used in a positive manner in local communities but which are not used because of our taxation system. I have seen people in the building industry, architects, quantity surveyors and others who lost their jobs. People in the motor industry and highly skilled engineers lost their jobs. They are sitting at home getting more and more despondent. They could be used by the community but because of our social welfare and taxation systems they cannot even give voluntary help on a very low remunerative basis to the community.

It is known that taxation officers around the country are hitting small businesses harder than they are hitting any other part of the community. They are the easiest target. There is absolutely no doubt but that the small businessman, who might be employing one or two people, is hit so hard by the Revenue Commissioners that he cannot get off the ground. In the old days people got the opportunity to get off the ground before they were hit with a sledge. I sincerely hope that the small business people will get a fairer deal from the Revenue Commissioners than they are getting at present.

There is an attitude among the Revenue Commissioners and people working in tax offices that if you are a PAYE worker, whether you are earning £50,000 or £8,000 a year, you are a saint but if you are a small businessman with a small huckster shop around the corner you are a crook. The sooner somebody does something about at least making the people involved with the Revenue Commissioners civil to the small businessman, the better. They are being treated as if they are crooks. There is no doubt but that there is not one single small businessman who has not been harassed. Fair enough if there is something wrong; but at least the people who are representing the Revenue Commissioners could be civil to these people. If the same tax inspector wants a door or a window put on the back of his house he will get it done as a nixer. He will not query that, but if there is a small huckster shop around the corner he will go in the next day and take the owner asunder.

"Check against delivery" is the heading of this script. Check against delivery is what I should have said before I started. The Minister is addressing a despondent group of people. Not one single iota of what the Minister said gives any credibility to the statement that the Government made recently that they have turned the economy of the country around and will now deal with the social issues.

I wish to correct the last quotation which Senator Lanigan made. The recent statement by the Taoiseach was that the tide has turned. Let us just examine what happens when the tide turns.

When the Taoiseach spoke he did not mention "tide" at all. He mentioned the fact that the economic situation in the country had changed.

We may be referring to different statements. But I just want to comment on what happens when the tide turns. On the point of the turning of the tide, by looking at it we can notice nothing at all. It is only when the tide has turned for some time that we can visibly see that the tide is now flowing strongly in the opposite direction. There was no claim by the Minister in his speech today, from what I saw there was no claim by the Taoiseach in the speech which he made in another place last week — a speech of which I read the complete text — which indicated any claim other than there had been a halt to a whole series of economic factors which had been going steadily in the wrong direction.

We have an opportunity here, as we have every year on the Appropriation Bill, to look back over the past year and to look ahead — to evaluate the performance of the Government and, to evaluate their proposals. It is then up to those who are interested in our proceedings to make up their minds as a result of that debate what their evaluation might be. This is part of our democratic process.

Let us be clear on what is the essence of the democratic process. It is that there is a real choice. But if our democracy is to be a healthy one, and in concomitance with that, if our economy is to be a healthy one, then the choice to be made, either in the expression of a temporary opinion or in the ultimate choice at a time of a general election, should be both a rational choice and an informed choice.

I have seen many changes during the time I have been active in politics. I am reminded of some things that have changed and some things that have not changed over those years. The first general election with which I was concerned was that of 1948. I well remember the type of election manifesto in vogue at that time. There was not much difference between the manifestoes of the parties. It was very simple. You would list a certain number of objectives. Possibly there would be this difference, that Fine Gael would put the increase of agricultural production as the first item of their programme and the second item would be to increase industrial production. The Fianna Fáil programme would put them in the other order: No. 1 would be to increase industrial production and No. 2 would be to increase agricultural production. Both parties said they were going to increase production. I remember from those old manifestoes that we were always going to reduce taxation and at the same time remove rates from agricultural land and various other things.

What has happened since those years? We have all in our political parties become more sophisticated and we do not do it quite like that; but in some ways not much has changed. Looking back, both major parties have been guilty of harking back to this old, simplistic style of presenting a set of slogans instead of presenting an articulated policy.

Dublin Opinion was probably right in 1948 with Deputy Jimmy Dillon on the front page.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Dooge to continue.

I want to say that I am blaming both the major parties. I want to look back to the 1973 election and to say that I think Fine Gael and the Labour Party did this country a bad turn by raising the question of the abolition of rates in such a way that Fianna Fáil were bound to follow suit. I think many of the things Senator Lanigan was talking about this afternoon date from that bit of political opportunism. I was very strongly engaged in that election campaign. As a politician engaged in an election campaign I was delighted when on the same day that Deputy Gerry Collins issued an advertisement in the Limerick newspapers that nobody would be daft enough to abolish rates, Deputy Jack Lynch and the election committee in Dublin announced the abolition of rates. This was all good politics and all grist to the mill. But all parties did a very serious disservice to local government in this country and to the whole economy on that occasion.

I was also very much concerned in the election of 1977. It is interesting that many people, while indicating that the implementation of a good deal of the Fianna Fáil manifesto led to damage in the economy, also believe that the manifesto won the 1977 General Election for Fianna Fáil. Also it seems to be the traditional view that in that election the outgoing Coalition fought a bad campaign. In fact, since I was very much concerned in that campaign, I was one of the very few people who knew that during the course of that campaign the support for the Fianna Fáil Party, according to the polls, fell from 58 per cent to 51 per cent. The manifesto, in fact, did not seem——

Long may that situation continue.

Yes, and I am exposing it now in my kindliness. I do not want Fianna Fáil to make the same mistake again. I do not want them to make promises that are unnecessary which may only lead to a reduction in their long-term support——

We are not in 1977 at present. I presume——

——because they are not yet up to 58 per cent.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Dooge to continue.

We have seen also in the elections of 1981 and the election of 1982 an amazing seesaw in regard to the Opposition's approach to the problem. The brakes were put on by the Coalition in July 1981. Indeed, it was at that time a complete runaway situation. One of the reasons that the new Government brought in a budget after three weeks in office was a very clear recognition that to delay corrective action until the following January would have meant that they might well have tried to apply the brakes in vain at that time. I am glad that I was part of that decision to start to correct this mad career.

I have said that I believe the choice which should be put before the people, should be a rational and an informed choice. Fianna Fáil in the reality of office attempted to put forward an alternative strategy which Senator Lanigan said today they do not intend to do while in Opposition. It has been said, and it is true, that there is a good deal in common between the Fianna Fáil document The Way Forward and the national plan. There is quite a large amount in common in regard to the diagnoses, but now they seem to be saying, “No, we are content to go back to the simpler way.” I am reminded here of the remark by the writer Christopher Hollis, who was at one time an MP, about politicians falling into two classes. He said that there were politicians who sought power in order to implement a policy and there were politicians who sought a policy in order to gain power.

Christopher Hollis lost his seat in Westminster, and he is no longer considered to be even a decent writer.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Dooge.

This is not an arena for literary criticism but I would be very happy in any appropriate arena for literary criticism to defend Christopher Hollis. Christopher Hollis is like many another writer whom we read with pleasure, like Hilaire Belloc who was in a sense a failed MP. Very few can be like Disraeli, successful writers and also successful politicians. Therefore, let us not say that failure in one means failure in the other. Even in regard to politics Christopher Hollis could well be read today. I would advise anyone who is interested in either American history or witty political commentary to read Christopher Hollis's book The American Heresy. It is as readable today as when it was written many years ago.

We are now finding the situation that the Opposition party are succumbing to this temptation to believe that the only criterion for a policy should be that it enables them to gain power. Therefore we are finding that the choice that is being offered to the people for their comparison is apparently the choice that is going to be offered to them several years hence in a general election——

In 12 months.

——a choice between shadow and substance.

"Apparently" is the word. It is apparent to the Senator.

What is going to be offered is a choice on the one side of not perhaps a single shadow but an amalgam of overlapping shadows which can very cleverly be done and which gives the appearance of a solid object. We are to have apparently better services than those which are proposed by the present Government. At the same time we are to have lower taxes. These things come out sometimes in separate speeches but even in the same speech the combination of the two. We are to have higher salaries in the public sector than the Government think there is money available for; apparently these are also to be provided at the same time with lower taxes. We are to save Irish Shipping and various other enterprises. This is to be done perhaps by higher borrowing, but higher borrowing apparently could be combined with lower inflation. Senator Lanigan said in the course of his speech, that, first, the Government should get no credit for the lowering of inflation, that it is all due to oil prices, and he went on to say that the lowering of inflation had no effect. I cannot let that go without comment.

What I said was that the lowering of inflation was not brought about by the Government but by the lowering of oil prices.

I really wanted to comment on the second half, that the lowering of inflation has no real effect on our economy. It has been said that most economies today, particularly small open economies like ours, are almost in a situation of export or die and are certainly in a position of export or become a sick economy. If we cannot keep our inflation rate down — I want to say that more than 50 per cent of the control of that lies within our own hands and within the ambit of our domestic policies — then we will not export, we will not prosper, we will not have a healthy economy and we will not be able to provide employment however much we would like to promise it.

Looking back over the past 12 months we can consider how this country has fared in a number of areas. It probably is true to say that there has been a central theme running through the Government's attitude to all of these questions. Whether we look to what has been the Government attitude, to what has happened in the context of Europe, whether we look to what has happened in the context of Northern Ireland or at what has happened in regard to the context of the Irish economy, what the Government have consistently done has been to face reality and to ask the people of this country to face reality also.

We can look back to the position in each of these areas as it was in January when we last had a debate on the subject matter of the Appropriation Act and as it is today. I would suggest that we look at each of these areas with reality in our approach to this debate. This time 12 months ago we faced an enormously critical position in regard to the question of the Common Agricultural Policy and the position of our dairy industry. We are in the position that we were saved from that crisis — not completely, we did not get away scot free; but the situation as we see it now, for those who look at the reality of the situation, is far better than it was in January. As we look forward in the European context we must also look forward in terms of the reality. One of the realities is that the concessions that were won last March for the sake of our dairy industry are not likely to be won on this or on similar issues in the future. We will only be storing up trouble for ourselves if we believe that on any of the points that now bedevil us in regard to European policy we will be ignoring reality if we think that in effect we have a completely free veto on everything that is decided in the EC.

Looking towards the European context we are looking back on six months of a successful Presidency of the EC. This is something on which we can congratulate ourselves, on which we can congratulate the ministerial team who worked so hard in Europe in the past 12 months and their advisers who have been working to such an extent and to such good effect, not only in respect of the major items that have hit the newspapers but also in regard to the day to day work of the specialist councils in the European Community. We do not realise often enough how much the burden of the Presidency can stretch to the limit the resources, not only of the Government team but of our Department of Foreign Affairs and the other Departments concerned. In all of this once again our Ministers have been successful in regard to Europe by facing the reality of the situation.

One of the realities we face in regard to Europe, and I am in a particular position to know this very well, is that the European Community cannot stay the way it is and will not stay the way it is. We must all face the reality that we cannot expect that in years to come it will remain the same. There is the determination of France and Germany, particularly, to move the Community forward. That is not shared by all members. One member has already accepted that Europe will have to move and that they will be left behind. What have we done? We have not even considered the problem. We have not started to face the reality that the majority of the members of the Community wish to form a more closely knit Community and if necessary to go forward without the remainder. That is a reality that increasingly will have to be faced by us.

In regard to Northern Ireland, as this year under review started we were in the middle of an exercise in which the constitutional Nationalist parties of Ireland, North and South, were looking at the realities of the Nationalist position and of the position in Northern Ireland. In the New Ireland Forum report of 2 May 1984 we have in the centre of this report the chapter which is the heart of the report and which was headed "Framework for a New Ireland: Present Realities and Future Requirements". These were the realities and these still are the realities. There is the reality of Nationalist feeling in Northern Ireland, the reality of Nationalist alienation in Northern Ireland, and we find ourselves well able to appreciate the reality of this Nationalist feeling. One of the things which was started in the Forum process and which must be carried on is the recognition of the other realities — the reality of Unionist feeling and the reality of British lack of feeling and lack of interest.

I will quote from the Forum report of 2 May 1984, paragraph 5.1, page 26. The last of the realities is:

The basic approach of British policy has created negative consequences. It has shown a disregard of the identity and ethos of nationalists. In effect, it has underwritten the supremacy in Northern Ireland of the Unionist identity. Before there can be fundamental progress Britain must re-assess its position and responsibility.

During the year the Government have done their best to make the British Government face that reality. The fact that they have not been successful in making the British Government recognise that reality to anything like the degree that is necessary is not a reason for giving up the effort. It is a reason for trying harder, because unless we face the reality of the lack of interest among British politicians then we will make no progress towards a solution, because there is no solution without the involvement of the British Government.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator can make a passing reference to Northern Ireland but he should confine himself to the Bill. This is not an Adjournment debate.

I was taking it that part of the expenditure in 1984 was expenditure on the New Ireland Forum and that part of the expenditure was for the Department of Foreign Affairs who were concerned with the follow-up to the New Ireland Forum. I have no desire to go into it in any depth but I would like to put that point forward in justification.

If we look at the question of the economy, the Government have in the course of the year brought out the economic and social plan which they have called Building on Reality. The Opposition must make up their minds to prepare to face what is the reality. In regard to the question of employment and unemployment, Senator Lanigan said the plan does not provide for any increase of employment. Strictly speaking, that is not true. The plan provides for methods of bringing a halt to the rapid rise in unemployment, a levelling off of unemployment. But, facing the reality and making realistic projections, the plan says that it would not anticipate an increase in employment by 1987 of more than 45,000. This is facing reality. It is easy to promise more. It is easy to say that all we have to do is invest in job creation and there will be more. But, if we want to be political realists, we have to face the fact that the problem of major unemployment is going to be with us for a decade and there is nothing that anyone can do with ordinary policies that will prevent this. The constraints are such that this problem will be with us for some time.

A question was raised in regard to taxation. The position here is that nothing could please the Government more than that they would be able to introduce an immediate reduction in taxation. Nobody knows more keenly than the Minister who is with us today the extent to which the limits have been reached in regard to taxation, in some instances purely from a revenue point of view but in many others from a social and economic point of view also. The plan faces reality and says that we can put a ceiling on this. Taxation, which is now 36 per cent of GNP, can be held at this level. It has risen since 1981 by 5 per cent. If things had been allowed to go on from 1981 it might shoot well above the 36 per cent that the tendency shows.

In regard to the question of deficit spending and borrowing, in 1981 the public sector borrowing was something over 20 per cent of GNP. The Minister is entitled to come in here and claim credit for the Government in the fact that we have been pulled down off that pinnacle. The Minister is quite entitled to claim credit for the fact that he and the Government are advocating a plan which will reduce this to 11 per cent by 1987, not wipe it out completely, which would be the attitude if the Government were only taking, as they are so often accused of doing, a purely bookkeeping attitude to this exercise. The Government have tempered their original objective in this regard. Of course our country would be better off if we could eliminate our current budget deficit immediately, but in the plan the Government have taken good judgment between conflicting interests and conflicting demands which are the demands of the reality of the economic situation. The Government and the Minister are entitled to some credit because of the fact that inflation is down from over 20 per cent in 1982 to just 10 per cent in 1984. I agree with Senator Lanigan that they are not entitled to the full 10 per cent of the credit. They have been assisted by outside factors to some per cent. Senator Lanigan appeared not even to offer them 1 per cent of the credit in the reduction.

I said in my opening remarks that all parties were at fault in regard to their playing ducks and drakes with the economy, particularly at times of general elections. It may be that because Fianna Fáil, mistakenly to my mind, feel that they are about to enter a general election campaign they are falling into the same trap again. No country could borrow at the rate that we were borrowing, no community could live above its income or above its productive effort to the extent that we were doing, and survive. There is no need to go back completely to the attitude of Mr. Micawber who said: "Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure nineteen ninety six, result happiness. Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure twenty pounds ought and six, result misery." There is no need for the Government to insist on completely following the policy of Mr. Micawber that it should always be income, £20, and expenditure, £20. That was the precept of Mr. Micawber but not his practice, as we know from the condition of his life.

Of course there is a place for borrowing. I came into politics largely under the influence of the late Paddy McGilligan who had the very great distinction of being the first man to introduce into this country the proper use of borrowing, the first person to propose that we should have a capital budget as well as a current budget. This change which he introduced in 1948, was abolished by Fianna Fáil during one of their straightlaced periods in 1951 but re-adopted by them afterwards. Of course we should have a capital budget. Of course we should have a fully worked out comprehensive public expenditure programme made out, as it is made out here in the volume that was issued by the Minister as PL 2186.

Of course we should have our capital programme, but it should be subject to the greatest of scrutiny and it should make sure that all our borrowing here is borrowing that will give us a proper return. Of course it is possible that we can have short-term borrowing to allow us to overcome our difficulties. But, in fact, to adopt a policy of long-term borrowing for current purposes and to think that we can go on with this is folly of the first magnitude.

The Government have been prepared during the past year and are prepared during the coming year to consistently put forward what are the realities of the situation. They are prepared consistently to put forward what they think are the best ways to find an escape from our present difficulties. They may well be wrong in detail on some of these approaches, but there is no doubt that in regard to the general trend of their policy, there is no alternative available to the Opposition but to put up a real alternative strategy. If they do not do this, then I do not think they are entitled to the confidence of our community. They may win that confidence by ignoring the issues, but they do it at peril to our economic benefit and at peril to their long-term political fortunes.

It has sometimes been said that inflation and deficit financing can be like a drug. In the beginning the sensation is all pleasure. After a while one cannot throw off the habit and, in the end, withdrawal symptoms can be extremely unpleasant. I am sure it is no joy to the Minister that he should be the doctor at a time when the economy has to go through the withdrawal symptoms due to all our sniffing of economic drugs which we did in this country during the seventies. But the alternatives are to take the cure or become an addict for life. I support the Government in going forward by insisting on the cure.

It seems logical to place the Appropriation Bill in the context of the Government's economic plan and, indeed, the Minister has done just that in his opening address. Furthermore, it is logical to place both in the context of unemployment. The plan states that the most serious problem facing the country is unemployment. I agree that the most serious problem facing the country is unemployment. Yet the plan does not envisage any reduction in unemployment over the next three years. Even if the optimistic assumptions on which the plan is based prove accurate, 15 per cent of the labour force will still be out of work in 1987. I share the view of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions that this is in no sense a plan for employment. The Coalition Government came to power pledged to reduce unemployment from its level then of 170,000.

The Minister makes several references to the economic plan in his opening statement and makes the obviously outlandish claim that Government policies have stabilised total employment and have arrested the growth in unemployment. At present 216,000 people are unemployed. We had an increase of 4,000 in the month of November alone. More job losses are predicted in agriculture and in the public sector. The Minister, Deputy Bruton, acknowledged recently the scale of the problem. The numbers unemployed have increased by 135 per cent in the past five years and 44,000 more are unemployed now than when the Government took office two years ago.

The plan envisages that employment will increase by about 45,000 jobs. Private sector employment is expected to increase by 9,000 a year over the period of the plan; yet over the past three years unemployment in the private sector actually declined by 34,000. Modest as the employment targets are in the plan, there is no clear indication as to where most of the extra jobs are to come from. The targets set by the IDA for increased employment in manufacturing industry are only one-quarter of the projections in the plan. There is, therefore, an obligation on the Government, because they are the authors of the economic plan, to show clearly where 13,000 extra jobs in manufacturing and 22,000 additional jobs in private services will actually come from by 1987. The plan assumes that the growth of the labour force between now and 1987 will be less than it has been over the past three years. Furthermore, the plan envisages that as many people will be unemployed in 1987 as in 1984. What this adds up to is a projection by the Government that thousands will emigrate over the next three years. The only firm conclusion we can draw from the Government's plan in relation to jobs is that mass unemployment will be with us for the next three years.

The numbers unemployed at present would be very much greater were it not for the very large increase in emigration. The Minister for Finance revealed last month that the Government unemployment projections in their economic plan depend on net emigration of at least 5,000 a year between now and 1987. Independent demographic experts engaged by the Government suggest, however, that net emigration could reach 10,000 per annum between now and 1987. Any plan that requires net annual emigration of the order of 5,000 to 10,000 per year to achieve its targets is a repudiation of the primary responsibility of Government. The plan requires an exodus of our young people, but it does not stop there. Qualified executives — and I have first-hand knowledge of this — are getting out of the country to escape the hostile tax climate and start new careers in other countries where initiative and effort are rewarded, not penalised. The basic obligation of a Government is to create a climate for opportunity and employment at home.

In addition the number of those who are not in paid employment — that is, the real level of unemployment — is reduced artificially by the training and work experience programmes being conducted by the Government. These schemes are no substitute for the creation of secure and long-term employment.

There is a place for increased capital spending where the real rate of return exceeds the cost of financing. There is a passing reference to that fact in relation to State-sponsored bodies in the Minister's opening statement. Investments, if carefully selected, can stimulate growth in jobs in the private sector without permanently undermining the public finances. To the obvious question which is raised from time to time "What can the Government do in the present stringent economic circumstances?", the obvious counter question is this: "How can the Government over the period of the plan afford to pay £2,000 million in financing unemployment?" It is against this background that the Government's much publicised increased expenditure on roads must be considered. The increase amounts to £50 million over three years. When allowance is made for inflation the increase in real terms is considerably less.

Against the background of advice pressed on the Government by the Commission on Taxation and the National Planning Board, the road construction programme and other expenditure in the Appropriation Bill are an entirely inappropriate response to increasing unemployment. I submit that there is no real prospect of increasing employment while there is no incentive to do so. The biggest single obstacle to the creation of employment is the hostile taxation system. What is the Government's answer to this? The best they can offer the taxpayer is that the general burden of taxation will remain at current levels; that is to say, the taxation package will remain the highest in the EC. We need different policies and it is the Government's job to produce those policies because that is what they were elected to do. It is not the job of the Opposition. We need policies that will encourage the creation of wealth, that provide real incentives to save, invest and employ. The unemployment problem will not be solved through emigration or through short-term schemes. It can only be solved by creating a climate in which effort and incentive will be encouraged and rewarded.

I want to turn briefly to one of the more pressing problems in our society in addition to unemployment which is, of course, crime. The 1983 report on crime shows that over 102,000 indictable offences were recorded. That figure was relayed to us by the Minister for Justice during the debate on the Criminal Justice Bill. Dublin, with about one-third of the total population, accounted for about 60 per cent of the crime. Obviously, we have become a crime prone society, although not as bad as others. We have to combat crime and we have to reduce it. Towards that end the Criminal Justice Bill was debated over several months in the Houses of the Oireachtas. I have already registered my keen disappointment that the complaints procedure and the regulations were not published so that they could be debated when the Bill was debated. However, before the more controversial sections of the Act can be implemented we will have an opportunity in the Houses of the Oireachtas to debate the complaints procedure and the custody safeguards. That spell of time provides an opportunity for the Government to prepare for the effective implementation of the Criminal Justice Act.

That Act has no real prospect of being effectively implemented unless the necessary expenditure running to millions of pounds is spent on a variety of facilities and also on personnel. For example, the key personnel for the implementation of the Act will be station sergeants, but there are not enough of them. It follows, therefore, that many more sergeants will have to be appointed and that will cost money. Additional expenditure on inservice training of Garda personnel will be necessary in order to implement the complaints procedure and the custody safeguards. That, too, will cost more money. In many Garda stations interview rooms and cell accommodation are entirely inadequate to meet the requirements of the Act. These facilities will have to be improved, which will involve more expenditure.

The Coalition Government have rather little to claim up to now after two years in office. Certainly one of the claims they make in terms of achievement is that the Criminal Justice Act has now been passed. What I want to see is evidence that the expenditure on facilities and personnel essential for its implementation is provided for by the Government. If this necessary expenditure is not forthcoming the Act will not be worth the paper it is written on.

In conclusion I want to turn to the construction industry. It is evident to all that the construction industry is in depression. Its plight is further compounded by the figures published in the public capital programme which show a fall in real terms in public investment in construction in 1985 on top of a 20 per cent fall in 1983-84. Furthermore, money which was provided for building work in the public sector in 1984 was not spent. This is a downright disgrace. For example, money provided for building work on prisons is expected to be underspent in this year by £6 million. Not alone should this money have been spent in order to help employment, but the underspending in respect of prison accommodation is shocking when we consider that many hundreds of prisoners in the past year were released from existing prisons before serving their full sentences because there was not sufficient accommodation to keep them there.

The economic plan relies on heavy investment in construction by the private sector. Again taxation rears its ugly head as a disincentive. The tax rate applicable to the construction industry is way above the 10 per cent which applies to manufacturing industry. Precisely because of the high levels of taxation in the construction industry the black economy has been thriving in the industry. The 50 per cent rate of corporation tax puts it at a big disadvantage when compared with manufacturing industry where the rate is 10 per cent. The State benefits considerably from new construction work in that it receives a return of 40 per cent from taxation and other costs levied on the industry. In order to promote private investment in the construction industry incentives must be introduced, not least in the area of taxation.

I repeat that Government taxes are killing enterprise and effort. Incentive and effort will have to be rewarded and this will require a very substantial change in existing policies.

In discussing the Appropriation Bill, which contains a staggering figure of £6 billion, I suppose a certain latitude will be given to speakers who may wish to deal with many issues. I listened with interest to the contribution of Senator Lanigan, for whom I have considerable respect and regard. However, his speech dealt solely with the private sector but the Appropriation Bill is a statement of account by the Minister at the end of the year of what it costs to run the public sector. The private sector can contribute by way of tax on profits and the tax on workers engaged in that sector.

However, if we were to ignore our obligations to the public sector things would be very bad. There is a tremendous responsibility on the Government of the day to make sure that we have a vibrant public sector because there are several areas into which the private sector will not enter. Most of those are in areas that provide a service to people who are unable to afford it themselves. The State has a responsibility to the weaker sections of the community while the private sector has a responsibility only to itself. It is basically motivated by profit and that is accepted in a mixed economy.

It is difficult to reconcile the contributions of Senators opposite between what they demand should be provided and who will pay for it. We had got away from the business of auctioning our services to people at election times and this Government have brought a sense of reality to the job of improving our economy. However, I am worried that in recent days a series of promises have been given by the people in Opposition. They have probably given those promises because they know there is no hope of their being in power for some time and it can disadvantage a Government to be purported to be on the run all the time. Promises were made amounting to £5 million or £6 million in a number of days ranging over many areas. The public sector was included but the previous Government did not make any provision for that sector when they were in power. Now this Government have given a commitment that there will always be a vibrant public sector, which sector I will always defend.

There is a responsibility on those of us in Government to ensure that the public sector is as efficient as possible. There have been problems in the past in that sector when it was highly questionable whether certain operations were efficient and when questions were also raised regarding management decisions. Irish Shipping is a typical example where, in spite of requirements in law, the then chairman of the board was permitted or took it upon himself to make decisions that caused the company to become bankrupt. Those kinds of errors have to be accounted for in some place. They have to be accounted for in the Public Accounts Committee who investigate public expenditure. The maintenance of a public sector is of paramount importance because there are several areas into which the private sector will not enter simply because there is no profit.

The public and the private sectors should not be seen to be in competition with one another. That is why I would welcome the publication of the full programme of the National Development Corporation which will be a major step forward to ensure that the energies of both sections are brought together in the overall interests of the people and the economy. I look forward to the publication of the projects the corporation will attempt to tackle. It is appropriate that there should be a State agency that will have regard for the private sector and will not be in competition with it. There is nothing fundamentally wrong with the philosophy that the private sector could continue to do any job efficiently and the same terms should apply both to the private and the public sectors.

Senator Lanigan referred to the collapse of several undertakings and some of them were in the private sector. It is tragic that 800 jobs were lost in Clover Meats when the company was liquidated and put into receivership. Many of the people concerned are in my constituency. Considerable efforts were made by the Minister for Agriculture, the Minister for Finance, the Oireachtas Members in that area, Fóir Teoranta, the IDA, the ACC and other State lending agencies. It is easy when there is a collapse of a firm to look for a scapegoat and usually the State is blamed. I refer to this only because Senator Lanigan mentioned it.

The Minister would not guarantee the ACC loans.

The Minister guaranteed everything that was necessary and the board of the ACC confirmed that.

He did not. He refused to sign.

For years the ACC, Fóir Teoranta and the IDA have supported the industry and that was right. It is a very important industry because it adds value to a natural product of this country. However, in its management it must ensure that it can stay productive and profitable. The shareholders never got any income from the money they put in and the State got relatively little for what it put in apart from the employment factor, though that was considerable. Unfortunately the same thing happened with regard to Ballingarry Mines in my constituency. I must compliment the Minister for Finance for the assistance and sympathy he gave during the years in respect of that enterprise. It had failed to meet any of its public commitments for one reason or another even though coal to the value of £30 million is underground which could be brought to the surface. However, for some reason the company has been unable to do that job or to attract foreign capital to do it.

I hope in view of the present attitude of the liquidator that major efforts will be made to attract the necessary money. However, the slate will have to be wiped clean before any organisation or person takes over. At the moment the State is owed £4 or £5 million. This is a private sector industry, run by private people for profit, and still they need the State to support them. I would remind Members there is no electoral support for total State intervention in the private sector. All of us accept that we have a mixed economy, that there can be a vibrant public and private sector. However, the moment the private sector runs up against problems of any description, whether through mismanagement or otherwise, the State is blamed for it immediately or expected to bail out the company in trouble.

There are several agencies like Fóir Teoranta whom I have always found helpful. They were a considerable help in relation to Ballingarry Mines when there was a chance that there would be a large injection of venture capital in the enterprise. Fóir Teoranta were satisfied at the time there was such a hope that through the injection of some money to keep the enterprise going over a number of months the matter could be settled. Fóir Teoranta approved a sum of £50,000, which the workers deeply appreciated. There were 125 miners employed there, but they are now on the unemployment list through no fault of their own. They had worked hard for long hours, for nothing at times. We can see from that that there is a genuine commitment by workers in the private sector to generate as much wealth as possible for their employers. The employees always pay their contributions but there are some employers who do not, as Senator Lanigan said. I suppose that if we were to see the Revenue Commissioners' books quite a lot of money is due under those headings from employers in the private sector.

The Appropriation Bill is specific about the public sector and the service it is supposed to be giving, particularly the semi-State bodies. I refer particularly to one such body about which the Government are to take severe action. I hope that when that slate is clean the Government will introduce legislation to give the country a shipping authority. It is important that the country would have a shipping line that would not be likely to become bankrupt through mismanagement, without the permission of either the board or the Minister.

At the moment we have an unfortunate strike in my constituency in the Bord na Móna enterprise at Littleton. Bord na Móna are a very efficient semi-State body. Some of their production figures are spectacular, but during the past number of months, in spite of continuing consultations with the union representing the workers, the Federated Workers Union of Ireland, many workers have not been allowed to work or are on strike because of redundancy terms. The union representing the workers there acknowledge that there will have to be some rationalistation of the work force because of a change in production methods in the new briquette factory. However, there are people there who have worked for the board for 30 years but who are being treated in the same way as workers with three or four years' service. They have sought a Labour Court hearing but unfortunately Bord na Móna insisted on many other peripheral problems being investigated as well. Because of that the specific redundancy problem has not been dealt with by itself. I ask the Minister for Labour to request the Labour Court specifically to intervene in the redundancy dispute. There are 200 workers in the streets in north and south Tipperary who are competent and efficient and able to work and there is work to be done there which will produce a commodity from the soil for which there is a market. At the same time Bord na Móna made a £12 million profit last year and £15 million in the previous year. However, because of the inability of management and the workers to come to an agreement in regard to the redundancy programme the board have lost more than £1 million in the last five weeks.

If there is not a satisfactory settlement in this dispute I suggest that the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Commercial State-Sponsored Bodies or the Oireachtas Committee on Public Expenditure should request the chairman of the company to talk to them. The union want to have a settlement and will accept reasonable redundancy money based on existing agreements in the company. The company have lost £1 million by a management decision and this could be balanced against an agreement which would cost only £200,000. I know the Minister for Finance is aware of the problem because he met some of the workers recently. The Minister for Energy has been trying to achieve a settlement. It is a matter for Bord na Móna. If at any time a semi-State undertaking which we have set up over the years do something wrong, it would be tragic if there had to be political or ministerial intervention. It would be unwelcome. There are institutions to settle these problems and, as a person representing the Labour Party, it is intolerable to me that a semi-State body would not avail of all the machinery of the State, including the Labour Court, in an effort to achieve a settlement.

The private sector, which has been referred to often by the Opposition, must be pleased with the amount of support given generally by way of IDA grants and by the efforts being made to entice foreign industry here. Many industrialists have come in here and it was reassuring to hear the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism the other day announcing proposals for more jobs——

Some of them are over two years old.

Any news about job creation is good. However, it tends to get knocked on the ground that it is not good enough. The fact that the number of such jobs has been increasing has shown increased interest in Ireland. It is not true that because of our taxation structure Irish executives are going abroad. Abroad people tell us that our taxation levels here, high as they are, are not prohibitive. Because of being conditioned by a continuing barrage from Opposition spokesmen and the media, people tend to think we are worse off than we should be. Still, the pubs throughout the country are full. Either our priorities are wrong or people are drinking to try to ease the problems they think they have.

In the past two years we have seen a definite effort on the part of the Government to put some sense of reality into the economy. We have to find an enormous amount of money but we are confined to three or four sources — we can tax people who, as is accepted by everybody including the Minister, are overtaxed, or borrow more, and this has already put the country in trouble. Most of the borrowing was done by our predecessors. They did what they considered to be right, but the chickens have come home to roost and we now have to meet the bills and commitments under agreements entered into by our predecessors. People have asked me why children should pay for their parents' mistakes. There is a lot of wisdom in that sentiment. But it appears we can no longer be the controllers of our destiny. We are subjected to foreign borrowing, to the whims of international monetarists, to those of the international money markets making money available to us, always dependent on whether we tidy up our own house first. These are some of the problems we now encounter.

I am delighted that there is contained in the earlier sections of the national plan a commitment to a reasonable reduction in the overall budget deficit. We should not, simply for the sake of balancing the books, endeavour to undo all of the wrongdoings of the past within one period of Government. If we did so then the economic realities would mean that many more people would be unemployed, many more who cannot provide for themselves would be rendered destitute and many more at present on the poverty line would find themselves in those tragic circumstances. But the responsibility does rest with us to establish where we are going, how we can achieve our objectives, leaving the country in a better situation than that in which we found it. That is the duty of any Government irrespective of whether they are seeking re-election. It should be remembered that between 1973 and 1977 we placed our aims and achievements firmly on the table. Unfortunately the public, who would appear to have short memories, went for the soft options, promises that everything would now be free in this life with Fianna Fáil returned with a majority of 20 but they did nothing about the situation then obtaining. In the early eighties when Deputy Haughey was returned to power it appeared that he was going to do something about the prevailing situation because he availed of the national media to communicate to the electorate that things would have to be different. But then the position was allowed to obtain because, as always in life, things are different; nothing remains the same.

If we are not seen now by our young people to be making an effort to tidy up our own house, at debating performance levels in these Houses, our performance at local authority, health board level and so on, there will be even more disillusionment felt. There is a tremendous responsibility now on everybody, whether it be the farming leaders, those in the trade unions, the Leader of the Opposition or the Government to ensure that our young people, who look to us and are dependent on us, will see that, rather than arguing about irrelevant matters, we are endeavouring constructively to do the job better than it was done in the past.

I might mention local government reform. The Minister mentioned his allocation to the Department of the Environment. It is imperative that any local government reform include also financial reform. Local government cannot survive on the hand-outs from central authority, whether through the devolution of power or decentralisation of authority. In future local authorities must be the masters of their destinies with the exception of major areas in which the Government must maintain a guiding hand, such as that of infrastructural development with regard to national primary routes, housing and so on. Because of the financial restrictions imposed on local authorities they would be unable to tackle any of those major capital works without Government assistance. If there is proper financial reform of local authorities they could well do so themselves. I have said to both the Taoiseach and the Minister that it would be pointless holding local government elections until such reform has been completed. We should remember that they were postponed last year on the basis of such reformation. Now, merely because we promised we would have them we should not hold them prematurely without coming to grips with the real problems involved, that is the handing back to local authorities of the power to finance themselves and to decide what to do with the relevant moneys.

It was contended that the farming tax would in some way hand back power to local authorities. It would give them some power in regard to being self-financing. But if there is to be any suggestion that the grants normally payable by the Department were to be reduced by the amount of farmer taxation collected, then the whole exercise would be self-defeating. It is important that farmer tax would not be seen to be a replacement of any other form of revenue but rather that it would constitute additional revenue, there being so much work to be done at local authority level. Nobody is in a better position to carry out such work than the local authorities themselves. All of us who have had a long association with their services know this well.

The question of the health boards was dealt with on a motion in this House put down by the Opposition to which we endeavoured to make a reasonable contribution with regard to the whole of their restructuring, what were the responsibilities of health boards and their members. This morning we heard of all sorts of tragedies being predicted on the radio within the Southern Health Board area unless the Minister allocated them more money. Then we were told the Minister said he had given them an extra £10 million. In my area some health board members referred to a cutback of £5 million when we received an additional £4 million. I have endeavoured to ascertain what is meant by a cutback, whether it constitutes the figure one had sought but did not receive or whether it constitutes the allocation one received but within which it is impossible to operate. Within the allocations made available we must endeavour to deliver the services required of us, doing so as efficiently as possible, eliminating all possible waste. This constitutes a major problem especially in health board areas like mine which has an unrealistic staffing level compared with any other health board area.

It should be remembered that the total Estimate for Health is colossal now running at something like £1,075,600,000 a figure of over £1 billion. Naturally we would all like to think that such moneys were being spent for the benefit of patients, the people about whom we are worried and who need the health services. Examining the structures of the various health boards, how they are managed and operated, one is left with the feeling that they leave a lot to be desired. In approximately three weeks time I will be faced with endeavouring to come to grips with the budget in my health board area, when I shall be forced to ask the CEO to produce the appropriate bank statements. We work on figures presented to us, rendering it difficult for members of health boards to grapple with their problems. Of course one can advance the argument that if there were, say, two hospitals closed one's budget estimate could be met, when immediately the media will assume that those two hospitals are going to be closed or that there is no alternative available.

At the end of 1983 we finished up with no deficit in the health board areas although we were told throughout the year we would be unable to survive. To date in 1984 we have saved approximately £20 million. In my area, at least so far, there has been no diminution in the services made available. I know there are some other areas warranting examination. However, that is an indication of how one can apply oneself to the problem dealing with scarce resources which can be replenished only through borrowing or increased taxation, in regard to both of which we seem to have reached saturation point.

Agriculture was dealt with by Senator Dooge, particularly in regard to the milk super-levy debate held earlier this year. We congratulate the Minister for the settlement he achieved, especially when it is compared with settlements for other countries. They are probably 20 per cent worse off than we are. Accepting that the Minister did an excellent job, for some unknown reason there seems to have been some doubt in the minds of those that reached an agreement with us, whether the figure was an estimated one or was one based on actual production. The Minister has been explicit enough to say that he is prepared to go to court on this subject to prove that it was based on actual supplies. Milk producers have been told that they should proceed on the basis that it is on the higher figure of 4.6 per cent. Even accepting the higher figure there will have to be an improvement on that figure next year. It is likely that there will not be because, in spite of all the efforts of our Minister, he will have to contend with nine other Ministers on the basis of a shrinking budget in the European Community.

The reality for our farmers is that the only way they can stay in the business of milk production up to the levy figure — let us be honest with ourselves and admit that that is the only real enterprise there is a monetary compensation for the amount of work people put into it — is to do it more efficiently. They can only do that in a number of limited ways. They will have to improve the breeding quality of their animals so that they will produce more milk with fewer animals and more milk for less foodstuffs or inputs. If that happens without other steps being taken to replenish the beef herd there is no doubt that the cattle trade two or three years' hence will be faced with a crisis. All the trips to Libya by Mr. Haughey and all the trips abroad to get markets in the beef sector will be for naught.

We have the spectacle today of an Irish meat processing company having to purchase processing facilities in another country and employing people there because there is not sufficient beef cattle available here to fill their requirements. Yet we have somebody flying out, as if he was in Government, and coming back with a deal as if there was no market for the existing products. We should be honest and realistic with ourselves. I do not decry the efforts of anybody trying to get markets, but before one gets a market one should make sure one has a product to fill the market. If not one will create an extraordinary situation in that one will be advocating the selling of products that we are unable to produce.

There are steps in the plan — I do not think there are enough — to increase the subsidy for beef cows. We will have to look very carefully at that because unless there is an increase of something in the region of 150,000 to 200,000 beef cows we will not be able to balance the amount of cullings that probably will go on from non-economic cows in the dairy sector. The Minister is aware of this. The Government are aware of it and the farming organisations made themselves aware of it in recent days and decided the way the farming sector will go forward will be to cut down on the number of cows. Should a beef suckling scheme be available to dairy producers to try to ensure that there is a supply of calves and beef to fill our markets abroad? If that is not done the agricultural sector will be in a difficult position in the next three years.

Dr. Tom Arnold, a senior economist with ACOT, has prepared a very interesting paper on this problem. He has indicated that he is extremely concerned about the possible reduction of 150,000 cows, or about 9 per cent of the total number of cows here. It is appropriate that we should put our thoughts together on this problem for the future and ensure that there is a continuing supply of beef, beef cows and calves. If not there will be most serious repercussions from the milk super-levy. In any future negotiations in the Community for an increase in our levy figure we should look for every assistance possible to ensure that the beef sector is supported in every way. Otherwise we will have a repeat of what happened in 1972-73 when the whole bottom fell out of that sector of the economy.

The four year plan for agriculture has a lot to commend it. Some of its sections were incorporated in the plan for the development of the whole economy. It suggests an increased production figure of about 10 per cent over four years in the agricultural sector and has outlined where those increases will come from. That was done in the knowledge that there might be a milk levy. Those who are concerned about the Government's contribution towards agriculture should first of all look at the amount of money allocated in the agricultural Vote which is commendable and rightly so because it is a very important sector of the economy. There is £254,835,000 in the Vote for Agriculture. Admittedly, quite a lot of that never gets to the farmer's gate. The farmer is the first to accept that to have a proper policy in agriculture and somebody to negotiate in the European Community for him, we need a proper structure in the Department of Agriculture. We need the ACOT structure to give advice and education to young farmers. We need county committees to formulate schemes within their counties.

If one looks at the commitment in the figures in the Appropriation Bill to agriculture, in spite of what has been said by Opposition speakers and, indeed, by farming leaders, one gets the true story. We will be donating quite a lot of money next year to an intensification of the disease eradication programme, an increase of 42 per cent in the bovine tuberculosis eradication scheme and an increase of 25 per cent in the brucellosis eradication scheme. This year we were limited in the amount of round-testing we could do. We concentrated our limited resources on the areas we knew had had a history of major breakdowns or, indeed, were at risk. We devoted all our energies to that. We finished up testing about 60 per cent of the total herd.

I am concerned that next year when we get down to a full round of testing all herds, which is important but not vital in the eradication of disease, if this allocation will be sufficient. I consider it will be a fairly heavy demand on this Vote. I hope the officials who are responsible for the implementation of that scheme reach a settlement in the areas of contention, particularly our colleagues in the veterinary profession. I hope they will be able to reach agreement with the Department on the effective operation of the scheme and the spending of all money in the Vote. This has been accepted in the plan as being a vital part of the disease eradication programme.

There are other things that people should be doing in that scheme and farmers are becoming more aware of them every day. Those things do not cost anything. We should insist on hauliers of livestock in and out of premises having a properly cleaned truck. We should insist on proper standards at factories after the delivery of reactors and in the transport of animals to marts, farmhouses and farmyards. Farmers should ensure that their fences between themselves and their neighbours are good to put down the spread of the disease. Farmers are conscious of the problems involved in the spread of the disease. They might have a clean herd but everybody in the area may not, and the risk of spreading the disease exists. It is a very active bacillus. Nobody knows where it will come from next. All the money in the world will not help identify the source of the infection. People must be very aware of the situation. In the national interest we must spend a large sum of money protecting the national herd. We have spent a great deal of money in this area in the past and people are objecting to the continued spending of public money in this area. We must do all in our power to eradicate bovine tuberculosis and brucellosis. We have made a great deal of progress in the eradication of brucellosis.

The farm modernisation scheme was suspended because of the financial situation in the Department. A sum of £38 million has been provided for this scheme in the coming year. There have been changes in the scheme but it is accepted by most people that grants under this scheme should be provided for the housing of livestock during the winter. Continuation of the exemption of stamp duty is welcome. More than 2,000 people have benefited from that scheme and the commitment to continue the scheme was welcomed by many people who would like to see a movement of land from older to younger people who are capable of running the farm. We should provide any incentive necessary to help these people.

No plan has everything one would want, but there are a few sections in the plan I am unhappy about, and I would like to put my comments on the record so that when I raise these matters at a future date, the Minister and the Government will have heard them earlier. I am very concerned about the abolition of the Land Commission. Everybody associated with agriculture accepted that changes were needed in the Land Commission. The figures involved were not very significant, £6 million or £7 million — £5 million for statutory contributions to the land bond fund and £1.75 million for the deficiency of income from untenanted land and so on. It could be said that £7 million or £8 million would cover Land Commission expenditure. Although the Government are committed to abolishing the Land Commission, that does not mean it was the right thing to do if we are to restructure small holdings at a later date. If we are serious about restructuring land and putting it into the hands of young people, there will have to be an agency to replace the Land Commission.

A number of papers have been written about this subject and the Labour Party, who have a vibrant and active agricultural committee, have made a submission to the Cabinet, through the Tánaiste, about the possible replacement of the Land Commission. We have suggested a new land authority and we said it could be financed in the same way as the Housing Finance Agency where moneys are made available by the lending institutions for the purchase of houses. I am sure money from a similar source could be provided in an approved Government scheme for the acquisition and distribution of land. The new land authority will have to have some of the privileges of the Land Commission, particularly the right of acquisition. In the past the Land Commission used their powers of acquisition only where there was a non-productive use of land. It is essential in the interests of the country that the Government should have the powers which were conferred on the Land Commission under the Constitution because it might be essential that land would be taken into public ownership for redistribution to people who need it and will use it to the full.

I hope there will be a land authority to replace the Land Commission because legislation will have to be passed to abolish the Land Commission. If there is not a replacement agency it will take a long time to get this legislation through the House. I will be very worried if the Government continue to do away with the fundamental principle for acquiring and distributing land. I admit there were many areas in the Land Commission which needed to be revitalised, but that could have been done without completely abolishing the Commission. However, the Government have made that decision and I am looking forward to their suggestions about a replacement authority.

As I said, a number of documents have been produced by many groups, including a co-ordinated group of agricultural organisations representing all the farming organisations — the ICMSA, IFA, the Land League, the general council of agricultural committees and so on. They proposed a land authority to replace the Land Commission which would advise the Minister on land policy and supervise the implementation of that policy. I will not bore the Chair by going into details about these very wide-ranging and worthy proposals, but they suggest a national board with 50 per cent farmer representation which will ensure that when this authority replace the Land Commission they will have, and will be seen to have, certain powers and that they will have the support of the Government and the people in restructuring fragmented holdings and getting land into the hands of young people who wish to stay on the land. I hope the Government will have regard to that philosophy.

There are many other areas I would like to deal with, but in fairness to other Members I will not delay the House too long. It must be said that the last two years in Government have been extremely difficult. It would have been a luxury to be in Opposition, to condemn those who are tidying up the kitchen after those who had been there previously had left not alone the kitchen but the fridge and the pot empty. Now the Opposition are looking for full and plenty from the new cook who had very little to work with but who had to do his best with what he had. I realise that some of the measures we had to take were unpopular but if the people analyse what has been done over the last two years, and if they saw these figures in black and white, they would see we had made an effort to come to grips with the problem.

As the Minister said, we have reduced Government borrowing substantially and the current budget deficit, cut the rate of inflation, transformed our balance of payments position, significantly improved our competitive position, stabilised employment and ensure that the new scheme will be successful. We will continue to improve the present position as long as we are in Government.

At the end of the day I hope the public will realise that we were honest with them. We told them what we found, we told them what we were trying to do and we told them how they would be at the end of our period in Government, whether they would be worse off financially, mentally or physically. It is important that we be constructive and say positive things about this Bill and the additional expenditure being provided for roadworks, capital programme in hospital replacement and all the other areas which will have an implication for employment and which will be seen by the people to be a genuine contribution to the economy of the State.

In addition, the Government will be able to look back after their full period in office having taken unpopular decisions which everybody realises must be taken although they are condemned for doing so. Because of the in activity of our predecessors in not taking any decisions in this area nobody was prepared to pay the piper. The IMF wondered whether we were going to make an effort to tidy up our affairs or whether they were going to do it for us. At least the record is straight now and we are masters of our own destiny; we have taken action that will give us control over our finances.

There is a commitment to the public sector and there should be no doubt in the minds of the trade union movement that as far as we are concerned it is imperative that there is a strong public sector service. There are institutions to decide the level of payment for them and there must be a balance between the highly paid and the low paid. There is a realisation that there is £20 million in the funds for the public sector pay in the coming year. If an arbitration authority decides that that is not enough then the Government will have to face the reality and the public will have either to accept a supplementary budget estimate to cover whatever additional costs are incurred and to see it clearly and identifiably for what it is — an increase in taxation to pay increased demands in the public sector or make do with the £20 million that have been included.

We have set up a whole structure of arbitration, conciliation, Labour Court agreements and the trade union movement who are well able to look after themselves and indeed that is their responsibility. There should be no gloom and doom. We will just have to face reality and decide whether we can afford it. If we can afford it let us pay it and let the public see how they are paying for it. Whenever the public look for a service they will have to see what source of income is being used to fund that service. Many people need a service but are unable to provide it out of their own means and there is a responsibility on any Government to look after that section of the community. Even over the past two tough years the record in the area of social welfare assistance has been second to none. They recognise and accept that. Nobody is ever satisfied with what they get but, generally speaking, people have been cushioned to some extent in being able to survive in a period in which everything is so expensive.

It is a tragedy that because of the differential between prices here and the North there seems to be a total disregard of the implications of shopping across the Border. Because of those implications and the downstream implications for employment in this country, their children would be much better off if the people shopped at home. We live in a free society and all we can do is point out the anomalies and ask the Minister to have regard for the differential in the taxation that causes this change in values between ourselves and across the Border. Let us hope that if we continue to address these problems we might be able to come to grips with them. In the overall context we might have done something constructive in the area of the economy over the next couple of years.

I welcome this Bill and the opportunity it gives Senators to discuss both the overall picture of the economy and also the different areas of Government expenditure under the heads of Estimates which are included in the Bill for various Departments. It is some years now since we have had the opportunity to discuss this Bill properly before it is passed. This gives a greater sense of reality to our debate today. I hope that there will be a large participation in this debate by Members of the Seanad because it gives an opportunity which we do not get in regard to debates on the budget and so on that occur in the other House. It gives us an opportunity to look at Government expenditure as a whole and in part. We look at it in the context of the overall plan or economic scheme of the Government and also in the context of what is being done by State expenditure in the various Government Departments.

Senator Ferris said that the last two years have been very difficult to be in Government and that it is somewhat of a luxury to be in Opposition. Perhaps my own position as an Independent is even more of a luxury because I am not in a position where I have, because of party loyalties of one sort or another, to support the Government holus-bolus or attack them on every front. I can pick out things which I see as being sensible or forward moving and also ask for things which have not been carried out and which have been promised and where there have been delays or failures in implementing these promises.

It is clear from the record of the Government and the plans that they have put before us that there are areas where there have been definite efforts to make progress and where there has been some degree of success. For instance, the overall picture of our trade balance as between exports and imports has looked very much more hopeful in the past year or so than it has for some time. While the interior economic position of the country to the ordinary man in the street may appear to be very difficult, at the same time it is an encouraging sign to find that our exports should have risen so very substantially and that, by and large, we have been able to pay our way.

We also have seen the growth in high technology industries, not perhaps an overall forward moving growth in all areas but, nevertheless, a growth of industry which is very important from the point of view of the future and from that of providing employment of a type which is not likely to be ruled out very shortly because modern developments have made it an uneconomic form of employment.

When the Government talk in terms of cutting back on public expenditure in various areas we need to avoid taking up a position of feeling that all cutbacks are necessarily a bad thing, that all cutbacks need the taking away of some sort of essential service or something that is necessary for survival. If we face our own consciences and what has happened in this country with regard to the public sector over the years we can see that there have been areas where money has continued increasingly to have been spent simply because it was felt that the money was available and that there was no stop on it, that it has not been actually put to either socially useful work or to productive investment. However, when we talk in terms of cutbacks and expenditure there is the definite danger that a Government faced by the perceived need to cut public expenditure tries to do this on an altogether even level across the board and in that way damages areas of expenditure in which there is a real necessity for continuing investment or continuing social provision; I will mention one or two of these later.

It is necessary for any Government that embarks on an attempt to reduce current public expenditure to do a great deal of careful and intelligent surveying of the way in which current public expenditure is being used. No matter in which area Government money is being spent, it will be possible to make a special case for that area. It is important for a Minister for Finance and the Government as a whole to look at these special cases and see where the special case is real and necessary and where it is a bit of special pleading. When they cut expenditure they must cut it in a way that minimises the damage either to the social services or to the productive investment of the Government. They must look for the areas in which expenditure has been allowed to grow without any real return.

The Minister spoke about borrowing for capital expenditure and his assumption was that just because borrowing is for capital expenditure it was, therefore, good. There is logic in what he says but, nevertheless, we need to be careful not to cut back on capital expenditure to too great an extent. We do not want to make a shibboleth out of saying we must not borrow. If borrowing is for productive investment, for an employment creating investment and for getting things off the ground, we should not look on it as being evil, just because it is foreign borrowing. As an ordinary housewife would look at the way in which Government expenditure is run, it is obvious that to borrow to cover current expenditure is to go down an alleyway that is very hard to get out of. Borrowing for capital expenditure and borrowing for investment are different matters and need to be judged carefully and not thrown out because it is a matter of borrowing.

The main difficulty we have, whatever way we may juggle figures about expenditure, trade and so on, is the extraordinarily high level of unemployment. This is particularly difficult and damaging in the area of youth unemployment where we are tending to get a whole generation of young people growing up who are experiencing a failure of hope in that they find it very difficult to approach even the achievement of academic qualifications and of professional qualifications which require a good deal of investment of time and hard work. They see such a dark picture that if they get these qualifications and even if they do exceptionally well in their leaving certificate, it does not guarantee them, or even offer them a reasonable hope of getting employment after they have ended their education.

Some of our better successes in recent years have been in the creation of small or medium sized enterprises rather than trying to set up vast industries financed by foreign capital which is withdrawn whenever it suits the foreign capitalists to withdraw it. We have a desperate need for enterprise but our young people who ought to be growing up into the people who create that enterprise are in an atmosphere of pessimism, difficulty and wonder at what is going to happen to them when they finish their education. This is a cause of concern to all parents and young people today. Whatever the Government may say about the improvement in trade figures and in the general financial scheme of things, as long as the prospect of considerably reducing unemployment remains as poor as envisaged in the national plan there is one tremendous blot on their record. When people look back on what this Government have or have not done this is an area in which they see failure.

With regard to taxation, it is clear, as has been said by the Minister and some Senators, that we cannot raise the taxation level very much higher than it is at the moment because it has reached the stage where it is a positive disincentive, in particular to those who are under the PAYE system. We are under an obligation to do more than utter fair sounding statements about making the taxation system more equal and fairer towards the different sectors of the community.

We have talked a great deal about more taxation in the area of the agricultural community, the self-employed and so on. When it comes down to brass tacks, however, what appears now to have been done by the Revenue Commissioners is to bring in an even more severe scheme about expenses which will attack, in the main, people who are already paying the maximum PAYE tax. Let us not deceive ourselves with suggestions about withdrawal of benefits in kind from being able to eat a business lunch only hitting the heads of businesses — the capitalists who are grinding the faces of the poor, in the old fashioned phrase, or people who own businesses and live on incomes. The people whom it is generally going to hit are the ordinary salesmen, marketing people and so on who are already paying PAYE. If this is the Revenue Commissioners' idea of fairness, I suggest they should go back and look hard, first of all at the level of expenses they are allowed as civil servants as compared with the level of expenses that are allowed to people in the private sector and secondly, they should look more at how they can work the theoretical system of taxation of the non-PAYE people so as to level out the amount paid by the different sectors of the community.

There has been a great deal of discussion about levelling out this system, but very little has been collected and there are huge arrears of taxation from the non-PAYE sectors. It is very hard for the people in employment and paying at such a high level not to feel that they are being treated unjustly and that wherever the shoe is made to pinch, it is always made to pinch with them.

Senator Ferris spoke about the necessity for a vibrant public sector and I would agree with him. It is very important that we should have a public sector which is of importance and which is enterprising. Taken that our public sector investments and public sector enterprises have served this country extremely well, I would not go in for fashionable condemnation of them, but we need to be careful that a vibrant public sector is not necessarily a cushioned public sector. Standards in the public sector enterprises should be the kind of standards normally expected of any ordinary business apart from the fact that the public sector investment includes public sector services, social service and community service elements. This is to be seen in matters like the provision of infrastructures, for example, transport and energy. Nevertheless, the fact that a social service is provided does not mean that we can stop exercising any sort of criticism at the way in which losses are made and State money is used to pay off these losses.

When this Government took office there were a number of areas in which legislation change was promised and where legislative change would not necessarily cost all that much extra and yet there has been disappointment that the promises have not borne fruit. Legislation affecting children is something which was widely hoped for in the first couple of years of this Government and indeed had been hoped for over a number of years. Perhaps the most obvious example of all is the area to be covered by the new Children Bill. We are still operating under the Children Act, 1908, with a few rather minor amendments. The legal system of looking after children who are deprived or ill-treated and children who are taken into care or who are helped through the social welfare system is based on a 1908 Act which does not set out to do the kind of thing that we want to do. The whole system by which children are taken into care either under place of safety orders or under fit persons orders is using legislation for purposes for which it was never intended. I cannot understand how after all the endless promises we have received from this and previous Governments going back over 20 to 25 years, there is still a delay in producing this legislation which so vitally affects children, particularly as it is an area of legislation that will not need all that much extra public expenditure. There is no excuse for saying we cannot do this because of the financial situation, or because of cutbacks in public expenditure. The task force spent a very great deal of time and expertise in making a report and the result has been very minimal indeed. Why is it that this legislation is so long delayed?

The Minister for Health set up an adoption review committee which reviewed the entire law as it affects adoption and this review committee produced an excellent report which I have studied very carefully because of my personal interest in this area. It made a number of excellent recommendations to change the law in the area of, for example, the possible adoption of children of legitimate marriages, the necessary consents from natural parents for adoption, the regulation of adoption societies and the maintenance of standards in those societies. None of these matters requires enormous public expenditure or is impossible because of financial stringency. My impression was that the Minister for Health wished to bring in this legislation very quickly yet we have seen nothing of it.

The whole area of illegitimacy was raised by the Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, Deputy Fennell. She ran a very important seminar on this and many suggestions were put forward as to what the Government should do with the law as it affects illegitimacy. Again, this is an area which does not require public expenditure. We have had all these promises but we have not seen a single Bill before the House which deals with any of these areas. The position of an unmarried mother and her child not being a family under the Constitution is one that needs a great deal of thought. While it is peripherally part of the deliberations of the Committee on Marriage Breakdown I do not think that it is necessary to wait for the report of that committee or to wait for any legislation which may emerge from it to deal with the position of the unmarried family. There are more and more unmarried familes resulting not just from unmarried mothers and their children but from the increasing number of so-called remarriages after church annulments and so-called remarriages after divorces obtained abroad which have no legal reality in this country. All these families remain unprotected in law and in particular the children of these families remain unprotected in law. It is time that the Government produced the promised legislation in these areas.

Another area where legislation was promised some considerable time ago is in the area of the family home and the proposition that family homes should be held as joint tenancies, as joint property between the husband and the wife. This is an aspect of the whole idea of community within marriage. It is an essential and important aspect of it because the main capital property of an average family is the family home. The ordinary family do not have a great deal of capital property outside of the family home. The idea put forward by the Minister for Justice some time ago that the family home should be a shared property is one that would appeal to the sense of fairness, and the desire to preserve the family and make the family a reality to all of us. It would raise little opposition from any side of the House. There are undoubtedly legal difficulties in doing this retrospectively and there are legal difficulties in certain areas where, for instance, the marriage has already broken up and arrangements are being made between the partners to deal with matrimonial property. To deal with the situation from now on should not be so difficult. I look forward to this and I hope that this promise will become a reality in as short a time as possible.

We have in the Bill provision for such officers as the Ombudsman and the Director of Consumer Affairs. These offices have been a very welcome development in public expenditure and public investment because they stand for the ordinary person and the protection of the ordinary person against economic forces which may be too strong for her or him. I noted that the retiring Chief Justice said that he hoped that his term as Chief Justice would be exemplified by an effort to protect the small man or the individual against economic forces and against those who are very strong against him. I recall one case in which the Supreme Court, under the leadership of the Chief Justice, stood very strongly for the individual home owner against the machinations of building developers. We very badly need the powers of the Ombudsman and the Director of Consumer Affairs and all such person who continue to protect the individual from economic and financial forces that are too much for him to fight on his own.

With regard to the Department of Justice, I would like to refer yet again to the difficulties concerning the Civil Legal Aid Board which was set up in part in response to the Josie Airey judgement of the European Court and in part in response to the Pringle report on the provision of free legal aid. I have no doubt that very many people have been helped greatly by the law centres of the Civil Legal Aid Board and areas of law have been developed considerably because we have legal aid in some areas of civil law now. However, it would be a grave error to imagine that the fact that we have the Civil Legal Aid Board means that everyone has reasonable access to the courts with full legal advice. The reports of the board, in particular a recent report under the chairmanship of Vincent Landy, have shown that the board feel themselves to be hamstrung by lack of funds. There is the impossibility of starting new centres, employing new solicitors and expanding the service so that it is available not just in Dublin but in the whole country.

There is the difficulty of cutting down on the present extreme severity of the means test which affects people who are looking for legal aid. This has reached the stage where large numbers of people who are dependent on social welfare payments only are excluded from receiving legal aid under the scheme. This seems to be a contradiction in terms. The number of solicitors employed has been hit by the bans on recruitment, even though this is a new area where workers are desperately needed. When solicitors left for one reason or another they were not replaced because of the ban on public service recruitment. This meant that certain centres have not only not improved and expanded but have decreased in effectiveness and power of numbers. Therefore, I ask that particular attention be paid to this area.

Regarding education and the Department of Health together, I welcome many of the moves made by the Department of Education concerning equality of education as between girls and boys, but I suggest that this is best done by moving towards co-education and community and comprehensive education throughout the system. Equality in education as regards both people from different financial backgrounds and equality between girls and boys can mean positive discrimination in certain areas, not just lack of negative discrimination. With regard to the provision of special schools, again referred to in the Schedule to the Bill, there remains the acute problem of young persons who are no longer children but who are suffering from severe mental handicap. There is still a very grave shortage of residential places and non-residential places for people who appear to be adults on the outside, but are still severely mentally handicapped and need constant care.

The Department of Defence is mentioned in the Schedule and again I emphasise that we need expenditure and a good provision for our Army and our Defence Forces. We have our traditional policy of neutrality and independence in this area. Once again recently there have been murmurings that we were being pushed towards joining NATO and the nuclear club, as it were, and I emphasise the need for the Government to remain faithful to the policy of neutrality and independence which this country has pursued. For that we must be prepared to provide properly for our Defence Forces.

Finally, with regard to the development vote for the Third World, this country has made a very generous contribution to relief of the famine in Ethiopia. However, we must remember that as well as generous private giving we need continuing State contributions particularly in areas looked after by organisations such as Gorta where we are investing in promotion of agriculture and development in these countries, so that the necessity for famine help will no longer exist.

Finally, in regard to the Department of Energy, seemingly the last on the list in the Bill, here we could see a fruitful collaboration between private interest and public enterprise. I would hate to think that a doctrinaire commitment to having nothing but public enterprise in this area would prevent us from creating these fruitful collaborations which may be of considerable assistance, particularly in providing energy in local authority areas in the new developments for natural gas, for instance. I hope that the Minister for Energy will not find himself so hung up on the idea of public enterprise that he will be unable to agree to a genuine collaboration between private and public interests in this area.

I think that much that I have said — and there is a great deal that I have not said — shows that much remains to be done. I do not think that a great deal is to be gained from indulging in jeremiads against the Government and blaming them for everything, but they must recognise that it is clear from talking to ordinary people and from opinion polls and so on that there is a considerable loss of confidence among the public at what the Government are doing. They need to be seen not just to be cutting back but also to be looking forward.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

It is 5.30 p.m.

Senator McDonald, who has been sitting patiently here this afternoon, might like to take possession.

Senator McDonald rose.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 5.30 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

The Appropriation Bill provides Members with the opportunity of commenting on the various aspects of administration for an entire year. While I admit that the past year has been most difficult for the Government, the very open approach that the Government have taken to the whole problem of administration has been a welcome change. Most people will admit unemployment is our most difficult problem but in this regard the positive approach of the Government and the work of the Minister for Labour and of the Minister of State, Deputy Birmingham, have yielded considerable success, not least of which has been in the area of the various schemes that were introduced to help young people.

A couple of years ago many young people who found themselves unemployed or who were unemployed school leavers waited in anticipation of the Government or public authorities providing suitable employment. The introduction of the various schemes — the youth employment scheme, the employment incentive scheme particularly and the environmental scheme — has resulted in many young people, most of whom are now highly qualified and highly skilled, adopting a new approach to the problem of work and work practice. A few years ago if these people were being offered jobs or even being interviewed for a job they would first ask what the remuneration was and then if there was weekend or Sunday duty involved. Now the vast majority of people are glad to work. They are making a great success of the chances they are getting. I am not saying that all of those who embark on an employment incentive scheme will be successful and will be able to go it alone, but they are making a determined effort to do that. There is perhaps greater emphasis on the private sector and the need for people to make a go of that private sector. What I particularly like about those schemes, though they are operated and devised by the Departments of State, is the great flexibility that is built into them. Among the five or six schemes in operation, there is almost one tailor-made for any idea that a young person might have. I am not saying that the schemes are perfect but the Departments and the public officials involved are open to innovation and to change and to trying to streamline the effort.

Great credit must be accorded to the community councils and those public spirited people who are giving their time and their energy in assisting in the organising of these schemes. They contribute towards giving a new outlook to the thousands of people who are participating in the schemes.

Listening to some of the Opposition Members, one would think that unemployment was a problem or indeed an evil confined completely to the Republic of Ireland. That is not so. I do not think there is any country that has not a problem of unemployment to some extent. This problem prevails in the United States, in all of the countries in Europe, in the USSR, I am sure, and in China and Japan. Even in some of the Eastern bloc countries where the rules are not altogether as easy on people, irrespective of whether they are employed, as they are here, there is under employment.

I would like to compliment the Minister for Finance on the success of his policies to date. Most people tend to look on any Minister for Finance from a negative point of view. Nobody likes to pay additional taxes or levies or duties or whatever but the Minister has the unenviable task of levying the necessary taxation to run the country's administration for a full year. In many countries — for instance, in Italy — there are both a budget Minister and a Finance Minister. The budget Minister has really got the difficult job because he has to raise the taxes.

The policies that are pursued by our Minister for Finance and the Government would appear to have achieved considerable success. They have clearly reduced the Government borrowing in the past year. They have reduced our level of inflation by almost 50 per cent. They have reduced the size of the current budget deficit. In addition, Government policies have improved our balance of payments and our competitive position on the external markets. If one considers the numbers of people in full time employment one finds that the policies have assisted in stabilising the total employment picture.

The new youth employment scheme and the enterprise allowance scheme have made a significant contribution to the overall situation and have given a new inspiration to very many young people despite the fact that practically every week one reads headlines in the papers, both national and local, of closures in the main private sector enterprises, factories of one kind or another. It is a source of tremendous regret when an old established family firm goes to the wall.

I was reading an article in the November issue of the magazine Success and I would like to quote the by-line which is about the questionable liquidation and the disturbing closure of Keenan Brothers. The article says that:

Investigation: Companies are going to the wall every day in Ireland, not with a bang but with a whimper. The facts that have come to light concerning recent closures raise serious questions about some company downfalls. In a recent investigation SUCCESS revealed the alarming background to the collapse of Mirror Mirror. The story of Keenan Brothers is even more disturbing.

Mr. Frank Fitzgibbon who wrote the article concludes the long disturbing article by saying

The Keenans affair raises a number of serious questions, most of them ethical. Should a bank be allowed to take taxpayers' money to pay off its loans?

The tenor of that article suggests that that firm should not have been put into liquidation at all as the assets seemed to more than match the liabilities. If that article was not true why were Frank Fitzgibbon and the magazine not sued by the people clearly indicated in the article? It raises the question of closures and our system of liquidation and receivership. If a company is in a financial crisis why should the lending agencies and the banks be the only people who do not lose when the firm goes out of business? In too many of the closures that we have witnessed in the past two years the final blow has come because the banks or the lending agencies have withdrawn credit facilities. In many cases the only people who lose out in a liquidation are the original shareholders. It is sad to see a family firm going down because of a few bad debts. It is time that our legislation was reviewed to ensure that the lending agencies do not get preferential treatment when it comes to liquidations. Why, for instance, should the ICC, which is a semi-State organisation, have a preferential claim on the capital of Keenan Brothers, a steel firm, over and above a claim by another semi-State organisation, Irish Steel, if they happen to have been creditors. I am quite sure that if the lending agencies were not in the position of being the first to recover their losses they would not be as fast to pull the plug.

Last year in a number of cases FEOGA grants were paid directly into the banks and then the banks just closed off the account. The grants are not designed just to pay bank loans. The IDA do not come out of this recession with clean hands either because of their delay in paying grants to assist small industries. Businesses should not have to have bridging finance in order to keep an industry going while the IDA and the FEOGA people take up to a year to decide whether or not to pay a grant. Once the business is operating and the expenditure has been made the grant should be paid promptly. The IDA should also be more open to earmarking at least some of their budget to risk capital for firms which should get a chance.

Very often the people who appear on the site, the people who appear to take the decisions as to whether or not to grant assistance, are very young and immature. They do not take account of the effect of their decisions on many families or on skilled workers who wish to make a contribution to our economy. I hope the Government will look closely at this problem and review the situation and place greater emphasis on the need to retain greater employment opportunities.

The Appropriation Bill is not the ideal opportunity to talk about agriculture, because agriculture forms a very small percentage of the amount of money we are considering under this Bill. Last year was a difficult year for the agricultural industry. I compliment our Minister and Ministers of State on the effort they have put into their job. Minister Deasy and indeed other Ministers did a marvellous job in negotiating the milk super-levy. It was a pity that it was slightly spoiled by the numeracy difficulties that occurred somewhere. The biggest problem in agriculture is that we as farmers do not know exactly where we are going. The Minister of State, Deputy Connaughton, is our foremost expert on land reform and we look forward to the necessary reforms to bring land usage into the second half of the eighties. However, I find it difficult to keep between the white lines when I hear people, including the Minister, saying that we have to do something about the millions of unproductive acres.

I live in the heart of the nation, a rather poor and proud part of the country. While in contemporary history we may not have raised a tremendous number of banners, our history over the centuries is very honourable and fine. I would have difficulty in finding in County Laois any land that is unproductive, which is fallow or not being used, with the exception of the land in public ownership whether it is land used by Government Departments or land growing thistles, docks and ragworth for the county council. They are mainly sites, and I suppose the council do not get around to spraying them as they should.

Many people who own wild gardens constantly bemoan the fact that all the vegetables they buy in the supermarkets have been imported. Where do we stop or where do we start? You do not have to have a degree in agriculture to grow a couple of stones of potatoes in your back garden, or a few drills of cabbage, carrots and onions. It takes the very minimum of effort. Traditionally, up to the past three, four or five years, all county councils provided an acre or half an acre with each cottage plot. The majority of people tend these plots and put them to some use, but some of them are breeding grounds for thistles, dock and ragworth. We are very selective when we are criticising. People talk about the fact that we import £40 million worth of vegetables. Most people who are queueing up to buy highly graded and expensive Dutch carrots or Israeli celery could grow their own vegetables at home if they allocated an hour or half an hour of their time each week to the garden.

Earlier this year when we were discussing the question of the farm tax, some spokesmen were so bold as to say there should be a tax to ensure that farmers utilised their land to the full, that they should be penalised for not getting the last stone of barley, or the last cwt. of beet, or the last gallon of milk. I am waiting for the day when ACOT, An Foras Talúntais and the scientists — whom we have in abundance — get around to advising farmers on how to provide top quality produce, having regard to the markets which are available to sell them. There is no point in producing milk if the super-levy adds 100 per cent or more to the price of a gallon of milk. I am producing beet for the sugar company this year at £5 per tonne. It was a good summer and that is a little over the quota.

When people glibly say farmers should be producing more from the land, I should like to ask where it is to be sold. Every cold storage in this country is bulging with intervention beef. I am not saying that we should stop producing but people who have this advice to offer should look at the market and they should be guided and advised. I have a strong objection to the scientists who are there with their advice at the drop of a hat. They have their big salaries which, even at the minimum, would be four times the salary of an Irish farmer as shown in the national farm survey this year. We should be realists when speaking about agriculture and agricultural production. I know there is tremendous room for improvement but what we lack and what we have always lacked is a long-term policy.

I hope that in the new year the Minister for Agriculture will be able to reach an agreement with the Irish Veterinary Union so that there will not be a disruption in the service. As a farmer, I would like to retain the right to nominate the practitioner of my choice to look after my herd, big or small. While the Department of Agriculture give a great service, they do not own the national herd. We are entitled to retain that ownership.

During the course of his excellent speech Senator Ferris dealt in some depth with the question of disease eradication. While I agree with most of what he said, he did not differentiate between two things. The same situation has prevailed over the past number of years. The same vets tested for brucellosis and that campaign was ultra successful. The same people, the same farms, the same cattle were involved in the TB testing and in the brucellosis testing. For the senior Department officials to say now that the Irish Veterinary Union or the farmers are to blame because they were indolent or did not carry out the testing properly is a rather shallow argument. We should not look for scapegoats. I hope the Minister will redouble his efforts to get a consensus with the Irish Veterinary Union and to ensure that there will be no breakdown in the services we enjoy. I have every confidence in the ability of the Minister and his junior Ministers. They are practical people and they understand the problem only too well.

The Government made progress in the Department of Agriculture during the year. I support Government policy on the Land Commission and on the new land policy. I appreciate the effort he is making. He has been more than open. He has had discussions with everybody involved who had a contribution to make. That will be shown clearly when the new policy is produced. I wish it every success. One of the problems is that we do not have a long term policy on agriculture. Another problem is the failure of people outside the actual agricultural industry to grasp the economics of agriculture as expressed in the living expenses of thousands of small farmers. The Ministers understand the situation right across the country.

The Government introduced a novel housing scheme this year. The proposals in the document Building on Reality are imaginative and I think the targets set will be achieved. I compliment the Government on the new £5,000 grant for first time buyers living in local authority houses. It is relatively generous. People can qualify for the £1,000 grant for first time buyers as well as the £3,000 mortgage subsidy and then this £5,000. This is a sizeable inducement and lightens the load on people who want to provide for themselves and are prepared to face the daunting task of meeting loan repayments over a 25-year period. There is certainly an element of reward for such people.

The health services are always in the news but in a very negative way. The health services we enjoy at public, semiprivate or private level are second to none in the world. There may be one or two very new types of operation which are not available here but the skills of those engaged in our health services are first class. Long may this continue. We are fortunate that most people live reasonably close to a hospital, even those in rural areas. When the health boards were first established there was talk about regionalisation and closing down certain hospitals, but it has been realised that it is most important to retain the county as a unit. Irish people like to be near family and friends when they are sick and it is important that hospitals should be within reasonable reach. I am glad the county hospitals have not been closed and have simply been re-named. Services have been improved in all these hospitals and this is much appreciated by the public.

The services provided by successive Governments through the Department of Social Welfare leave most other countries in the shade. Our services compare very favourably with those of our nearest neighbour or the services provided in the United States where people enjoy unemployment benefit for only a number of weeks until they are on their own. Irish people wish to provide for those who are ill or unemployed. The percentage of national income devoted to health and social welfare is the highest in any EC country. I hope this will continue to be the case.

There is an increase in the Vote for the Department of Justice. The Garda have been under scrutiny — some might say attack — during the past year. The public can have every confidence in the force and in the public spirit displayed by gardaí. Confidence in our system of justice and fair play is most important. The vast majority of people will come up against our justice system for something like crossing a white line or, if they are unlucky, they may be caught at the end of a breathalyser bag.

I can say from my experience in County Laois that the Garda are attracting the cream of Irish manhood. There are three gardaí from County Laois serving regularly in the House. They are athletic, highly intelligent and well educated. There is no difference in the system of recruitment in my county as compared with any other county and people who denigrate the Garda must not know any member of the force. They are all from our own families. I was saddened during a debate last month to hear general comments which belie the facts. I am confident that highly intelligent, well balanced and well educated young men and women will continue to serve law and order in the proud tradition which has existed since the foundation of the State.

Youth employment schemes are designed to facilitate the widest cross section. The youth enterprise allowance scheme has brought to the surface an impressive community spirit. This country needs a boost from ordinary people who want to ensure that we continue to make progress. I welcome the new scheme to provide several days employment for the long term unemployed. They will be free on the other days to engage in any other work. This scheme will be very beneficial. The unemployed find it difficult to cope with being idle and want to work. Many people object very strongly to people signing on for the dole and working at the same time, but this scheme will give at least 10,000 unemployed people the opportunity of becoming involved in community or parochial effort while at the same time leaving them free to take on other employment. The Minister's intention is that people will be paid about £70 per week at the low rate of PRSI and they will be expected to work 20 hours per week. I know this is experimental but I hope there will be a good response.

The Government's policies in the plan Building on Reality will stand or fall on the attitude adopted by the public service and the next few months will demonstrate the sincerity and the depth of patriotism in the public service. From meeting people in the public service almost weekly for the past 24 or 25 years I have come to respect them highly. They are excellent at their job and senior civil servants know everything about the regulations and legislation with which they are dealing. However, there is the problem regarding the attitude of their unions to the Government's policies. Having regard to the size of the service, the cost of every one percentage point increase given to them is frightening. I am not suggesting they should work for nothing but there should be a realisation of the importance of getting our economy into shape to ensure that there is greater equity for all, especially those on the lower rungs of the ladder.

I do not think it would be possible for any Government to increase the burden of taxation. I am glad that in the programme the Minister for Finance has indicated clearly his intention of reducing that burden and also reducing the percentage of overall taxation as expressed against gross domestic product. I hope he will be able to do that but if the bills for running the public service continue to shoot up the money can come only from more borrowing or taxation. There is not much point in having a policy aimed at reducing that borrowing if we have programmes that mean there will be increases in taxation.

It is time we had some reform of the Seanad. While I am not advocating new legislation, nevertheless it is worth mentioning, having regard to the Forum report, that if we are thinking of a joint assembly or a tripartite assembly we should think in advance of resiting the Seanad. Thus it could be merged at a future date into any new assembly that might be envisaged by the Forum, or its successor, if there is a successor. It is important that we look at the usefulness of the Seanad and, while I am not advocating a new Constitution——

The Senator is coming close to it.

Not at the moment and there is hardly time for it in the present programme. However, we should look at the usefulness of the present House. Incidentally, I wish to compliment the Leader of the House, the Cathaoirleach and the Leas-Chathaoirleach on the fact that this House has been very busy recently. The number of sitting days this year will be the second highest since 1937. It is a good trend but more could be done. The Seanad needs an independent site.

I should like to compliment the Minister of State who deals with the Office of Public Works and the staff on the wonderful restoration job carried out on the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham.

The Minister of State is in hospital and we wish him well.

I am sorry to hear that and I hope he will not be there for long. I know that the money spent on this project during many years may sound high but during my six or seven years in Europe I was very impressed by the restoration work carried out on many old chateaux in various cities and in rural areas. I had occasion a few weeks ago to attend one or two EC meeting held in the Royal Hospital. It is a most impressive building and is second to none in Europe. I hope that appropriate use will be found for it. It shows the tremendous craftsmanship the Office of Public Works can call on and I hope that their work will continue in this instance.

In a more down-to-earth vein, I should like to ask the Minister for Finance to give the rivers Nore and Barrow a higher priority with regard to arterial drainage. The land along the banks of the rivers is flooded for five months each year and it is high quality land. Thousands of farmers cannot work it because it is flooded from October to May each year. In the light of the progress of the Office of Public Works with regard to the Boyne river, I should like to see them give some attention to the rivers Nore and Barrow.

The Appropriation Bill involves a huge amount of money. It shows the complexity of the Government services in the various Departments. I may be misunderstood when I say that in some Departments expenditure could be greater but, at the same time, I know there is scope for savings in many areas. A new policy has been promised in the Department of Fisheries and Forestry. Again, we are back to the area of State-owned lands.

The Department of Fisheries and Forestry have achieved much for forestry. They have taken the poorest type of soils, hilly and in the lowlands and in boggy regions, yet they have succeeded in growing some fine forests. However, we missed the mills and the factories in which to process the timber we have grown in the past 40 years. The Department successfully have grown the forests, they have cared for them on a shoestring, but they have not had the home market. In the county I come from, Forestry have taken one-tenth of the area of the county yet employ fewer than 100 people. I do not think that is right. I think it is the fault of the Department of Finance. We have a natural resource, and projections for the next 25 years indicate that there will be a shortage of timber and timber products in Europe and perhaps worldwide by 2010. I do not think that has made allowance for the damage from acid rain throughout Europe which possibly may change the projection in our favour.

There should be much greater expenditure on that Department and I hope the Minister's policy will be matched by the necessary finance to increase employment in afforestation. If the Government are not planning to increase the number of workers, an exception should be made here. In the public service the sectors capable of economic production should be left outside the scope of retrenchments and I suggest that the person who is responsible for the recruitment embargo should be made responsible. The forests are growing wild because three people must retire before one is taken on and this is not in the national interest.

The standard of forest husbandry should not be dropped. You cannot argue against the fact that if you drop the workforce the standard of maintenance and husbandry must fall simultaneously. We have about 160 sawmills in the country but the processing plants are scarce, and I ask the Government to question seriously the need to have the private sector coming into the picture to help to process the timber coming on stream from our national forests. The State should move in to build the necessary factories. The policy of the Department of Fisheries and Forestry to sell off green timber to the one or two plants in existence at clearly uneconomic prices is bad. I do not think the product of 40 or 50 years work should be sold off to keep one or two obscure plants going. Greater thought should be put into it and I am disappointed that we have not had a new policy document from this Department. It was promised more than 15 months ago.

The Bill gives us a chance to go through the famous book that will become a millstone for this nation in the next ten years, namely, Building on Reality. It would have been better named if it were called “Building on Unreality”. There are so many “ifs” and “buts” which must happen simultaneously that it would be impossible for them all to happen at the one time. I regret I was not here for the Minister's speech, but having read it I suggest it is hyprocrisy to suggest that some of the statement he made are serious. Take his statement that the public finances are in order. They are worse than they have ever been. That has been proved in recent weeks. He said Government borrowing has been reduced substantially. It is higher than it has ever been. He said the Government had reduced the size of the current budget deficit. Budget deficits are much bigger than they were during the period of the last Fianna Fáil Government.

The Minister and Government came to power on a policy of putting the country's finances on a proper footing. Instead, they have made the problem much worse. They cut the level of inflation by one half per cent. Again the Minister is claiming something which is not a reality. When he came into office the rate of inflation was falling due to Fianna Fáil policies in office for only a short time in 1982. The Minister said the Government have transformed the balance of payments position. It was very easy to transform that because if one studies the value of the Irish currency against European currencies and the dollar one can see that our export values are up because of weak currency.

The volume is up.

No matter how hard Senators opposite try to hide the fact, what I have been saying is the truth. I agree that the volume is up——

The Senator should not encourage interruptions. He should go through the Chair. It is the longer way round but it is the safer way.

I agree it is the safer way. I did not behave in the same way when other Senators were speaking. Particularly, I did not interrupt Senator McDonald. The Minister said that the Government had significantly improved our competitive position. If so, why have so many people joined the dole queues in the past two years? He said they had stabilised total employment. Does he call reducing the workforce by 4,000 people in the last month stabilising employment? The Minister has had the audacity to try to pull the wool over the eyes of Senators and the Irish nation. It is time he returned to reality instead of talking about building on reality.

Let us take Government borrowing. It has increased in the past two years and the fact that the Government have decided to borrow on the domestic market in the past three or four months has caused interest rates to rise to the detriment of business, of agriculture and every industry in the country. The recent increase in interest rates was mainly due to the Government's domestic borrowing. We noticed in the plan, Building on Reality, that the need for recourse to foreign borrowing would be greatly reduced as would pressure on the domestic financial market. Rather than that there has never been so much pressure on the financial market at home. They were supposed to be the plans on which that national plan was built.

Government policy in regard to increases in value-added tax have caused the queues about which we read every day on the Border by people who go shopping in Northern Ireland. The simple reason is that our rates of VAT, some as high as 35 per cent, are killing certain sections of the business community, for example, the electrical and hardware businesses which have been crucified by such increases. The result is that one can go to Northern Ireland, buy products and import them legally — even if they exceed the legal limit per item — pay the VAT on them and still have a cheaper item than can be bought at home.

Recently we had evidence of Government policy with regard to saving some semi-State companies. The one that springs to mind immediately is Irish Shipping Limited which the Government decided to put into liquidation when they foresaw a situation in which the Irish flag would be pulled down from Irish ships in foreign ports. Is this the type of Government we shall have to suffer until November 1987? The ordinary person in the street will not stand for this type of action. We are all aware — in regard to Irish Shipping Limited — that 12 months ago the Government should have decided to renegotiate the chartering agreements entered into by that company. Rather they decided they would cut them adrift while their boats were on the high seas. That action has damaged the nation irreparably as far as foreign borrowing is concerned. Government guarantees from Ireland will not now be worth the paper on which they are written. When other semi-State organisations attempt to borrow abroad for capital investment they will be asked, "If anything goes wrong with you, shall we have the same problems as were encountered with Irish Shipping Limited?" The result will be that they will not be allowed borrow abroad except at exorbitant rates.

Government policy has killed all business incentive. One must ask, who will invest money here any longer? From what we have seen over the past couple of years nobody is prepared to invest hard earned money in a country with an erratic Government, to put it mildly.

Unemployment has been growing on a regular monthly basis. Yet the Minister tells us that it has been stabilised. How can a country like this maintain almost 250,000 people on the dole, which is what the figure is very close to at present? There is no way our taxpayers will be in a position to provide social welfare benefit or assistance for those numbers. One cannot expect them to do so because the PAYE worker is finding it sufficiently difficult to survive at present on his net salary. Indeed there have been so many indirect taxes imposed in the past two years they are unable to maintain anything like their standards of living of previous years. It was sad recently to hear reports of the chief executive of a leading organisation say that we should be educating people for emigration. Who wants to see anybody having to leave the country in order to create a future for himself or herself? But if the Government are not prepared to take immediate action people will be forced to do so when the net result will be that the same position will obtain as in the fifties, under a previous Coalition Government, when many of our relatives were forced to emigrate because the then Government were not prepared to take the appropriate action to create the necessary employment at home.

Our greatest wealth is in our young, educated people through the free education at second level, introduced by the late Donough O'Malley, which was one of the greatest initiatives ever taken here and meant that everybody was given the chance of a good education if they wanted to avail of it. It has done much for the country, ensuring that people were reasonably well qualified to take up positions arising from the industrial revolution of the late sixties and early seventies. Are we now going to allow all of that investment to leave on boats or on 747s from Dublin Airport for New York because that is what is happening? Let nobody be under any illusions. We are exporting our young people who are seeking employment when we as a nation should be endeavouring to create an atmosphere conducive to the creation of employment.

We have seen cutbacks in the Public Capital Programme over the past two years. Much previous planning has been put on ice and the méar fada has become a useful tool of the Government. In their famous national plan we see that everything bears a 1986 tag. It is almost like telling somebody, "I will not be here to implement it, I will try to leave the job to be done by somebody else". It was very sad earlier today to hear a Minister for Industry tell us about all the jobs which had been created by small industry over the last weekend. I could barely listen when he talked about jobs because some of them are two years old and some have gone. It is sad that a Minister would stoop so low in order to con the public, telling them where jobs have been created. When one checks out the facts one finds that some of those companies — because of the recession and present Government policy — have been forced to allow some employees to become redundant. Except in the case of major new companies I had always thought it IDA policy that such announcements be made by one of their executives. I suppose this is a simple case of an endeavour to create a distraction as far as the public are concerned. Unemployed people in those areas mentioned as having received these jobs will be searching through their local papers, or going to Manpower or other organisations in an endeavour to fill such posts and they will find that this is not the position at all. Many such programmes have been in existence for the past two years and some companies have been forced to allow employees on to the dole queues because of our present economic situation.

Value-added tax rates are killing the retail trade. That was very evident from the submissions made to the Joint Committee on Small Businesses when they saw the problems being created in the retail and distributive trades. The problems being created by the larger chains, who force suppliers to offer terms not given to the domestic retail trade, constitute unfair competition. It is most unjust that a grocer who remains open seven days a week should not be offered the same terms as the multinationals or chain stores who open at hours suitable to them only, those that are best from the point of view of business, whereas the small retailer is often forced to work unsociable hours while receiving no aid at all for so doing.

The public service was mentioned by Senator McDonald, a sector which has been classed as constituting secure employment for a long time. One must ask what is happening there at present? The answer is that the better people are leaving because they see no future for themselves. If anybody cares to look at the numbers of executives who have left, or are in the process of leaving, he will see that the brains of the public service are leaving because they cannot expect to reap the same rewards as they would if employed in the private sector. We all agree that it may be secure employment but what employment is secure now under the Government? The only people who are sure of what they are at at the moment are the poor, unfortunate unemployed because they know that the Government are not prepared to take any action which will improve their lot.

The Government have made cuts in school transport and have slowed down the programme of school building. Many of the programmes, and the proposals, have been put on the long finger. I mentioned earlier the fact that the Minister was announcing the opening of industries which were two years old. It is bad to see the Minister for Education going around in a helicopter reopening schools that were opened two years ago and doing so at the taxpayers' expense. That is sad but it is true. If all Ministers have to do is go around the country doing that type of work it is a sad reflection on what they are doing in their Departments. Some civil servants may laugh but that is a fact. If one checks this in the Department of Education one will see it happened recently.

The Senator should not attack civil servants or make any reference to them whatsoever.

It is very bad form that a Senator is not allowed to make reference when somebody starts to laugh when something like that is said.

I do not think anybody laughed at the Senator. I did not see anybody laugh.

I do not believe any civil servant laughed at the Senator or anybody else in this House.

That is where we disagree. Our university students are being prepared for emigration. We should look at the numbers of people who have left university over the past few years and have been forced to emigrate. The brain drain is being allowed to continue. The money invested in these people by the State is being lost to the country. Our education programme should be geared towards the education of people who will be able to enter the high technology field because that is the only future left for us. The people who are avoiding becoming unemployed at the moment are mainly those in the high technology field or those who are skilled and have a trade.

Not much has been said about some of the proposals in Building on Reality, such as increasing third level fees and school transport charges. Building on Reality states that this is part of the programme for the next two years. The idea may be to put third level education beyond the reach of many people. It is sad that the Labour Party, who are supposed to represent the working class, can sit at the Government table and allow that to be put into any plan for the future.

I should like to refer to agriculture. Earlier Senator McDonald mentioned the good job that was done on the super-levy but we all see where the super-levy has ended up. Had the Minister stood his ground earlier in the discussions on the super-levy we would not have had a super-levy as far as Ireland is concerned. I do not think there is need for the dairy farmers of Ireland to pay for the factory farmers of Holland as far as milk production is concerned.

We did not keep farmers sitting on the steps of Government Buildings.

Indeed, Senator Loughrey would not know too much about the farming situation anyway.

I know enough not to lock them out of Government Buildings and put them in jail then. Does Senator Ellis remember what the leader of his party did on that occasion? Was the Senator around at that time?

I may not be as old as Senator Loughrey but I remember that.

We will have to have a new education programme to educate the Senator on these matters.

I could tell the Senator more than he might want to know about that time if he wants to go back that far. The statistics supplied to Europe by the Government were not in order. The net result is that we are faced with a problem. Not alone are we down to 4.6 per cent of the 1983 level but that has been greatly reduced due to the fact that the returns from Bailieboro Co-op were not included in the Government's statistics sent to Europe. Who was responsible for that? Was it the Central Statistics Office or the Office of the Minister for Agriculture? Whoever was responsible has a lot to answer for to the dairy farmers. We heard recently that the collection of the super-levy had been suspended. What the Minister should press for at this stage is that the super-levy idea be dropped because there is no way the Irish dairy farmers will be able to achieve the same output as their European counterparts mainly due to the fact that their European counterparts are in a position to get cheap cereals from third countries at very low prices.

With regard to the cuts in the farm modernisation scheme, we were promised that we were going to have the grants back in 1984. We were promised that we would have them in 1983 but now we are told we might have them in 1986. That shows that the Government are not committed to agriculture. The biggest crime of all is the demolition of the Land Commission. The Land Commission are being abandoned and thrown to the wolves. The net result is that there will be no control over who may purchase land in the future until such time as the Government decide to bring in some type of replacement organisation. It appears also that when that legislation is introduced the Minister will be the controlling figure, which was not the position under the Land Commission. I would hate to think that any Government Minister would have total control over the organisation which will be dealing with land. I do not agree with the action of the Government in telling the Land Commission over the past month that a number of their employees were to be let go in Christmas week. Many people who have worked with the Land Commission down the years were made redundant last Friday. Many of them were told that their employment was being terminated. It is being terminated when the Land Commission still have large tracts of land throughout the country not allotted, large tracts of land which could be divided among smallholders to help provide them with farm sizes which would leave them with some hope of eventually earning a living from the land.

The lack of Government commitment to farm development is obvious. When one withdraws the incentive one kills the encouragement which is necessary to give to farmers to get them to develop their farms. Many recent actions have led to a widening of the rural-urban divide. It is sad to think that that situation was allowed to arise because we all know that irrespective of whether one lives in Dublin or in rural Ireland we are all Irish people who should be working for the betterment of the country.

There are a few other points with regard to the farming scene which are worthy of mention. The fact that sheep farmers will not receive the premiums due to them now and will have to wait until March or April is a bad move on the Government's behalf.

What about the night the Senator mentioned, the Donegal by-election?

Santa Claus will not bring them the grants for Christmas.

Santa Claus promised many things and he never brought them. This is another case where Santa Claus will not be doing his job.

Is it in order for the Senator to refer to the Leader of the Opposition as Santa Claus?

I am glad Senator O'Leary's sense of humour is good today, because I recall a few months ago when it was not so good. I am glad his razor sharp wit is back again.

If the Senator is here tomorrow he will see that it will not be so good either.

There are promises made to agriculture by way of increased payments for 1986 in the plan. The fact is that our present livestock numbers are not sufficient to meet the contracts available. That was proved today when we read in one of the national papers that a leading meat exporter and factory owner bought factories outside the country to fill some of his contracts. The western drainage scheme carries a 1986 tag too. Many of the things in Building on Reality are pie in the sky because nobody knows who will be around to implement them in two years time. I have no doubt that the men who promised them will not be around if the electorate get an opportunity to remove them.

There is no mention at present of increasing the headage payments, except for beef cows in 1986. If one takes the inflation rate and adds it to £70 in 1986, there will be no incentive for anybody to keep extra cows for beef production. It is going to be very hard for Irish farmers to compete with their European counterparts and it is very easy to see why. Cheap capital loans are available to them and they have low inflation rates. Many of them are using the EC to their own advantage. It would be more important if our Ministers used the power of veto where there is any threat to our national interest in Europe.

In the famous plan it is stated that it is intended to reform taxation of farmers by introducing, from 1986, a farm tax based on adjusted acres to be collected locally for local government purposes and to yield double the amount paid by farmers under the present income tax system. It goes on to say that among full-time farmers only those with over 80 adjusted acres, that is, less than 10 per cent of full time farmers, will thereafter be required to make income tax returns and farm tax payments which will be at a rate of about £10 per adjusted acre, which in their case will be credited against their income tax liability so there will be no question of double taxation and that farms of fewer than 20 adjusted acres will be exempt from the farm tax. That, in my opinion, is a policy for disaster for the simple reason that local authorities will fill the courthouses trying to squeeze blood from a stone, because there is no way farmers will be in a position to make those payments whenever the demands are made on them. It is a simple case of the Government using a slip-shod remedy to get themselves out of the spot they found themselves in when preparing the plan. That is one element of the plan which will never be implemented.

There will be no more adjusted acres in Leitrim than there will be in Donegal.

Senator Loughrey must not know about the big farmers in the Finn valley, who are his neighbours.

They are far away from my constituency.

In the plan there is a proposal to give local authority tenants a £5,000 incentive towards providing their own homes, as well as the other grants. This is a good move, but would it not also be of benefit for people providing their own houses if, instead of getting a grant of £1,000, they were given £3,000 or £4,000 so that they might be able to overcome the problem of providing their own homes? This sort of grant incentive would take many of the people, who are living in very poor conditions, off local authority housing lists. This is one thing the Minister for the Environment could look at. The tenant purchase scheme is also outdated and should be looked at but I hope the Minister will set about increasing the grant as well as allowing the mortgage subsidy to remain.

Every day we hear of massive cuts in the budgets of the various health authorities. Every health board is looking for money. They are all short of money. It was sad to hear a Minister say on radio this morning that people are playing politics as far as health cuts are concerned. The fact is that the health services are being cut back and let nobody be under any illusions about that. As public representatives we all have people coming to us looking for health board services which a few years ago would have been available to them without having to come to public representatives to get them. The dental service is in chaos. Hospital wards are being closed down. Our health services are being set back ten to 15 years. The improvements in the health services that were provided by a former Minister for Health in the 1977 Fianna Fáil Government have all been eroded by this Government. A number of hospital extensions were shelved — one in my own constituency where the health board had planned to build an extension to Sligo hospital, but this has been put on the long finger. The result is that there are beds in corridors and the hospital is forced to provide a reduced service because the facilities are not available to the staff. We also have the problem of health charges and people are unable to pay them. Although they may not qualify for medical cards, they are not in a position to pay the health charges and the levies. There should be some system of waiver introduced to allow hardship cases to be dealt with in a sympathetic manner by the health boards.

There is mention of a national lottery for sport. We already have one national lottery, the Irish Hospital Sweepstakes. I hope when this national lottery is introduced it will be run by the Government, and not by private individuals and that the money from it will be put into sport and not put into any other area.

The action taken by the Government in recent weeks regarding the cuts in the grant-in-aid to the community games is a retrograde step. For the second successive year they have not been given increases in line with the rate of inflation although it would help young people at school to develop an interest in sports activities which can play a major role in improving their health in later life. Ministers are more worried about a Family Planning Bill than they are about anything else as far as health is concerned. It is a simple case of flying the kite, getting somebody to run after it and seeing how long we can keep the people away from the realities of life.

A few weeks ago, I tried to raise in the House the recent appointments to the Forestry Advisory Commission of people who had a vested interest in it. One of them is a brother-in-law of the Minister for Education and if anybody here wants to know anything about him or his companies let them come and see the trouble they have caused to small farmers in Leitrim. They can check the court records and see how many small farmers he took to court and if he paid his expenses.

I do not think it is fair to attack people who cannot defend themselves in the House.

I did not mention anybody by name.

You described who his relations were and it is not fair to attack people who cannot defend themselves.

I do not mean it as an attack but it is fair that people should know——

I would love you to define an attack. I would not like you to attack me.

We were often on the receiving end too. People with vested interests should not be appointed to boards advising the Government. It is a retrograde step and not in the best interests of the people. Private afforestation will force many small farmers off the land. We heard various platitudes about the number of jobs that would be created. However, Senator McDonald said that as 10 per cent of County Laois is under forestry only 100 jobs will be created, which kills the myth that forestry will create jobs in that area.

If land was taken over by the Land Commission and divided among small farmers it could help to create viable farms instead of the situation where the financial institutions and pension schemes are providing the finance for this as a way of investing their money. There is a need for the development of timber processing to make full use of what is grown here. It is sad to see timber from forests in the north-west being exported to Sweden for processing. There is sufficient timber in that area to provide a supply for a timber processing industry and I hope that the Government will examine the possibility of providing it.

The Government's record on social welfare is not one of which they can be proud. They have imposed great hardship on many smallholders all over the country, especially in disadvantaged areas. People come to tell us, as politicians, about the social welfare officer calling unexpectedly, catching them unawares and deciding that their unemployment should be reduced. In many cases those people needed the income from unemployment benefit to keep bread on the table. It is not Government policy to take a lenient view with regard to unemployment assistance paid to farmers. It was introduced as a supplementary to allow people to live on their small farms and if present policy with regard to unemployment assistance for farmers in the disadvantaged areas continues, there will be a bigger demand on the health boards for supplementary allowances to keep those people from starvation.

It is a question of equal treatment of social welfare recipients whether they are unemployed or small farmers.

Senator McAuliffe-Ennis seems to think their allowance should have been cut. No doubt she has not too many smallholders in County Westmeath.

They would not be getting it if they were not in need of employment and available for employment. Changes are due early in 1984 under the guise of an EC Regulation with regard to pension payment and we will be inundated with people coming to our clinics trying to get back money which they will lose under those changes.

Old people are being mugged and murdered and it is sad to think that Irish society has fallen so low. Nobody can disguise the fact that it is a reflection on the sort of society and times we are living in that people are taking that type of action in order to gain money. The Criminal Justice Bill was debated in this House recently. I was glad to see that last week the Minister for Justice said he believed that there should be better training facilities for gardaí and Garda recruits and that they should get longer training. I and a number of other Senators made that recommendation on the Criminal Justice Bill. I am glad that the Minister realises that that should be done because it will provide a better back-up service to young people who are joining the Garda Síochána. It will mean that gardaí will be better trained to deal with situations in which they may find themselves in when dealing with the public.

It is sad that many of the people who are sentenced to prison terms are not kept in jail because there are not sufficient facilities to hold them. I hope that the Minister will set about providing the necessary facilities to make sure that people who are sentenced to imprisonment will serve their full term. At present these people are not afraid to mug and rob on many occasions. They know that as soon as they go back to jail, they will be released again.

I suppose the worst legislation that we will have seen from the Department of Justice as far as the last 12 months is concerned is the Courts Bill. The proposals there to give somebody who is beyond retiring age and who is taking up a position in another court an extra pension is, to put it mildly, showing that we do not care much for our unemployed. There is no need for me to elaborate on the other appointment of last week, because time will judge that.

The problems of Northern Ireland were mentioned by the Leader of the House during his contribution to the debate. It is sad that there is a need for the development of better co-operation between the two communities in the North and the people of the South. I would hope that whatever attempts would be made by the Government would be aimed at bringing the three communities closer together and that the policy of the British Government at the moment, which seems to be one of keeping Northern Ireland divided and the two communities as far apart as possible, would be condemned as far as southern politicians and the Government are concerned.

I would ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs to examine the possibility of providing an approved cross-Border crossing in north Leitrim. There were a number of crossings which were demolished by the British army when they blew up two bridges some ten years ago. I hope that the Government will see fit to bring pressure to bear on the British authorities to have one of those crossings, at least, replaced because that action kills the co-operation that existed in that area between North and South. Those are some of the points that I would like to make in this debate. I hope that nobody feels offended with what I have said but they are the facts. It may be hard for some people to understand, but in conscience I was bound to make the statements that I made. I hope that some of the things that have been said here today will be taken into consideration by the Government when formulating policy for the next two years.

The general economic situation has been dealt with in some detail by other speakers and I will address my remarks to State spending in areas of job creation, educational training and general infrastructural development. I would like, first to wholeheartedly welcome the introduction during the year and the immense success of the enterprise allowance scheme which enabled many unemployed people to establish themselves in their own enterprises. For many of these people, founding and running a business would have been impossible without the safety net of this scheme. I want to congratulate the imagination shown by the Minister for Labour and the Government in this scheme and in the social employment scheme which is to be introduced early in the New Year and for which we had Second Stage of the Social Welfare (Amendment) Bill today.

This scheme will enable local authorities and other voluntary agencies to undertake much needed social and environmental work which otherwise would not be carried out. More importantly, it would enable many long-term unemployed people to contribute in a practical way to their own communities and regain what is most valuable of all, their experience of work. I acknowledge that part-time training and part-time jobs are not a comprehensive answer to the problems of unemployment that we, as a country and as a people, face — not, may I say, uniquely so because the same problems are faced by the entire developed world. These schemes are of immense help to individuals and to families who are demoralised and beginning now even to lack basic hope. They also place us as a society in a much improved situation to take advantage of the economic upturn which it is hoped will come. When this comes, one of our most important assets is to have trained youth ready to take up the jobs that will then become available.

The practical results of training schemes for communities are visible throughout the length and breadth of the country. I had the privilege only last night of attending the official opening of a magnificent new community centre for the St. Martin's GAA Club in Piercetown, Wexford, and the pride of that community was so evident. The support of all the people of the community was required to achieve that, together with the aid and assistance of the Youth Employment Agency, for which each of us are paying our 1 per cent levy. The real value of projects such as that are to be seen, first, in the imparting of practical skills to the young people who actually built those premises and, second, in enabling that community to have a resource in the parish for permanent training for young people in the practical skills of life and social and personal development.

We have a responsibility to provide, in so far as resources permit, the infrastructural conditions to enable our people to take advantage of these economic improvements. The kinds of infrastructure I am talking about are in terms of roads, communications, power, and sewerage schemes. We must now spend resources to provide not only the jobs that will spin off from them, but also to enable us to take advantage of making ourselves attractive to both foreign and domestic investment.

Our road networks have been the butt of much comment of late. They must be improved and I am glad to see recognition of this fact in the Government plan, Building on Reality, with accelerated investment accounting for £420 million over the next three years. In direct employment terms, that means some 5,900 workers who will be employed in road construction and many more in spinoff jobs in supplies and other industries. Projects such as the Wexford bypass will result in easing traffic congestion in that town and all the other towns that are scheduled in the plan. It is hoped that it will make our towns more attractive centres for shopping and speed the life blood of any economy, the carriage of goods up and down the roads of Ireland.

May I equally welcome the ministerial approval given recently to the Wexford main drainage scheme and take the opportunity of urging all haste in finalising the technical details of this most urgent project. Although the total cost of the scheme will be in the region of £7 million, the benefit in direct employment terms to the community of Wexford will be immense and the enhancement of the town itself will be of great significance.

When we talk about improving infrastructure obviously education must be a priority within the ambit of State expenditure. Young people are — at least we repeatedly say this — a valuable resource and that statement must be backed up with practical action. We must be seen to recognise it and provide the resources, financial and otherwise, to meet their needs.

I welcome the recognition of primary education as a priority in the Department of Education. The provision this year of some £½ million for special expenditure in disadvantaged areas is exceedingly welcome. It is welcome as a precedent but is totally inadequate in itself in addressing and hopefully eliminating the disadvantages suffered by many children coming into the primary system of education. I urge the Minister for Education to find extra resources to tackle fundamental inequalities in our society, inequalities that have been underlined repeatedly this year in reports and studies. Many children who come into our schools are socially, materially and linguistically deprived and disadvantaged and only a comprehensive family support service will be adequate to address the dire needs of these children.

To be honest, the sort of sticking plaster service currently provided by the Departments of Education and Health are just that: a sticking plaster answer which will not fundamentally break the cycle of disadvantage that anybody who goes into our schools will see, not only from brother to sister but unfortunately from generation to generation. The older children leave school and go on to get married and you see their children coming back, equally deprived and equally disadvantaged, and so the cycle goes on — a cycle that we have a responsibility to address. We have not begun to do that.

The social support services are inadequate. We operate on a fire brigade basis, touching the surface without making any real or dramatic impact on breaking the cycle. I am aware that the real cost of tackling this problem will be significant but I contend that the social cost of not doing that will be even greater. Many of the problems we contend with in the education service which we try to alleviate through remedial education and later on the problems we face in the areas of vandalism and crime could be addressed at a very early stage, with comprehensive, adequate family support service units based in every country.

I must voice my concern at the abrogation by the State of their responsibility to provide a comprehensive infants' programme and the handing over of these responsibilities in many instances to private unregulated pre-schools. Clearly the State should provide these services. We should have a three-year State controlled, State sponsored infant cycle within our State schools, manned by properly trained, properly regulated teachers within the school system. Resources have to be found to meet those needs. The sort of investment at the very earliest stages of our young people's development would be richly rewarded in benefits upstream.

Staying within the area of education I will comment briefly on the development of regional technical colleges. The importance of regional technical colleges for communities by providing a third level facility is immense in many ways. It attracts technologically advanced industry, it provides an incentive for many of our talented young people to avail of third level education — young people who, because of their social conditions, family background and the ethos in their homes are not normally attracted to leave home and travel, whether it is to Dublin or to other centres to avail of third level education. Centres of population if they can justify it in terms of pupil numbers, should be provided with this valuable resource. It is obviously of great concern to me and to the people of County Wexford that no such facility exists within that county of 100,000 people. That is in part to blame for the chronic unemployment which my county endures. I appeal again for an urgent review of the case for a regional technical college in County Wexford. The case is well proven. The demand is there. All that is required is the approval in terms of resources allocation.

The development of new structures of management at second level education is becoming a very sensitive subject as more and more small schools and vocational schools seek extensions or new premises. Clearly the democratic control of the vocational sector must be maintained and expanded. Realising that moneys in all areas are limited, I suggested some time ago that industry, since it is a prime beneficiary of third level education, should be asked to contribute financially to the educational system, particularly those industries who rely heavily on university graduates and on research and development to carry on their business. In similar vein I questioned the justification of State subsidies for private secondary education when resources are so desperately needed to combat disadvantage and inequality in our society. I request the Government to look at these areas.

I mentioned transport in the context of our road system and complimented the Government for recognising the importance of improving our road system.

Debate adjourned.
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