Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 Feb 1990

Vol. 123 No. 17

Release of Nelson Mandela: Statements.

Mr. Lanigan

I rise with a feeling of joy to welcome very much on my own behalf, and I am sure on behalf of the House, the fact that Nelson Mandela has been released from custody after 27 years. He was the longest serving political prisoner that I know of. To put it in perspective, I got married in 1961 and Nelson Mandela has been incarcerated for most of that time. Indeed, a son of mine won a national essay competition in 1978, when he was 15 years of age and the title of the essay was "Apartheid is a crime against humanity". In that essay he mentioned the fact that at that stage Mandela had been incarcerated.

A lot of things have changed since 1978. There is now hope on the horizon that there can be political change in South Africa which would be of benefit not alone to the African National Congress but indeed to everybody in that country which has been buffeted over the past number of years because of the racist policies of the ruling white minority there. I think we can hope that in the coming months there can be a reconciliation between people of different political viewpoints and different colours in that beautiful land of South Africa. "Reconciliation" is the word that has been used by Mandela since his release after many years in custody. In welcoming the release of Mandela, a leading member of the majority political grouping, we must not forget that it took unbelievable courage on behalf of De Klerk to release him. Since Mandela has come out of prison, he has shown that he is willing to work with his people to ensure that South Africa becomes a place of reconciliation and that the South African economy can benefit not alone one section of society but that there can be a reconciliation of minds so that the economic situation for the majority black population can be improved to the point that their standards equal those which the white minority groupings have enjoyed for the past number of years.

There are, of course, people on both sides of the political spectrum in South Africa who will use the release of Nelson Mandela for their own ends. There is within that country a desire for peace, a peace which will give hope to people there, irrespective of their colour or religion, and that a community will emerge which will be of benefit to everybody. There are huge problems to be confronted — social, educational, commercial, and also in the field of transportation. These problems might seem to be at this stage insurmountable, but, if both sides work together, it will give hope to what is a beautiful country.

Nelson Mandela epitomised a struggle and the need to continue a struggle for what he believed in. There were times when he could have possibly got out of jail if he had bowed down to the demands being made by Governments in South Africa, but he did not do so because he believed in the right of his people to play a major part in their own country. Politically speaking it is a time of hope throughout the world. I am sure that events in South Africa and Eastern Europe will be looked at very carefully by people closer to home, people on our own island, who will ponder the fact that in South Africa a political, economic and social system can emerge which accommodates people from every part of the political spectrum and of all colours.

I welcome the release of Nelson Mandela and I pray that the extremists will realise that his release is not going to have the enormous devastating effect on the economy of South Africa that a lot of white supremists would like to see. To his wife, Winnie, who has stood by him through all the trauma of his incarceration, and to his family, we send our good wishes. The case of Nelson Mandela will not be forgotten by those who want to see peace and reconciliation in the world. I would again like to place on record the fact that this House welcomes the release of Nelson Mandela and hopes that it results in a peaceful future for South Africa.

Mr. McDonald

On behalf of the Fine Gael group of Senators, I am happy to join with the Leader of the House in welcoming the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela. I would take this opportunity of wishing him, and indeed all the peoples of South Africa, peace, happiness and success. President De Klerk deserves appreciation and support in what he has started — the democratisation of his country. I believe the Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey, spoke for all of us when he said that Ireland rejoices that Nelson Mandela is free at last and that by his indomitable courage he has demonstrated once again that the human spirit cannot be vanquished. This has been a tremendous year for freedom and democracy. Our only hope is that people who gain some freedom, and the rights and privileges that go with it, would also be fearful of the responsibilities that are so closely bound up with democracy.

I hope the action taken by President De Klerk will encourage his Government to move rapidly ahead with reforms to dismantle that barbaric system of apartheid. I do not for a minute underestimate this problem. There is a huge problem in bringing about deep-rooted changes in any country. For the last year and a half our Government had great difficulties with the fishing licence legislation. We do not have to contend with racism or xenophobia. We do not have to contend with five different races, as the Leader of the House outlined. The President of South Africa has huge problems and a huge task. We must wish him success and congratulate him in taking those first difficult steps.

The tragedy of South Africa is grossly underestimated. I had the opportunity of passing through a portion of that country on two occasions while attending development and aid meetings in Lesotho. It is a fine country with a special climate, rich not just in mineral resources but also in people. Nowhere in the world would one see such tremendous specimens of manhood as the Zulu tribe. I have for many years admired the work of Chief Buthelezi and his efforts in his difficult fight.

During the FitzGerald Government Ireland took a unilateral stand on fruit and vegetables produced by the prison population or by prison labour. We took that step as an act of solidarity and Europe as a whole should adopt the same policy. From that point of view I was very glad to hear the Taoiseach, as President of the European Community, outline the unanimous policy of the European Community on this issue.

The courage displayed by Nelson Mandela during his long imprisonment and the example shown by him must have convinced many members of the white minority in South Africa that they could no longer oppose the forces of democracy. I hope there will be no delay in the discussions between the majority and the minority which would help bring peace to that troubled, but beautiful land. What we want now is a continuation of the process which started with the unbanning of the ANC and the freeing of Mr. Mandela. The next stage is the lifting of the state of emergency and then the long difficult task that will bring about the dismantling of apartheid and the introduction of true democracy in South Africa. In the struggle still to come, Mr. Mandela must have the support of all democratic-minded peoples in the world.

I would like to place on the record of the House a statement from the Association of West European Parliamentarians for Action against Apartheid on the release of Nelson Mandela, and I quote:

AWEPAA welcomes the actual release of Nelson Mandela, 9 days after the announcement by South African President de Klerk, as a major success in the struggle for the final dismantling of apartheid and a positive step in the process of creating a suitable climate for fruitful negotiations on the abolition of apartheid.

It is still necessary that the South African Government takes some further steps in accordance with the demands, repeatedly put forward by both the South African opposition and by the international community, like the European Community (in its 1986 statement) and the General Assembly of the United Nations, (in its unanimously adopted resolution of December 14, 1989). This means amongst others:

—the release of all political prisoners and detainees, without imposing any restrictions on them after their release.

—the complete lifting of the State of Emergency in all its aspects, and the repeal of all other legislation, circumscribing political activity, such as the Internal Security Act;

—allowing political activities without further restrictions by all organisations and persons proscribed/ restricted thus far;

—removal of all troops from the townships;

—the abolition of the practice of detention without trial;

—full abolition of media restrictions, including the ban on pictures of "unrest situtations" on TV;

—abolition of the "homelands" policy, including forced removals of people to and forced incorporation of areas into "homelands";

—abolition of the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act and the Land Act.

Consistent pressure on South Africa by the world community, in the diplomatic, military, economic, sports and cultural fields has contributed to the current achievements, which are primarily the result of the resistance of the South African population against apartheid.

AWEPAA fully agrees with Mr. Mandela's call on the international community to continue the campaign to isolate the apartheid regime because by lifting sanctions now we would run the risk of aborting the process towards the complete eradication of apartheid.

The past ten months has been a very hopeful period for freedom and democracy not just in eastern Europe but also in South Africa. My hope is that this particular movement would spread to Central and South America. As the Leader of the House, Senator Lanigan, so rightly said, let us hope that this new era of hope will extend to the problems in our own island as well. The time is right for politicians of both sides in Northern Ireland to find areas of common ground. On behalf of my colleagues, I want to wholeheartedly support the proposal.

Acting Chairman

Senator Cullen.

Professor Murphy

Should the Independent Senators not come next in the order of priority?

Acting Chairman

No. The procedure is to go across the House.

Professor Murphy

Is the Senator not of the same party?

Acting Chairman

No. He is a member of the Progressive Democrats.

Mr. Cullen

Thank you acting chairman for recognising the Progressive Democrats as being a separate party from Fianna Fáil. I would like to join with the Leader of the House and indeed the other speakers in welcoming on behalf of the Progressive Democrats, the release of Nelson Mandela. If he stands for one thing, it is the indomitability of the human spirit. He is, without question, a man of great dignity and enormous courage to have withstood the past 27 years and to re-emerge into the world a free man. The courage and leadership qualities which he still possesses, after 27 years in prison, are very encouraging, not alone from the point of view of black Africa but also of white Africa.

The role that Nelson Mandela may play in the weeks, months and years ahead is obviously an extremely pivotal role and a very important one. As somebody who lived in Africa for a number of years in what was then Rhodesia under UDI and who has seen the transformation of that country, perhaps I feel a little closer to the situation than other people. I got to know the Africans as they are in reality as opposed to our impressions of them in the hallowed halls of Parliament. Indeed, there can be a great difference between impressions and reality. I look forward with great hope to the total abolition of apartheid. The system is disintegrating and the total capitulation of the apartheid system itself is only a matter of time.

It was very heartening to witness the other night not just the release of Nelson Mandela but also the "Panorama" programme on BBC on which we saw Pik Botha, the Foreign Minister in South Africa, sitting down with members of the ANC, the UDF, the PAC and Inkatha, discussing in a forum of political debate the future of that country. That was an extraordinary sight to behold and already one can see areas of apartheid disappearing. Obviously, not all of what we want to see disappear overnight has disappeared, but the state of emergency in South Africa must disappear immediately — there is no question about that — as indeed must all of the other restrictive practices of the apartheid régime. It is understandable, in the euphoria that surrounds the release of such a world figure as Nelson Mandela, that one tends to get carried away perhaps and over-excited and begins to imagine that Utopia may have somehow arrived in that country particularly for the black Africans but also inded for the white Africans. That is not the case because there is an enormous amount of work still to be done, and I am looking to the Irish Presidency and to our Taoiseach, as President of the EC, in this regard. Never has any country assumed the Presidency at a time of such unbelievable turmoil in international affairs, considering events in Eastern Europe and South Africa at present. I hope our Taoiseach will become an active participant on the international scene rather than play a passive, defensive rôle. With the risks that President De Klerk has taken in South Africa, I am deeply concerned that he is on extremely thin ice, so to speak, and may not at this point have the full support of the white African population. He needs that support to continue as quickly as possible down the road to reform. There is a very definitive rôle for the international community to play in that regard.

One matter that is being spoken about at the moment is the question of sanctions. While it is correct to say there should be no movement in the area of sanctions until such time as changes begin to take place in South Africa, it behoves the EC and indeed other countries — I will speak specifically because the Taoiseach is President — to give some indication as to what might be the outcome if certain conditions were met in South Africa. We should support the movement forward which President De Klerk is trying to bring about. Not alone is he trying to bring the Nationalist Party down the road to reform but also other white dominated parties in South Africa. I know that as I speak here this evening the fear among the white African community is absolutely enormous — one could not begin to describe it in this Chamber. I imagine it could only be described by the people who live there. It is not a fear of being dominated by black Africa; it is a fear generated by what the outcome of these changes will be and what the future will be for those people who are five and six generation African. They are looking, indeed grasping, for signals from the international community that they are not going to be forgotten in the rush to democracy. They should be encouraged to dismantle the abhorrent régime of apartheid, but there should be a reward for it.

While it would perhaps be easy for me and other Senators to stand here and be bitter over what has happened in the last 20, 30 or 40 years — and nobody can justify it — we must look to the future. That is why I am asking that Ireland, during the Presidency, play an active rôle in the encouragement of the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa. I believe the Taoiseach, as President, should set out some criteria as to how he sees Europe move, given certain changes which are occurring simultaneously within South Africa. I do not think it is enough to simply say we will do nothing with regard to sanctions or indeed in any other area until such time as a whole range of conditions are met in South Africa. The reason I say that is out of fear that the position of President De Klerk would be weakened and the opportunity for rapid change lost. I have no doubt, in reading between the lines and looking at the reports on television, that there is a relationship in existence between Nelson Mandela and President De Klerk. President de Klerk said he trusts Nelson Mandela and I think that trust is reciprocated. The international community must build on that trust. Therefore, it is only by playing an active rôle, rather than a passively defensive rôle, that such change can be brought about.

In the past I have met Oliver Tambo, the recognised leader of the ANC for the last number of years, and indeed many other members of the ANC. I would say to them, as I would to everybody, to get involved, to become part of the future of South Africa, to be constructive in the debate and to recognise the genuine fears of a large section of the population — black, white, coloured and Indian — all of whom are represented in South Africa. Everybody should work together for a democratic country in the interest of all the peoples there. In conclusion, I look forward to the debate here next week on South Africa when we will have more time for an exchange of views. Again, I welcome the release of Nelson Mandela and encourage the Taoiseach, as President of the EC, to play an active role, a leadership role, which I believe is required from the international community, in supporting President De Klerk and Nelson Mandela in their efforts to bring about peace, harmony and a democratic society in South Africa.

Professor Murphy

I welcome the opportunity to speak on behalf of the University Senators and I trust that nothing I am about to say will command dissent from any one of them. I speak because I represented to them that I might not be in a position to contribute to the debate next week, I also exploited my seniority and finally there was a toss of a coin. I know that Senator Brendan Ryan would like to have spoken also on this occasion, and I very freely yield the palm to him in terms of his involvement with the anti-apartheid movement. It has not been one of my fields of activity; I am at best only a passive supporter of that movement. Therefore, I want to thank him and my colleagues for giving me this privilege today.

My first reaction would be to support those who have said they are prompted once again in this matter to stress the need to have an Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs. This matter comes up again and again. It simply is not enough to say, as I think the Leader said earlier, that we have many opportunities in this House to debate foreign affairs, many more than the Dáil perhaps. That is true. But there is a stature and a prestige about an Oireachtas Joint Committee that is unique in our structures in the Oireachtas and I would once again lend my voice to those who are demanding that such a committee be set up.

One of my first reactions to the release of Nelson Mandela was that simply I was glad he was out of jail. More and more I am coming around to the view that locking up people for long periods for whatever crimes, no matter how heinous, is somehow obscene. If at this stage of civilisation we cannot handle our trouble makers in other more civilised ways, then we really have not progressed at all. I regret the confusion a while ago, but it was quite genuine. For a moment I thought you were going back to Fianna Fáil, a Chathaoirligh, and I regret the identity mistake I made in regard to Senator Cullen. I would like to say how much I relished his contribution and the constructive proposals he made about where we go from here. I think the average television viewer was struck most of all by the extraordinary serenity and mobility of a man who has been locked up in jail for a large portion, nearly half of his life. There is a remarkable lack of rancour or bitterness on his part — no hint of vengefulness whatsoever. After all those years it is truly remarkable that his vision of liberation for his own people remains steadfast. That was to be expected but what is almost breathtaking is the fact that he is equally resolute in his bright vision of a harmonious and peaceful future for his beloved South Africa.

One of the reasons I was anxious to speak here on behalf of my group today was that we in Ireland have a particular historical interest in the situation now facing the peoples of South Africa. In the early 1790s, nearly 200 years ago, we had a situation in this country which was in some respects uncannily similar to the position now in South Africa. We had an entrenched and privileged minority, a disaffected and discriminated against majority, because the Penal Laws were our apartheid in this country. Senator Cullen used the word "fear". The Protestant ascendancy in the early 1790s were a frightened minority. The best of them wanted to give civil rights to Catholics but not to the extent of losing their Protestant ascendancy. Even the noble sounding Henry Grattan said: "I urge the need to liberate my Catholic fellow-countrymen but not to the detriment of the Protestant ascendancy", although he went on to say other very noble things such as, "the Protestant can never be free until the Catholic has ceased to be a slave."

Today in Pretoria in the apartheid regime you have the liberal-minded whites who do want to give Nelson Mandela's people their freedom but, at the same time, they are up against the conundrum that majority rights might well mean majority rule and minority deprivation. That was the awful dilemma facing our peoples in Ireland in the early 1790s. They were unable to resolve it peacefully. There was no De Klerk on the Protestant ascendancy side. Henry Grattan, for all his periwigged posturing, was no De Klerk and there was no Nelson Mandela on the Catholic majority side. What resulted was the bloodbath of 1798 and what still exists is the alienation of Protestant from Catholic in this country.

We have a great deal of interest in what is happening in South Africa. Much of the problem in South Africa is still our problem in that regard. That is why we must wish them well in a way, perhaps, few other peoples in the western world have reason to wish them well. Let us hope then that President De Klerk will continue to be far-seeing and generous. Let us hope that Nelson Mandela and his colleagues will maintain that high level of statesmanship and generosity that we have seen in recent times. Last night listening at random to one of his other colleagues, I was struck again by the extraordinary largeness of mind which, I think, bodes well for South Africa. I am referring in this case to Mr. Murphy Marobe — as far as I know he is not one of our Murphys but that does not take in the slightest from his stature. I believe it is a moment of hope.

There is one other thing I want to say. In this House not so long ago on a proposition involving the imprisoned Nelson Mandela I expressed some reservations about the African National Congress. The phrase "armed struggle" for me has sinister connotations and I am still uneasy at the phrase "armed struggle". I hope it does not become necessary for the black, oppressed majority to have to resume armed struggle. As far as I can see there has been an intermission in this regard, thankfully, for some time past. It is obscene that the same phrase "armed struggle" should be used by the Provisional IRA who are a tiny minority having no mandate and who have access to parliamentary representation in a relatively liberal political culture. It is obscene that their armed struggle should be invoked in the same breath and in the same phrase.

Mr. Norris

Hear, hear.

Professor Murphy

Their armed struggle is no struggle at all. It is the bloody bludgeoning of their Unionist fellow-Irishmen into submission in a united Ireland. I want to sound that note as well.

Senator Cullen referred to the example of Zimbabwe and what has happened in Zimbabwe. Without knowing a great deal about it, I would suggest again that Zimbabwe is a beacon of hope in this situation. I hope it will be possible for black and white to learn to resolve their problems and to live together. Some way must be found out of this situation. "One man, one vote" in a common electoral role must not destroy the white settlers in South Africa who, after all, have been there a very long time and whose claim to have contributed to the building of that marvellous country has a great deal of substance.

On that note then I share the sentiments of my colleagues. This afternoon at least, before we get into any more complex discussion, this must only be a time for jubilation. Hallelujah, a Leas-Chathaoirligh.

Dr. Upton

I want to express my delight and pleasure at the release of Nelson Mandela. It certainly provides hope that we are on our way to seeing real progress taking place in South Africa. It is just one step, but it is an important step in the right direction. I should say that our party, the Labour Party, will not be satisfied until every single aspect of apartheid is removed. That removal will always remain for our party a fundamental key priority.

There is still a very long way to go in South Africa. Senator Charlie McDonald read into the record of the House a fairly grizzly list. I will not repeat them all but it might be no harm just to remind the House of one or two of the problems which still exist in South Africa, which he named. The state of emergency exists. There is the question of political prisoners. There is the question of detention without trial. There is the question of the restriction of reporting. Until these items are removed I think sanctions have to remain in place. The isolation of South Africa must continue and I sincerely hope the line will be held within Europe in seeing that that happens and that the Taoiseach will play a key role in seeing that that occurs. I also hope, and reecho what Senator Cullen said, that the Taoiseach will avail of the great opportunity which now exist to try to accelerate progress towards full equality in South Africa.

The release of Nelson Mandela is to a very important degree related to the use of sanctions and to the isolation of South Africa. His release must come as a great source of encouragement and, indeed, consolation to many people in this country. It must be a great source of encouragement that after all the years the work of those honourable people who have made up the Anti-Apartheid Movement in this country — and they are people who come from a variety of different shades of view in all the different spectra of views in this country — has to some small extent contributed to the release of Nelson Mandela. His release must also be a matter of great encouragement and consolation to the other honourable elements in this country, to those fine people who involved themselves on a point of principle and who got very little thanks for it. I am talking about those people who ran Dunnes Stores' strike over whatever dreadful length of time it went on. It must be a consolation to those people now to feel that to some extent their efforts are now bearing fruit in the release of Nelson Mandela. His release must also be a source of encouragement to those people who turned their backs on the opportunities to make large amounts of money in South Africa. They must have a feeling of having done something which was truly worth while. I am talking about those rugby players who turned down very inviting financial opportunities, to have a good time and a pleasant trip to South Africa which would have benefited their rugby prospects as well as benefiting them financially later on. I certainly hope that those people now feel a sense of reward. What they did was honourable and worth while. I hope it will be seen in the long run to have been the case.

Nelson Mandela is a Freeman of this city. His statue stands in Merrion Square. I had the wonderful experience of being there at the celebrations which took place last Monday afternoon. I certainly hope that Nelson Mandela will get an opportunity to come to Dublin so that he can sign the roll as a Freeman of this city. The members of the Dublin City Council who extended that honour to him must also feel a certain sense of pleasure and delight at his release. I hope that Nelson Mandela will get the opportunity of coming into this House or in to a joint meeting of the Oireachtas and that he will get the opportunity of addressing us.

In conclusion, I would like to say that I agree with Senator Cullen — apartheid is beginning to fall apart. What happened in Zimbabwe presents a considerable degree of hope. The transition there was relatively peaceful. It was as peaceful as many people could hope for. It was not anything like what the prophets of doom forecast. It is great to see the end of this awful system beginning to take place before our eyes. It has not taken place nearly soon enough and the speed at which it is going is not nearly fast enough for me.